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1
Lankov, Andrei N. "The Demise of Non-Communist Parties in North Korea (1945–1960)." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 1 (January 2001): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970151032164.
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This article, based on newly declassified material from the Russian archives, deals with the fate of non-Communist parties in North Korea in the 1950s. Like the “people's democracies” in Eastern Europe, North Korea had (and still technically has) a few non-Communist parties. The ruling Communist party included these parties within the framework of a “united front,” designed to project the facade of a multiparty state, to control domestic dissent, and to establish links with parties in South Korea. The article traces the history of these parties under Soviet and local Communist control from the mid-1940s to their gradual evisceration in the 1950s.
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Nisimov, Tomer. "The Role of North Korea in China’s Civil War: The Soviet-led North Korean Assistance to the CPC in the Northeast Theater, 1946-1948." Journal of Chinese Military History 9, no. 1 (March 2, 2020): 65–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-bja10002.
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Abstract Previous studies of China’s civil war have concentrated on different aspects and causes leading to the Communist victory and focused on political, economic, and military explanations. Few studies, however, have examined the features of foreign intervention and assistance to the Communist Party of China and their contribution to the latter’s success. Sino-Soviet relations and cooperation during the war have received the attention of several studies, but the role of North Korea in the war has remained obscure. As information regarding North Korea’s actions during China’s civil war remains largely inaccessible, few studies have debated the question of whether North Korea had ever deployed its forces in China’s Northeast in order to assist their Chinese comrades. Relying on military and intelligence documents from the Republic of China, this article shows how by the time of the Soviet withdrawal from China’s Northeast, the USSR had become resolute about turning North Korea into a militarized state in order to protect its own interests in the region and assist the Chinese Communists.
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Phipps, John. "North Korea—Will it be the ‘Great Leader’s’ Turn Next?" Government and Opposition 26, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01123.x.
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OF ALL THE REMAINING COMMUNIST PARTY STATES THE Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) would appear to have the most to fear from the 1989 democratic revolutions that swept Eastern Europe. The regime of Kim I1 Sung remains unmoved and unreformed, but is certainly not unconcerned about the events that have taken place among its former socialist bloc allies. To an outside observer the Pyongyang regime gives the impression of being almost frozen in time, with no real progress having taken place in either the economic or political spheres over the last twenty years. When the Ceauaescu regime in Romania crumbled amid bloodshed in the closing days of the 1980s, many analysts’ attention turned in great expectation to the autocratic regime of the world's longest-serving political leader. The epitaph of the Kim regime was being prepared in earnest. Although the last twelve months have hardly been reassuring for the Kim Regime, communist party rule has been maintained and Kim's personal standing inside North Korea remains intact.
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Dukalskis, Alexander, and Johannes Gerschewski. "Adapting or Freezing? Ideological Reactions of Communist Regimes to a Post-Communist World." Government and Opposition 55, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 511–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.40.
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AbstractThis article studies the ideological reactions of communist regimes to the advent of a post-communist world. It examines two cases of reformed communist regimes (China and Vietnam) with two relatively unreformed cases (North Korea and Cuba) to understand different legitimation strategies employed during and after the downfall of the Soviet Union. Theoretically, the article compares two ideal-type approaches to ideology in autocratic regimes. The first approach emphasizes semantic ‘freezing’ over time. The consistency and coherence of ideology is underlined. The second approach argues that the success of an ideology lies in its ability to be a dynamic, adaptive force that can react with changing circumstances. Four parameters help to distinguish the freeze-frame end from the adaptation pole: (1) the autonomy over semantic changes, (2) the timing, (3) the velocity and (4) the distance that an ideology moves. Using qualitative case-based analysis that is enriched with quantitative text analysis of communist party documents, this article compares these contending conceptions of ideology with each other in the four cases. Sharing similar starting conditions in the 1970s, the article shows how China and Vietnam harnessed a flexible legitimation strategy while North Korea and Cuba adopted a comparatively rigid legitimation approach.
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MacMillan, Catherine. "The European Union as a Totalitarian Nightmare: Dystopian Visions in the Discourse of the UK Independence Party (UKIP)." Romanian Journal of English Studies 13, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rjes-2016-0020.
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AbstractBased on an analysis of UKIP’s discourse on the EU, particularly that of leader Nigel Farage, this paper argues that the party depicts the EU in dystopian terms; in particular it compares it to dystopian narratives such as Orwell’s 1984, totalitarian communist regimes, Nazi Germany and ‘failed states’ such as North Korea.
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Song, Wonjun, and Joseph Wright. "THE NORTH KOREAN AUTOCRACY IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (May 22, 2018): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.8.
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The North Korean regime is unique among dictatorships because it is both long-lasting and highly personalized. We argue that initial factionalization of the regime, coupled with the presence of multiple foreign backers early in the regime, allowed the first leader to personalize the regime by first wresting power from the military and then subsequently curbing the autonomous power of the Korean Worker's Party. Using a measure of personalism constructed from historical data, we trace the consolidation of personal power in the North Korean regime and compare it to other communist regimes in the region to show how the evolution of personalist rule in these cases differed. We then explain this sequence of personalization in North Korea by showing how regime imposition by one foreign power, the Soviet Union, combined with military backing from a second foreign power, China, incentivized Kim Il-sung to consolidate personal control over the military and internal security apparatus by reducing the threat of military backlash.
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Yoon, Jeongran. "“Victory over Communism: South Korean Protestants’ Ideas about Democracy, Development, and Dictatorship, 1953–1961”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 2-3 (September 12, 2017): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02402016.
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This article complicates the traditional narrative of anti-Communist Christians in Korea, examining the history of anti-communism among them in light of their claims to support democracy and development. Changes in Christian thinking in Korea followed the end of formal fighting in the Korean War. The conflict transformed Korea’s post-colonial history into a developmental struggle, pitting communism versus capitalism in a deadly battle. From the mid-1950s, South Korean Protestants saw the struggle as a competition between two systems, not simply one to eradicate the North Korean regime. From this new perspective, they began condemning political injustice and corruption under President Syngman Rhee. The contradictions in the ideas of Christians were partly embodied in their support for the civil uprising that would topple the Rhee regime, but also in their endorsement of Park Chung-hee’s military takeover in 1961. South Korean Protestants assisted the coup’s central leadership and helped a totalitarian regime come to power. This paradoxical aspect within Korean Protestant history is closely tied to the unique characteristics of its anti-communism and how it evolved after the Korean War.
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Shen, Zhihua, and Yafeng Xia. "Chinese–North Korean Relations and China's Policy toward Korean Cross-Border Migration, 1950–1962." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 4 (October 2014): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00518.
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Making use of Chinese Foreign Ministry archives and provincial and municipal archives, this article traces the history of cross-border migration of ethnic Koreans from 1950 to 1962, especially the illegal migration of ethnic Koreans to North Korea (DPRK) in 1961. A historical examination of Koreans in northeast China demonstrates that the Chinese Communist Party attempted to achieve a workable policy toward Korean border crossers as well as a disposition to accommodate the DPRK's concerns and imperatives in defining nationality, handling cases of Sino-Korean marriages and exit procedures for ethnic Koreans, receiving Korean nationals to visit China, and dealing with cases of illegal border crossings. To this end, the Chinese authorities were pursuing larger Cold War interests, specifically the desire to keep the DPRK aligned with China during the Sino-Soviet split.
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Ivanov, A. Yu. "The Problem of Defining the Contemporary Border between the DPRK and China." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 34 (2020): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2020.34.90.
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When the Communist Party came to power in China and the People's Republic of China was established, the new Chinese leadership began to take steps to improve relations with North Korea. Immediately after the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), China and the DPRK entered into a number of agreements and treaties designed to strengthen the ties between the two states that embarked on the path of socialist development. One of the key agreements between China and North Korea was the conclusion of the “Border Treaty” in 1962, which became the guarantor of stability and security on the shared border; it also resolved previous border disputes between the two states. Making certain territorial concessions in the demarcation of the border the Chinese leadership acquired a reliable ally in conditions when China found itself in international isolation. At the same time, some South Korean politicians and scientists taking an interest in the “Border Treaty” concluded between the China and the DPRK expressed mixed views regarding the Sino-North Korean borders. They believed that the national interests of the Korean people were infringed upon by the demarcation of the border between China and the DPRK.
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Wolff, David. "Japan and Stalin's Policy toward Northeast Asia after World War II." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 2 (April 2013): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00335.
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This article begins by showing that Japan was central to Iosif Stalin's postwar policy in Northeast Asia. The article then examines how the emphasis on Japan led to actions in and with North Korea (and China), first to try to block and then to try to compensate for the separate peace and military alliance between the United States and Japan. The penultimate section recounts meetings between Stalin and leaders of the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) in the spring and summer of 1951. The article concludes by explaining how Stalin's meetings with the JCP fit into his policies in Northeast Asia as they evolved largely in step with U.S.-Soviet relations.
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Yang, Dali L. "China in 2002: Leadership Transition and the Political Economy of Governance." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.25.
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The 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party defined the policy agenda for 2002. Hu Jintao succeeded Jiang Zemin as Party general secretary but Jiang retained the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission. Politically, the Chinese leadership gave special emphasis to stability, and continued to combat the Falungong and crack down on dissent on the Internet. In the economic sphere, China enjoyed another year of rapid growth and largely complied with the first-year requirements of its WTO membership. Restructuring and regulatory reforms in major industries accelerated. In the face of major worker protests, populism dominated social policy, with greater assistance to the poor and a crusade against tax evasion by the new rich. Major fiscal reforms were implemented. China enjoyed stable relations with the world's major powers but its ties with North Korea came under strain.
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KONG, TAT YAN. "The Advance of Marketization in North Korea: Between political rigidity and economic flexibility." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 830–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000550.
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AbstractNorth Korea is a unique regime that has not followed the ‘mono-transition’ path (economic reform under modified one-party rule) of other surviving communist regimes (China, Vietnam, Cuba) in the post-Cold War era. Debates over North Korea's unique features (reluctance in economic reform, absence of political modification, international troublemaking) have generated two contending interpretations. The mainstream interpretation attributes North Korea's uniqueness to its regime's highly rigid political system (‘monolithic leadership system’). For the alternative interpretation, structural pressures and political calculus have driven the monolithic regime towards economic reform (‘marketization from above’), making it more convergent with the ‘mono-transition’ regimes, at least in the economic aspect. In support of the latter interpretation, this article will delve further into three contentious issues that represent the most common doubts about the advance of marketization in North Korea. First, how can the regime reconcile marketization with the interests of its ‘core constituencies’? Second, since ‘crony socialism’ exists, how does it influence distribution and productive activity? Third, how does marketization advance in view of the persistence of monolithic rule? In so doing, it will show how the sources of economic reform (structural factors and political calculus) have enabled the marketization constraints to be overcome.
13
Yufan, Hao, and Zhai Zhihai. "China's Decision to Enter the Korean War: History Revisted." China Quarterly 121 (March 1990): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013527.
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Thirty-seven years have passed since the Korean War ended in July 1953. The Korean War, which was one of the most dramatic events of the cold war, resulted not only in huge casualties on the two sides, but also in a deep wound in Sino–American relations which took more than two decades to heal. Vast amounts of research have been done on the war, but one important aspect–the motivation behind the decision of the People's Republic of China to enter the war – remains mysteriously masked, or at least unconvincingly explained.Why did Beijing involve itself in a military conflict with the United States, the world's most powerful country, at a time when the newly established regime needed to be consolidated? What were the factors that led the Chinese to decide that they had to enter the war on behalf of North Korea? It has been generally accepted in the west that the Chinese were motivated by a combination of Chinese xenophobic attitudes, security concerns, expansionist tendencies and the communist ideology. To what extent is this perspective historically correct? What is the Chinese perspective on this issue?The purpose of this article is to try to explain from a Chinese perspective the motivation of China's leaders in making such a momentous decision, as revealed by Chinese sources recently released in China.Historical RootsChina's decision to intervene in the Korean War on behalf of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) had its historical roots. It was the natural result of gradually developed animosity between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and what it regarded as the foreign imperialist powers, especially the United States, and of the fear of a threat from the latter.
14
Jang, Won Yong, Junhao Hong, and Edward Frederick. "The Framing of the North Korean Six-Party Talks by Chinese and North Korean News Agencies: Communist Propaganda and National Interests." Media International Australia 154, no. 1 (February 2015): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515400107.
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This article examines the subtle differences in news coverage of the Six-Party Talks by China's Xinhua news agency and North Korea's Korean Central News Agency from 2003 to 2007. The news agencies are the targets of propaganda from the various interests involved in the North Korean nuclear issue. The focus is on how the agencies framed the issue and whether the frames adopted by each reflected its country's dominant ideology and national interests. It was found that the two news agencies adopted frames for the issue that were consistent with the dominant ideology in their respective nations.
15
Ibrahim, Sheriff Ghali. "Chinese Diplomacy in the South-East-Asia-Region: An Eagle View of Inter-State Party Relations of Mainland-China and Three Communist States (North Korea, Vietnam and Laos)." Social Sciences 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3923/sscience.2010.33.44.
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Delury, John, Sheila A. Smith, Maria Repnikova, and Srinath Raghavan. "Looking Back on the Seventieth Anniversary of Japan's Surrender." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 4 (November 2015): 797–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815001631.
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Editor's Introduction: In mid-August 2015, Japanese prime minister Abe Shinzo gave a high-profile speech looking back at the Japanese surrender of 1945. Three weeks later, also to mark the seventieth anniversary of the end of World War II in Asia, China's Communist Party head and president Xi Jinping presided over a lavish parade in the heart of Beijing, which featured missiles and other Chinese military hardware as well as large contingents of People's Liberation Army soldiers and small contingents of troops from various other countries. Following up on a trio of essays in the August issue of the JAS, which looked ahead to events such as these, we now publish this special “Asia Beyond the Headlines” section made up of four essays that explore the meaning, for different individual or sets of countries, of Abe's speech and Xi's spectacle. This quartet of commentaries, by three political scientists and one historian, is designed to complement the last issue's contributions by historians Carol Gluck, Rana Mitter, and Charles Armstrong, as well as the historical photograph from seventy years ago that appears on the cover of this issue.The set begins with an essay by historian John Delury, a scholar trained in Chinese history and currently teaching in Seoul, who has written on varied aspects of East Asian international relations and notes, among other things, the curious fact that the representative from South Korea rather than from North Korea got the warmer reception from Xi during the recent Beijing spectacle. Following this comes Sheila A. Smith, a scholar based at a Washington, D.C., think tank, reflecting on the current state of the complex bilateral relationship between Tokyo and Beijing. Appearing next is a commentary by Maria Repnikova, a specialist in both Chinese and Russian affairs who was trained in political science and holds a postdoctoral fellowship in a school of communications. She writes on the increasingly close ties yet lingering tensions between Beijing and Moscow, as well as the way that official media has celebrated, while some users of social media have mocked, the symbolism of Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping presiding over recent victory day parades in their respective capitals. The series concludes with a commentary by Srinath Raghavan, a London-trained scholar now based at a New Delhi policy institute. He completes our survey of commemoration of the end of World War II with a look at the way recent parades revealed the Indian government's tricky position vis-à-vis Moscow and Beijing, as well as the relatively scant attention that India's significant contributions to World War II received, at home and internationally, during the season of commemorative speeches and displays.
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Perry, John Curtis. "Dateline North Korea: A Communist Holdout." Foreign Policy, no. 80 (1990): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1148581.
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Philipsen, Dirk. "The History of the North Carolina Communist Party." American Communist History 10, no. 2 (August 2011): 192–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743892.2011.597231.
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Armstrong, Charles K. "North Korea in 2016." Asian Survey 57, no. 1 (January 2017): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.1.119.
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Kim Jong Un further consolidated his leadership position at the Seventh Congress of the Workers’ Party in May, the first congress since 1980. Pyongyang conducted two nuclear tests and made advances in missile delivery, eliciting strong sanctions resolutions from the UN Security Council, first in March and again in November.
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Lee, Sunwoo. "Ideology Was A Uniform to Be Taken On and Off: An Anti-Communist Prisoner’s Survival from Manchuria to Korea to India." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 3 (October 26, 2020): 282–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-27030005.
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Abstract Chi Ki-ch’ŏl’s story reveals a man not driven by ideology, but buffeted by it. He began adulthood as a Korean exile in Manchuria, where the Japanese occupation army conscripted him. After Japan’s defeat in August 1945, he joined a Korean contingent of the Chinese Communist Army and fought in the Chinese Civil War. His unit later repatriated to North Korea, where it joined the invasion of South Korea on 25 June 1950. When U.S.-led forces of the United Nations shattered that invasion in September, he quickly arranged to surrender to U.S. troops. While in custody, Chi worked with Republic of Korea (rok) intelligence to organize prisoner of war (pow) resistance to their being returned to North Korea after the impending armistice. He enjoyed privileges as an anti-Communist in the pow camps, and hoped it would continue. Although an active anti-Communist, Chi judged that he would not be able to live in South Korea as an ex-pow. After refusing repatriation to North Korea, he also rejected staying in South Korea. But Chi would survive elsewhere. He relocated to India, where he thrived as a businessman. He chose the space of neutrality to succeed as an anti-Communist, where life nevertheless reflected the contentious energy of the Cold War. Chi’s decision demonstrated how ideology, despite its importance to him, was not sufficient to translate his rejection of Communist North Korea into a commitment to South Korea.
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Haggard, Stephan, Luke Herman, and Jaesung Ryu. "Political Change in North Korea." Asian Survey 54, no. 4 (July 2014): 773–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.4.773.
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During the succession from Kim Jong Il to Kim Jong Un, North Korea witnessed a revival of party institutions. However, the most distinctive feature of the transition was a succession of purges that replaced powerful figures from the Kim Jong Il era with new loyalists. The system remains personalist, but with strong reliance on the military and security apparatus.
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Sung, Minkyu. "Surveillance and Anti-Communist Authoritarianism in South Korea." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 486–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6592.
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In this essay, I argue that anti-communist authoritarianism has still survived into the 21st century South Korean public sphere, having been intensified in the idea of jongbuk. Jongbuk combines jong (to follow) and buk (North Korea) ideologically labeling people who are presumed to blindly follow, or be willfully serve North Korea’s totalitarian regime. People who are labeled jongbuk, pro-North Korea followers, are not only stigmatized and marginalized socially, but they are also subject to legal sanctions in their civic participation under the National Security Law. Especially under Park Geun-hye, daughter of military dictator and former President Park Chung-hee (1961-1979), I present how jongbuk has served as continued politicized commitments to national security and public safety used to justify the illegitimate and indiscriminate online surveillance and censorship of civilians and artists, as well as Park’s political opponents, to safeguard her regime.
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Cotton, James. "Whither the six-party process on North Korea?" Australian Journal of International Affairs 59, no. 3 (September 2005): 275–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710500231156.
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Aaron D. Purcell. "The History of the North Carolina Communist Party (review)." West Virginia History: A Journal of Regional Studies 4, no. 2 (2010): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wvh.2010.0013.
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HARA, FUJIO. "THE NORTH KALIMANTAN COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA." Developing Economies 43, no. 4 (December 2005): 489–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1049.2005.tb00956.x.
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ŁUKASIEWICZ, SERGIUSZ. "High treason. The activity of The Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius in 1930–1935." Journal of Education Culture and Society 3, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20121.82.93.
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The purpose of this paper is to attempt to explain the activities of the Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius during the fi rst half of the thirties of the twentieth century. The author’s aim is to show the organisation, theory and practice of this illegal party. Further-more, the intention is to present the activities of Vilnius police towards communist sym-pathizers and activists. Founded in 1923 in Vilnius, the Communist Party of Western Belaruswas a branch of The Communist Party of Poland. This organization like the polish communist party was illegal. Its aim was to combat the Polish state and to perform electioneering for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Although the name of the party could indicate a desire for independence of Belarus, in practice it was for the removal of the north eastern provinces of the Second Republic of Poland to the USSR. CPWB activity had a special dimension in Vilnius. As the region’s largest city and former capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Vilnus was home for many nations, religions and cultures. Moreover, Vil-nius was the most important fi eld for communist action. Given the number of inhabitants, industrialized multi-ethnic character, communists had the opportunity to develop wide subversive and conspiratorial work. In addition, the city was the great centre of production and distribution of communist publications, which allowed the spread of propaganda in both its administrative boundaries and in the Vilnius Voivodeship.
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Delury, John. "North Korea in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.74.
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North Korea slogged through 2020 in an effort to maintain public health and state power. Kim Jong Un’s hopes for an economic breakthrough were dashed by the COVID-19 outbreak in neighboring China, which posed an existential threat given the DPRK’s limited healthcare resources. Although swift sealing of borders helped prevent a crisis, keeping the country on national quarantine took a heavy toll. Information about internal developments was scarce this year, as demonstrated by the global media’s frenzied speculation in the spring that Kim Jong Un had died. Kim did scale down his public appearances, but convened frequent sessions of the ruling Politburo, often to complain about Party failings, and his sister Kim Yo Jong elevated her profile with tough messages for Seoul and Washington. North Korea remained inwardly focused to the end of the year, rebuffing South Korean entreaties at cooperation and ignoring the presidential election in the United States.
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Miró Quesada Rada, Francisco. "La dictadura como dominación política." Tradición, segunda época, no. 18 (January 8, 2020): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/tradicion.v0i18.2649.
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ResumenEn este artículo que titulamos La dictadura como dominación política, explicamos en qué consiste y cómo se organiza el uso arbitrario del poder a través de la forma de gobierno que el constitucionalista y politólogo alemán Karl Loëwenstain denomina con el nombre genérico de autocracias. Se refiere al autoritarismo y al totalitarismo que comúnmente llamamos dictadura y que los griegos llamaron tiranía. En otros términos, ambos son dos modalidades de autocracia. Cuando estudiamos esta forma de dominación política nos encontramos con una gran diversidad, pese a que hay algunos rasgos comunes. Esta diversidad se advierte en la monarquía, la autocracia que más ha durado a lo largo de la historia, pero que ahora se encuentra confinada en pocos países de cultura musulmana. También consideramos a las dictaduras individualizadas cuando un individuo, sin pertenecer a una aristocracia, concentra todo el poder como si fuera un monarca absoluto. Este sujeto puede ser civil o militar. Luego explicamos en qué consisten las dictaduras militares, cívicomilitares y el poder militar. En estos regímenes, igualmente, encontramos diversas expresiones políticas e ideológicas. Finalmente tratamos sobre las dictaduras institucionalizadas cuya máxima expresión es el totalitarismo, una forma política de dominación que se inició en el siglo XX y continúa en algunos países como China, Corea del Norte y Cuba. En esta categoría, aunque con una concepción ideológica distinta, están el nacional socialismo alemán y el fascismoitaliano. A las dictaduras de inspiración marxista leninista y maoísta se les llama comunistas; a nuestro modo de ver, un concepto equivocado porque el comunismo es la fase final del socialismo, una sociedad sin clases y sin Estado porque desaparece la dominación, y como esto no existe, en la práctica deberían denominarse dictaduras socialistas, o dictaduras socializantes; también podrían llamarse dictaduras en el socialismo realmente existente. No solo el totalitarismo es una dictadura institucionalizada, también hay formas institucionalizadas autoritarias, como el caso del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) mexicano. Cabe notar que en el caso de los países asiáticos, sobre todo en China, se ha acentuado el culto a la personalidad, fenómeno que había disminuido luego de la reforma de Deng Xiaoping; en cambio, esto ha sido una tendencia constante en Corea del Norte. Ello determina que predomine la voluntad del líder sobre la institución,como ha sucedido en diversos casos en donde las dictaduras burocratizadas de partido único han sucumbido ante el poder de un líder máximo. Un hecho que no sucedió en México porque estaba prohibida la reelección presidencial que duraba siete años. Concluimos afirmando que muchas de estas formas de dominación política, que predominaron durante largos períodos de la historia, como por ejemplo las monarquías, sucumbieron por diversos movimientos de liberación que optaron por formas democráticas de gobierno. Pero también decimos al final del artículo que existe la dominación al interior de la democracia en un régimen económico capitalista que predomina en la globalización y que impera por medio del neoliberalismo.Palabras clave: Dominación, dictadura, autoritarismo, totalitarismo, liberación.
AbstractIn this article, titled “The dictatorship as a political domination”, we explain what the arbitrary use of power consists of and how it is organized through the form of government, named by the German constitutionalist and political scientist Karl Loëwenstain with the generic term of “autocracies”. It refers to the authoritarianism and totalitarianism that we commonly call dictatorship and that the Greeks called tyranny. In other words, both are two modalities of autocracy. When we study this form of political domination, we find a great diversity, despite some common features. This diversity is evident in the monarchy, the autocracy that has lasted the longest throughout history but which is now confined to a few countries with a Muslim culture. We also consider individual dictatorships when an individual, without belonging to an aristocracy, concentrates all power as if he were an absolute monarch. This person can be civil or military. Then, we explainwhat military dictatorship, civic-military dictatorship and military power consist of. In these regimes, we also find diverse political and ideological expressions. Finally, we discussed the institutionalized dictatorships whose ultimate expression is totalitarianism, a political form of domination that began in the twentieth century and continues in some countries like China, North Korea and Cuba. In this category, although with a different ideological conception, are present the German National Socialism and Italian Fascism. Dictatorships with Marxist, Leninist and Maoist inspiration are called communists. In our point of view, this concept is wrong given the fact that communism is the final phase of socialism, a classless and stateless society due to the disappearance of domination. Hence, as this does not exist, they should be called socialist dictatorships, or socializing dictatorships. They could also be called dictatorships in the actual existing socialism. Totalitarianism is not the only institutionalized dictatorship; there are also other authoritarian institutionalized dictatorships such as the Mexican Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).It is worth mentioning that in the case of Asian countries, especially in China, the cult of personality has been accentuated, a phenomenon that had decreased after the reform of Deng-Xiao-Pin, but which has been a constant trend in North Korea. This determines that the will of the leader predominates over the institution, as has happened in several cases where the bureaucratized one-party dictatorships have succumbed to the power of a maximum leader. This case did not happen in Mexico because of the prohibition of presidential re-election, which lasted seven years. In conclusion, we can agree that many of these forms of political domination, which predominated during long periods of history, such as monarchies, succumbed to various liberation movementsthat chose democratic forms of government. Nevertheless, we also mention at the end of the article that domination exists within democracy in the capitalist economic regime that predominatesin globalization, and that prevails through neoliberalism.Keywords: Domination, Dictatorship, Autoritarisms,Tatalitarism, Liberation
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Song, Jae Jung. "The Juche ideology: English in North Korea." English Today 18, no. 1 (January 2002): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078402001050.
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An account of the use and teaching of English in one of the world's most isolated and reclusive states.An introduction, and a brief history of English in Korea before independence from Japan in 1945, then in post–1945 North Korea, followed by a discussion first of how North Korea's ideological and political imperatives gave rise to the elimination of English from the school curriculum, then of the subsequent reinstatement and promotion of the language. In North Korea English is taught not so much as the global lingua franca but as a means of idolizing Kim Il Sung and to promote his brand of Communist ideology. The article closes with brief comments on the future of English in North Korea.
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Hajimu, Masuda. "The Korean War through the Prism of Chinese Society: Public Reactions and the Shaping of “Reality” in the Communist State, October–December 1950." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 3 (July 2012): 3–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00246.
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A great deal has been written about the Korean War, but most of it has dealt with high-level decision-making or the experiences of combat units and soldiers. This article takes a different approach, looking at the reactions of Chinese citizens to the war and the way their perceptions were molded in part by the Communist regime and in part by memories of the brutal Japanese occupation in the 1930s and 1940s. Formerly classified Chinese documents shed valuable light on the way popular attitudes affected the Communist authorities and vice versa. The regime, led by Mao Zedong, exercised harsh rule in China, but ordinary citizens' observations and judgments were not necessarily the product of Communist Party programs. The regime also had to be constantly mindful of popular morale. The “Resisting America and Assisting Korea” campaign was devised and controlled by the Communist Party but was also shaped in part from below.
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Lee, Seokwoo, and Leonardo Bernard. "West Sea Special Zone between South Korea and North Korea." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 3, no. 1 (June 4, 2015): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340047.
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States currently involved in maritime disputes in the South China Sea can learn from the experience of the Koreas in creating a framework for the “Special Peace and Cooperation Zone in the West Sea.” Like the nll, the maritime boundary issues in the South China Sea are unlikely to be resolved in the near future by direct negotiations. Formal adjudication, while a possibility, is probably unlikely. Clearly, war will benefit no one. Thus, the most viable alternative may be to pursue joint economic projects, similar to the West Sea Special Zone that will grant each party economic benefits while building confidence and reducing tension in the region.
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PARK, Jeong O. "ROMANIA and North Korea A Comparative Study on the Communist Dictatorship." East European and Balkan Institute 40, no. 6 (December 25, 2016): 77–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2016.40.6.77.
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Raza, Ali. "Provincializing the International: Communist Print Worlds in Colonial India." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa011.
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Abstract This paper charts communist print worlds in colonial India during the interwar period. Beginning in the early 1920s, self-declared ‘Communist’ and ‘Bolshevik’ publications began surfacing across India. Through the example of the Kirti Kisan Sabha (Workers and Peasants Party: a communist group in the north-western province of Punjab), and its associated publications, this paper will provide a glimpse into the rich, diverse and imaginative print worlds of Indian communism. From 1926 onwards, Kirti publications became a part of a thriving print culture in which a dizzying variety of revolutionary, socialist and communist publications competed and conversed with the equally prolific and rich print worlds of their political and ideological rivals. Removed on the one hand from the ivory towers of party intellectuals, dense treatises and officious theses, and on the other hand from the framing of sedition, rebellion and fanaticism in the colonial archive, Kirti publications show how the global project of communist internationalism became distinctly provincialized and vernacularized in British India.
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Denisov, V. "The Nuclear Problem of the Korean Peninsula: Is There a Way of Ending the Deadlock?" Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-182-193.
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The nuclear problem of the Korean peninsula remains unsolved, tensions continuing for the past five years. The mechanism of the Six-Party Talks in which Russia, China, the USA, Japan, North and South Korea took part, is inactive, while each party develops its own strategy to counteract the new nuclear program of North Korea. Such an approach stimulates further escalation in the region, because there is no mutual understanding of North Korea nuclear status. In addition there exist a number of contradictions between the members of Six-Party Talks, each of them trying to resolve North Korean issue pursuing their own interests. However, in the current situation a peaceful resolution of the problem is still possible. Moreover, it is the only reasonable solution.
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Haggard, Stephan, and Marcus Noland. "North Korea in 2008: Twilight of the God??" Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.98.
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In 2008, North-South relations worsened, food shortages re-emerged, and the Six Party process yielded an interim agreement. The U.S. dropped North Korea from the terrorism list but nuclear verification issues remained contentious. Kim Jong-il reportedly suffered a stroke in August, casting uncertainty over all aspects of politics and policy.
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Brumfiel, Geoff. "North Korea offers US tour party glimpse of weapons programme." Nature 427, no. 6973 (January 2004): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/427383b.
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DONERT, CELIA. "From Communist Internationalism to Human Rights: Gender, Violence and International Law in the Women's International Democratic Federation Mission to North Korea, 1951." Contemporary European History 25, no. 2 (April 12, 2016): 313–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000096.
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AbstractIn May 1951 the Women's International Democratic Federation – a communist-sponsored non-governmental organisation – sent an all-female international commission to investigate the war crimes and atrocities allegedly committed by United Nations forces against civilians during the military occupation of North Korea in late 1950. Communist internationalism has been relatively marginalised in the recent wave of scholarship on internationalism and international organisations. This article uses the Women's International Democratic Federation mission to Korea to analyse how the shifting relationship between communist internationalism, human rights and feminism played out in the ‘Third World’ during the early Cold War.
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Park, Chong-Min, and Hyunjin Oh. "The Effects of Confucian Communist Socialization in North Korea : A Study of North Korean Defectors." Korean Political Science Review 53, no. 5 (December 31, 2019): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2019.53.5.006.
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Han, Xiaorong. "Revolution knows no boundaries? Chinese revolutionaries in North Vietnam during the early years of the First Indochina War." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 52, no. 2 (June 2021): 246–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463421000412.
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This article analyses the roles and activities of three groups of Chinese communist revolutionaries in the early phase of the First Indochina War. The author argues that although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) did not begin to provide substantial aid to North Vietnam until 1950, the involvement of Chinese communists, including members of both the CCP and the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), in the First Indochina War started at the very moment the war broke out in 1946. Although the early participants were not as prominent as the Chinese political and military advisers who arrived after 1949, their activities deserve to be examined, not only because they were the forerunners of later actors, but also because they had already made concrete contributions to the Vietnamese revolution before the founding of the People's Republic of China and the arrival of large-scale Chinese military and economic aid. Moreover, interactions between early Chinese participants and the Vietnamese revolutionaries established a pattern that would characterise Sino–Vietnamese relations in the subsequent decades.
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K. Armstrong, Charles. "Trends in the Study of North Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2011): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000027.
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North Korean leader Kim Jong Il can be criticized for many failings, but if one of his goals has been keeping his country in the global media spotlight, he has been wildly successful. Of course, North Korea gets this international attention for all the wrong reasons: military provocations, a clandestine nuclear program, a bankrupt economy, an atrocious record on human rights, and an eccentric if not deranged leadership. Some of the accusations leveled against North Korea in the Western media and popular press may have a basis in fact, others are more questionable. But until recently, substantive knowledge of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) was notable mainly for its absence. Before the 1990s, little was written about the DPRK beyond official North Korean propaganda and its opposite, anti-North Korean propaganda from the South. Much of this has changed, both because of new sources of information (including material from North Korea's former communist allies), but more importantly because of the growing interest in the subject after South Korean democratization in the late 1980s and the first US-North Korean nuclear crisis of the early 1990s.
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Denisov, V. "Home Policy Changes in North Korea and its Possible Impac t on the Situation in North-East Asia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2015): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-4-110-117.
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The article describes main events in the political life of North Korea after Kim Chen-In rise to power, his struggle with military leadership and attempts to strengthen the role of North Korea Labour Party accompanied by further indoctrination of the people. Main problems of economic development and the prospect of market regulation implementation are being assessed. Instability of the regime and attempts of South Korea, Japan and US pressurize North Korea along with nuclear problem being far from settlement is considered as one of main geopolitical threats in the North-East Asia.
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Kim, Suzy. "From Violated Girl to Revolutionary Woman." positions: asia critique 28, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 631–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8315166.
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Feminism, both as theory and praxis, has long grappled with the dilemma of sex difference—whether to celebrate women’s “difference” from men as offering a more emancipatory potential or to challenge those differences as man-made in the process of delineating modern sexed subjects. While this debate may be familiar within contemporary feminist discourses, communist feminisms that stretched across the Cold War divide were no less conflicted about what to do with sex difference, most explicitly represented by sexual violence and biological motherhood. Even as communist states implemented top-down, often paternalistic measures, such policies were carried out ostensibly to elevate women’s status as a form of state feminism professing equality for the sexes. Comparing North Korea with China, this article explores how communist feminisms attempted to tackle the dilemma of sexual difference. Through an intertextual reading of two of the most popular revolutionary operas in 1970s communist East Asia—The Flower Girl from North Korea and The White-Haired Girl from China—it attends to the diverse strategies in addressing the “woman question” and the possibilities as well as limits opened up by communist feminisms.
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Park, Jinhee. "Departure and Repatriation as Cold War Dissensus: Domestic Ethnography in Korean Documentary." Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2017): 433–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4226514.
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Abstract This article examines autobiographic documentaries about families that expose “dissensus” in the mapping of transborder migration and diasporic desire that were the results of the Cold War in North Korea, South Korea, and Japan. Jae-hee Hong (dir. My Father’s Emails) and Yong-hi Yang (dir. Dear Pyongyang and Goodbye Pyongyang) document the ongoing Cold War in their fathers’ histories through their position as a “familial other,” who embodies both dissensus and intimacy. Hong reveals that anticommunism in South Korean postwar nation building reverberated in the private realm. Yang documents her Zainichi father, who sent his sons to North Korea during the Repatriation Campaign in Japan. The anticommunist father in South Korea (Hong’s) and the communist father in Japan (Yang’s) engendered family migration with contrasting motivations, departure from and return to North Korea, respectively. Juxtaposing these two opposite ideologies in family histories, as well as juxtaposing the filmmakers’ dissonance with the given ideologies in domestic space, provide the aesthetic form for “dissensus.” The politics of aesthetics in domestic ethnography manifests in that the self and the Other are inextricably interlocked because of the reciprocity of the filmmaker and the communist or anticommunist subject.
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Haggard, Stephan, and Marcus Noland. "North Korea in 2007: Shuffling in from the Cold." Asian Survey 48, no. 1 (January 2008): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2008.48.1.107.
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The year 2007 witnessed a gradual rapprochement between North Korea and the world, reflecting changes both in the country's external environment and domestic political economy. Key markers were the resumption of the Six-Party Talks and the second North-South summit. Whether these developments will endure depends largely on North Korean intentions.
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Xiaojun, Yan. "“To Get Rich Is Not Only Glorious”: Economic Reform and the New Entrepreneurial Party Secretaries." China Quarterly 210 (May 8, 2012): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012000367.
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AbstractThis article examines the profound transformation market reforms have brought to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) rural grassroots organizations. Focusing on the political rise of private entrepreneurs and other economically successful individuals who recently obtained village Party secretary appointments in a north China county, the article explores their differing promotion channels, power bases, political resources and motivations to take up the CCP's grassroots leadership position. It demonstrates that the variety among the new entrepreneurial Party secretaries – from large factory owners to de facto farm managers – shaped the network resource, factional affiliation and socio-political capital they rely upon to exercise their newly attained power. It also shows the crucial role played by community-based endogenous forces in transmitting the power of economic liberalization into dynamics for the reshuffling of the Communist Party leadership at the grassroots level.
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Kang, Jean S. "US Policy Dilemma: Food Aid to an "Enemy State"? The Case of Communist China, 1961-1963, and North Korea, 1993-2000." International Studies Review 6, no. 2 (September 28, 2005): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00602003.
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Both Communist China of the early 1960s and North Korea of the 1990s posed significant policy challenges to the United States revolving around the important question of food aid. The Clinton administration was faced with the task of responding to the height of the North Korean famine, which was estimated to have taken place between 1995-1998. Interestingly, the dilemma that confronted the Clinton administration of whether to provide US food assistance to a nation considered an "enemy state" was reminiscent of the circumstances faced by the Kennedy administration with regard to the famine that scoured Communist China in the early 1960s. Estimated to have claimed nearly 30 million lives, the details of the Chinese famine resulting from the Great Leap Forward of 1958 have only recently been examined, as foreigners were unable to gain access to the PRC until nearly twenty years after the events. Similarly, only time will bring to surface the details of the famine in North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, hereafter "DPRK") due to the country's present self-imposed isolation, comparable to that of the PRC in the 1960s. This study will examine the policy dilemma that confronted the United States with regard to the famine in Communist China following the Great Leap Forward in the 1960s and again in North Korea from 1993-2000. The divergent responses of the Kennedy administration and that of the Clinton administration will be studied, with a focus on Congressional discussions regarding the donation of US food aid to an "enemy state."
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윤효정. "The Korean Communist Party Transforming Singanhoe(新幹會) from a Nationalist Association into the National Mass Party of Korea." Korean Cultural Studies ll, no. 75 (May 2017): 353–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17948/kcs.2017..75.353.
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Bae, Jong-Yun. "South Korean Strategic Thinking toward North Korea: The Evolution of the Engagement Policy and Its Impact upon U.S.-ROK Relations." Asian Survey 50, no. 2 (March 1, 2010): 335–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.2.335.
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Despite agreements in 2007 in the Six-Party Talks, the U.S. and South Korea have had trouble reaching consensus in dealing with subsequent nuclear crises spawned by North Korea. This study focuses on South Korean strategic thinking about and policy toward North Korea and Korean unification, and their changes since the 1990s.
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Sohn, Yul, and Won-Taek Kang. "South Korea in 2013." Asian Survey 54, no. 1 (January 2014): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.1.138.
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The new government led by President Park Geun-hye faced challenges that the previous government had largely failed to address: rising income disparity, stagnant growth, political reform, and foreign policy issues, including a nuclear North Korea and an assertive Japan. Park’s foreign policy scored some successes while her old-style management of political affairs supported by the old guard caused a prolonged political stalemate with the opposition party.
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Lee, Jong-Sue. "The EU's Economic Cooperation with North Korea: The Possibility as a Useful Tool to Complement Korea-US Cooperation." International Area Review 12, no. 2 (September 2009): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590901200207.
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North Korea conducted 2nd nuclear test on May 25, 2009. It made a vicious circle and continued military tension on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea regime got a question on the effectiveness of the six party talks and ‘security-economy exchange model’. In addition, the North Korea probably disappointed about the North Korea issue has been excluded from the Obama administration's policy position. So the dialogue or relationship recovery with the United States and North Korea through six-party talks or bilateral talks will be difficult for the time being. This paper examines the EU policy on North Korea. Based on the results, analyzes the EU is likely to act as a balancer on the Korean Peninsula. Through the procedure of deepening and expanding the economic and political unification, the EU utilizes their cooperative policies towards North Korea as an ideal opportunity to realize their internal value and to confirm the commonness within the EU members. The acceleration of the EU's unification, however, began to focus on human rights, and this made their official relationship worse. Yet, the EU is continuously providing food as wells as humanitarian and technological support to North Korea regardless of the ongoing nuclear and human rights issues in North Korea. Also, the number of multinational corporations investing in North Korea for the purpose of preoccupying resources and key industries at an individual nation's level has been increasing. The European Union has unique structure which should follow the way of solving the problem of member states like subsidiary principle. It appears to conflict between normative power of the European Union and strategic interests on member states. This paper examines if the European Union is useful tool to complement Korea-US cooperation in the near future.