Relevant bibliographies by topics / Communist Party of Pakistan

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Academic literature on the topic 'Communist Party of Pakistan'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Communist Party of Pakistan"

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Sodhar, Muhammad Qasim. "A HISTORICAL STUDY OF ROLE OF THE LEFT IN THE MOVEMENT FOR RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 02 (June 30, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i02.195.

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The movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) was launched against the then military dictatorship in Pakistan in the 1980s. This paper is an attempt to present a historical sketch of the movement and also to discuss the role of the Left in that movement. The study considers those political parties as ‘Left’ which were following Socialist/Communist ideology, based in Sindh, province of Pakistan, specifically Awami Tehrik, a Marxist-Leninist-Moist party, and the Communist Party of Pakistan. This research is based on relevant literature, especially jail diaries and conducting interviews with victims of Communist Case registered by then military regime against communist leaders. The research addresses the events and mass movements launched by the Left in order to strengthen the movement for the restoration of democracy. Moreover, this paper shows how the Left converted a movement for the restoration of democracy into a great mass movement against the then military dictatorship. Key Words: Communist case, democracy, left, military dictatorship, movement for restoration of democracy, Pakistan, Sindh.
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Ayaz, Mohammad, and Fakhr-ul Islam. "THE EVOLUTION OF LEFTIST POLITICS IN KHYBER PAKHTUNKHWA." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 03 (September 30, 2022): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i03.704.

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This paper seeks to explore the history of the evolution of leftist politics in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan, which underwent a long process of transformation. Beginning with anti-colonial sentiments of opposing the British imperialism in undivided India, the revolutionary struggle fused with Pan-Islamism during the Khilafat movement and finally came into direct contact with Bolshevik ideology at the end of Hijra (travel) to Afghanistan and beyond. It is important to note that Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and recently merged districts of former FATA had played an important role in the espionage and export of communist ideology into British India. It is also worth mentioning that Communist Party of India (CPI) viewed the right of self-determination as genuine right of the Muslim and supported the establishment of Pakistan by many ways. The leadership of CPI urged communists to support Muslim League (ML) candidates in 1946 General Elections which is considered the basis of Pakistan movement and many of them like Mian Iftikhar-ud-Din have joined ML It is therefore interesting to investigate the evolution and development of leftist politics in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan, so that to locate the social and political history of its gradual developments. Keywords: Pan-Islamism, revolutionary, anti-colonial, communist, nationalist, NWFP, progressive
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Columeau, Julien. "Laṭxāna (1950–1954), an Intellectual Commune in Quetta (Baluchistan)." Iran and the Caucasus 27, no. 3 (August 14, 2023): 274–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-02703008.

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Abstract This paper retraces the history, activities, and contribution of an intellectual commune active in Quetta, Pakistan between 1950 and 1954: the ‘Laṭxāna commune’. Laṭxāna (Psht. ‘House of idleness’) is the name of a place in which Baluch, Pashtun, Urdu-speaking and Sindhi intellectuals settled in 1950. Laṭxāna’s intellectuals were in close contact with the Communist Party of Pakistan and its cultural branch, the Progressive Writers’ Association, and attempted to spread socialist or communist thought in Baluchistan. Following an agenda outlined by communist and progressive writers, they set out to develop literature in the languages of Baluchistan, launching a Baluchi literary association and a Pashto-language journal and publishing the first collections of modern Baluchi poetry. Laṭxāna’s members also promoted their outlook through journalism, and edited journals, such as Xāwar, Nawā-e waṭan and Ciltan. In 1954, the Laṭxāna intellectuals—who had so far been simple representatives of the Communists or Progressives in Baluchistan—started their own political movement. They created a political party and published a manifesto, which called for a socialist Baluchistan free from the influence of landowners and feudal leaders. Alongside ideological disagreements, the arrest of some of the commune’s prominent members finally led to the closure of Laṭxāna, but the group nevertheless had a long-lasting influence on Baluchistan’s political and intellectual landscape. In this paper, I shall discuss the commune’s literary, journalistic, and political contributions, notably through the accounts of its founding fathers, Mir Abdullah Jamaldini and Sain Kamal Khan Sherani.
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Raza, Shozab. "The Sufi and the Sickle: Theorizing Mystical Marxism in Rural Pakistan." Comparative Studies in Society and History 64, no. 2 (April 2022): 300–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417522000068.

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AbstractIn worlds of difference, how might certain unities be forged for liberation? This paper pursues this question from the vantage-point of the dialectical tension between Marxism and religion. While some scholars have noted parallels between the two, philosophers of critical realism have aimed to establish a deeper equivalence between Marxism and religion. This paper, however, considers how an equivalence may be forged by subaltern actors in the context of political struggles—how a religious Marxism might look as a theoretical and political practice. I do this by historically reconstructing the life of Sufi Sibghatullah Mazari, a locally influential communist from Pakistan who equated Sufism with Mao-inflected Marxism. Born into a poor farming family from South Punjab, he would go on to lead peasant movements against “feudal” landlords (jagirdars) during the 1970s and be recruited into the Mazdoor Kisan Party, the country’s historically largest communist party, which drew inspiration from Mao Tse-tung. Sibghatullah’s introduction to Maoist thought and practice, especially its emphasis on a vernacular-driven communist universalism, led him to comparatively reflect on circulating insurgent Sufisms and their own universalist possibilities. Maoism and Sufism’s shared universalist elements then allowed him to equate the two: an equivalence he centered on the concept of Truth (Haqiqat). Sibghatullah also expressed this “mystical Marxism” in his political practice, as he mentored revolutionary Sufi disciples, recruited Sufi-inflected mullahs into the communist party, built alternative insurgent mosques, and even challenged the tribal and patriarchal “honor” codes, practices that, in undermining landlordism’s hegemony over Islam, threatened its reproduction.
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Sheikh, Imran Ahmad, and Khushi Khushi. "Communism and Complexity: A dichotomous study of Iqbal Singh in Khushwant Singh's Novel, Train to Pakistan." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 9, no. 2 (2024): 026–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.92.6.

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This research paper delves into the complex character of Iqbal Singh in “Train to Pakistan.” As a representative of the People’s Party of India and a communist, he is dispatched to Mano Majra to address socio-economic issues. The narrative explores his interactions, distinct urban traits, and the challenges he faces in a rural setting. Iqbal’s commitment to communism is evident as he discusses poverty, corruption, and societal disparities. His perspective on crime emphasizes its societal roots, challenging conventional views on criminality. The paper also highlights Iqbal’s iews on population control, hygiene, and his disillusionment with societal norms. The character’s disdain for Indian cultural aspects, including religion, Yoga, art, and music, reflects his staunch communist ideology. His skepticism towards metaphysical beliefs and indifference to values underscore a profound internal conflict. The narrative delves into Iqbal’s encounters with the police, his detention, and the societal issues he grapples with in Mano Majra. The research elucidates Iqbal’s role as a missionary striving to avert violence during the partition, emphasizing his dedication to communism. However, it notes his limited understanding of India’s diverse religious traditions, exposing a certain immaturity in his perspective. Overall, the paper navigates Iqbal’s multifaceted character, exploring the intersections of ideology, social dynamics, and personal growth within the context of “Train to Pakistan.”
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Ayaz, Mohammad. "The History of Transformation from the Ideology of Pan-Islamism to Formal Leftism in Undivided India." Global International Relations Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2023): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2023(vi-ii).06.

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This research paper explores the history of the evolution of formal leftism in undivided India, with special focus on the NWFP (present-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) of Pakistan. Communist Party of India (CPI) was the first socialist political party of undivided India, which was originally founded in Soviet Tashkent in 1920 and was activated in undivided India in 1925. The history of the formation of CPI and formal leftism in undivided India tells us about a long process of transformation which underwent a great shift during the politically charged scenario of Khilafat-cum-Hijrat Movement. The early anti-colonial revolutionaries and the reformist leaders upholding Pan-Islamist ideology fused for a common fight against British imperialism in undivided India, which ended int widespread migration (Hijra) into Afghanistan and up and beyond Soviet Tashkent. A military school was founded in Tashkent for the training of Indian Muhajirin, and it was at this juncture that Muhajirin turned into socialist revolutionary, and who later founded formal leftism in India and Pakistan.
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Qu Qiumei and Tahir Mahmood. "POVERTY REDUCTION EXPERIENCE OF CHINA (1947-1978): LESSONS FOR PAKISTAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 40 (December 26, 2022): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol40.iss0.5865.

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Poverty eradication is a critical issue that must be tackled as part of the world's economic and social progress. China and Pakistan have distinct ways of combating poverty. Since the start of reforms and opening up in 1978, China has taken a number of initiatives to alleviate poverty. The Communist Party China (CPC) Central Committee's decision on several major issues concerning rural reforms and development, adopted at the Third Plenary Session of the CPC's seventeenth Central Committee, proposed increasing support for the development of poor areas in old revolutionary base areas, ethnic minority areas, and border areas. The CPC's 18th National Congress set the lofty objective of completing the construction of a moderately affluent society in all aspects by 2020. The report emphasized the parties tenaciously fought for aims to lift people out of poverty. This paper attempts to explore and understand the causes of Pakistan's poverty reduction strategies and the elements that impact it, utilizing the experience of China's poverty reduction to identify the difficulties that have arisen as a result of Pakistan's poverty reduction process. This research shows that the poverty policies of China are more mature, which led the country towards progress and today it is one of the leading economies in the world. Similarly, Pakistan after its independence is struggle to tackle the issue of poverty and still could not get rid of it and this is all because of the policies of Pakistan which could proof to be successful.
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Heriamsal, Krisman, Asma Amin, and Muhammad Rizky Prawira. "Analisis Kepentingan Tiongkok dalam Kebijakan Belt and Road Initiative di Pakistan." Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/ijpss.v3i2.82.

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This study aims to analyze China's interests in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) policies in Pakistan. Currently, Pakistan is China's strategic partner in the implementation of the BRI project. The infrastructure development in several sectors in Pakistan is being carried out massively through direct loans from China. This certainly raises questions regarding China's interests in Pakistan and this study attempts to answer these questions. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods with literature study as the data collection technique. To analyze the case, this study applies offensive realism theory, with the concepts of hegemony, and national interest. The results of this study indicate that China's efforts in Pakistan are actually a form of Chinese active maneuvers in achieving its interests, namely hegemony. Through the BRI project, China can connect with the largest oil-producing countries in order to meet its high industrial needs. Second, the connectivity created by BRI enables China to increase its force capability in the South Asian region. Third is political interests, in which China can create a positive image to substantially increase its diplomatic power and strengthen its international status. Lastly, the ideological interest in which China uses slogans such as the 'Chinese Dream' for the stability and legitimacy of Xi Jinping and the Chinese Communist Party over their domestic society
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Ибрайымов, Г. В. "Afghanistan and Pakistan in Soviet and American Cold War politics: diplomatic relations and their ideological impact." Historical bulletin 7, no. 3 (May 6, 2024): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.58224/2658-5685-2024-7-3-37-46.

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Афганистан во второй половине XX в. был одним из основных направлений в «холодной войне» СССР и США. Это небольшое государство Центральной Азии оказалось крайне ценным в регионально-стратегическом значении. Активность в Афганистане советских и американских дипломатических миссий вызвана необходимостью склонить афганские политические верхи на одну из сторон. Методы применялись разные, от мощной экономической поддержки до связей с внутренними организациями, нередко находящиеся в оппозиции к власти. Соседний Пакистан также имел серьезную ценность в регионе, поэтому поддержка оказывалась и ему. При этом у Пакистана имелись собственные внешнеполитические интересы, в том числе и в Афганистане. Со стороны Пакистана велась активная деятельность в союзе с США для установления контроля в Афганистане и противодействию распространения коммунистической идеологии. А идеологический фактор имел значительную роль в отношениях СССР и США с государствами Афганистан и Пакистан. Представленная статья ставит своей цель исследовать взаимодействия двух сверхдержав в Афганистане и Пакистане на политическом и идеологическом уровне. В основном исследование сосредоточится на проникновение и развитие марксизма в Афганистане, история афганской коммунистической партии, советско-афганским отношениям. Так же будет исследовано отношение обеих сверхдержав с Пакистаном, реакция США и Пакистана на происходящие в Афганистане события, и их совместное противодействие политики СССР. in the second half of the 20th century, Afghanistan was one of the major focuses in the "Cold War" between the USSR and USA. This Central Asian country has proven to be of extreme strategic importance in the region. The activities of Soviet and American diplomatic missions in Afghanistan were motivated by the need to convince Afghan political leaders into one camp. Different methods were employed, ranging from strong economic aid to connections with domestic organizations that often oppose the government. Pakistan, a neighboring country, also had significant value in the area, so support for it was given. At the same time, Pakistan has its own foreign policies, including those regarding Afghanistan. Through alliance with the US, Pakistan actively works to establish control over Afghanistan and counter communist ideology's spread. And the ideological factor played a significant role in relations between the USSR and the United States and the states of Afghanistan and Pakistan. This article aims to explore interaction between these two superpowers in Afghanistan and Pakistan, at the political and ideological levels. The research will focus mainly on penetration and development of Marxism in Afghanistan, history of the Afghan Communist Party, and Soviet-Afghan relations. It will also investigate the relationship between both superpowers and Pakistan; the reaction of the US and Pakistan to events in Afghanistan; and their joint opposition to policy of the USSR.
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Ali, Noaman G., and Shozab Raza. "Worldly Marxism." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 489–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9987970.

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Abstract How can Marxism, a theory and practice that emerged from the European experience, speak to contexts outside that experience? Recent scholarship has returned to the moment of the 1960s and 1970s to examine how political movements in the global South that embraced Marxism grappled with this question, aiming to reformulate Marxist theories and categories of analysis for postcolonial realities. Whereas this scholarship focuses on the writings of intellectuals, in this article, the authors supplement prose with oral history and ethnography to also identify the theory immanent in practice. They show how the translation of Marxist theory for political practice in the peripheries instantiated what the authors call a worldly Marxism: that is, a Marxism that is constantly renewed as it exceeds its origins in Europe and attends to the specificities of settler-colonies, (post-)colonies and metropoles. Worldly Marxism thus entails theorizing in the conjuncture, that is, from a particular historical moment, and involves arranging multiple conceptual elements to clarify and understand the political task at hand. The authors illustrate how such worldly Marxism was produced in Pakistan by examining the Mazdoor Kisan Party (MKP), the country's historically largest communist party, as it engaged with agrarian transitions, religion, and gender.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communist Party of Pakistan"

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Guedes, De Oliveira Marcos Aurelio. "Stalinism and the Brazilian Communist Party." Thesis, University of Essex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306072.

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Clark, Rhonda (Rhonda Ingold). "The Communist Party and Soviet Literature." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500452/.

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The Communist Party's control of Soviet literature gradually evolved from the 1920s and reached its height in the 1940s. The amount of control exerted over Soviet literature reflected the strengthening power of the Communist Party. Sources used in this thesis include speeches, articles, and resolutions of leaders in the Communist Party, novels produced by Soviet authors from the 1920s through the 1940s, and analyses of leading critics of Soviet literature and Soviet history. The thesis is structured around the political and literary developments during the periods of 1917-1924, 1924-1932, 1932-1941, and 1946-1949. The conclusion is that the Communist Party seized control of Soviet literature to disseminate Party policy, minimize dissent, and produce propaganda, not to provide an outlet for creative talent.
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Keith, Daniel James. "Party organisation and party adaptation : Western European communist and successor parties." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6897/.

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This study examines the development of Western European Communist parties (WECPs) and their post-Communist successor parties. These parties had always adapted in surprising ways as they struggled in political systems that they sought to overthrow. Following the collapse of Communism in 1989 in central and Eastern Europe (CEE) they continued to amaze. Some reformed themselves dramatically, sacrificing or transforming their policies in search of office and votes. A number of them moved into mainstream politics and became more influential as other parties brought them into governing coalitions or they expanded at elections. Several WECPs disappeared but others resisted compromising their orthodox Marxism- Leninism. These hard-line Stalinist parties managed to remain significant players in their party systems. This in-depth study analyses the reasons behind the divergent trajectories of five WECPs and their post-Communist successor parties in the Netherlands, Sweden, Ireland and Portugal. It does this by importing and refining an analytical framework developed to explain the diverse adaptation of Communist parties in CEE. Extensive primary research based on elite interviews and the analysis of party programmes is used to evaluate the framework's usefulness and its implications for studying the trajectories of Communist parties in Western Europe (and beyond). There are two main empirical findings from this research. First, it was elites with experience in working with groups and institutions outside their parties that led efforts to reform WECPs, just as in CEE successor parties. Second, mid-level elites in WECPs were not necessarily hardliners bent on resisting reform. Their leaders could be extremely effective in advocating reforms and convincing members into supporting them, meaning that organisational democratisation could be compatible with reform. This meant that organisational centralisation was not as necessary as it was in the successor parties in CEE. Moreover, reformist party leaders had not, like their counterparts in CEE, learnt to be centralisers through past struggles over reform. When party leaders did pursue elitist strategies to promote programmatic transformation this usually took place through shifting power to the party in public office rather than central office.
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Gunchev, Konstantin. "Party system fragmentation in post-communist Bulgaria." Click here for download, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1296099121&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Merridale, Catherine Anne. "The Communist Party in Moscow 1925-1932." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1987. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1409/.

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The thesis examines the Communist Party in Moscow between 1925 and 1932. Its structure, role and membership are studied, together with its relationship with the population of Moscow. A study is also made of politics in the period, with special reference to the oppositions of the 1920's. Four broad problems are discussed. The first is the relationship between the central Party leadership and the Moscow Committee. Second is the role of the grassroots activist in political life. Thirdly, the failure of the oppositions is studied in detail. Finally, popular influence over the Party is examined with a view to discussing how far the revolution had been 'betrayed' in this period. It is found that the Moscow Committee was less autonomous than other regional organs, but that grassroots initiative played an important part in political life. In general, people were reluctant to engage in formal opposition. This largely explains the defeat of the Left and Right oppositions, who failed to attract significant support. The majority of Muscovites remained apathetic or hostile to the Party, but a core of committed activists within it was responsible for many of the period's achievements. To the extent that they supported and even initiated policy, Stalin's 'great turn' included an element of 'revolution from below'.
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Zhang, Yang. "Taming factions in the Chinese Communist party." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2170.

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How does the Chinese Communist Party tame factions from breaking it apart? Relying on thousands of biographies, the dissertation attempts to uncover the complex network of Chinese political elites and investigate how institutions constrain the expansion of factions. First, it finds that the rule of avoidance has been effectively implemented. Native provincial officials are often assigned with secondary party positions, especially so in deeply indebted provinces that are heavily reliant on the central government for fiscal transfer. Second, the centralization of the disciplinary inspection system helps maintain the momentum of the anticorruption campaign since the 2012 leadership succession. Compared to native officials, the officials who were transferred from a different province or a central government agency are likely to investigate much more corrupt party cadres in their jurisdictions. Third, when it comes to promotions of provincial party secretaries, many performance-based criteria appear to be less important than factional ties. Good economic performance such as fast GDP growth does not increase a provincial party secretary’s odds to join the Politburo. However, the effects of factional ties are mixed. For example, family ties to a top party leader greatly increase the likelihood of promotion, but college ties disadvantage the candidates. Finally, the dissertation shows that network centrality in the Central Committee is a strong predictor of the outcomes of the Politburo turnover. The network centrality is positively associated with party seniority, but due to the age limits, it cannot grow without a ceiling.
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Hardman, Helen. "The Communist Party National Conferences in the Soviet Union, Hungary and Yugoslavia 1988: Institutional Choice and Communist Party Power." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491382.

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This thesis is a comparative study of three communist party national conferences held in the Soviet Union, Hungary and Yugoslavia between May and June 1955. New evidence, from archival materials and interviews conducted in these countries, shows how the conferences were convened in consonance with one another and how actors in these states collaborated for the purpose of modernising their respective parties with a view to rebuilding the party's legitimacy and maintaining the one-party state.
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Zumoff, Jacob Andrew. "The Communist Party of the United States and the Communist International, 1919-1929." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1382502/.

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The American Communist movement, born out of a left-wing split from the American Socialist Party in 1919, was divided into several hostile organisations that understood very little about American politics, culture or society. In its early years, the Communist International (Comintern) repeatedly intervened into the American Party. Far from hindering the Party's understanding and appreciation of American conditions, this intervention helped transform the Party from a marginal sect of isolated immigrants in 1920, to an important part of American politics in the 1930s. This intervention stemmed from the desire of the early Comintern, under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, to create an international revolutionary Communist movement. However, in the mid- 1920s, as the leadership and ideology of the Russian Communist party changed. Under the rubric of building 'socialism in one country', the Comintern now intervened more and more to create a stable, Pro-Stalin leadership. The first portion of this thesis, comprising the first four chapters, illustrates how between 1919 and 1923 Comintern intervention was necessary to politically and organisationally construct a Party. The Comintern helped achieve unity amongst the competing groups; forced the Party to take advantage of the opportunities for legal work; compelled the Party to intervene into the labour movement. The next four chapters examine the change in Comintern intervention between 1923 and 1929. During this period, internecine factionalism, increasingly devoid of a political basis,t ore the Party asunder,and sapped its ability to intervene into society. The Comintern continued to intervene, but largely to play one faction off against another. In the aftermath of the 1928 Sixth Congress, the Party leadership purged first its left, Trotskyist wing, led by James P. Cannon, and within the year, the right, Bukharnite, wing, led by Jay Lovestone. The Comintern then installed a pliant leadership that finally ended factionalism and carried the now Stalinised Party into the 1930s.The final chapter analyses the changing Communist perspective on the 'Negro Question', from ignoring black rights to championing the right of Southern blacks to independence. Here, the Comintern, acting on pressure from pioneer black Communists, insisted that the Party address this important issue.At the Sixth Congress, the Comintern adopted the theory that blacks in the American South were a oppressed nationality, and had the right to form a separate state. Whilst this programme was not in accord with reality, it forced the Party to aggressively fight for black rights, so that by the 1930s it was well known for its stand for black liberation.
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Townsend, David James. "Electoral and party systems in post-Communist Russia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq22038.pdf.

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Sanson, Esther Mary. "The Chinese Communist Party and China's Rural Problems." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Languages and Cultures, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1903.

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Vast disparities exist between China’s rural and urban areas. Throughout the history of Communist Party rule, ever-widening rural-urban inequality, problems with migration to the cities, and the threat of rural unrest have afflicted the countryside. Efforts by previous administrations have largely failed to solve the nation’s rural problems. China’s current leaders are determined to tackle these issues by means of a change in the direction in policy: the new focus is on sustainable development and social justice rather than rapid economic growth. At the same time, the central government hopes to strengthen the Communist Party’s power base and reduce potential threats to its ongoing reign. While the new policy direction is expected to improve the standard of living of China’s rural people and reduce social conflict in the short term, it may be insufficient to bring peace and satisfaction among the people in the long term.
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Books on the topic "Communist Party of Pakistan"

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Pākistān, Kamyūnisṭ Pārṭī āf. Āzād qaumī jamhūriyat: Kamyūnisṭ Pārṭī āf Pākistān kī ḥikmat-i ʻamalī kī dastāvez. [S.l: s.n., 1988.

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Nāzish, Imām ʻAlī. Kamyūnisṭ Pārṭī āf Pākistān kī tārīk̲h̲. [Karachi]: Vāḥid Bak̲h̲sh Banglānī, 2012.

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Sārangu, J̈āmu. Ẓamīr je qaidīʼi jī moklāṇī: Zameer je qedi jee moklani. Sakhar: Māʼi Pablīkeshani, 2018.

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Umar, Badruddin. The emergence of Bangladesh: Class struggles in East Pakistan, 1947-1958. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2004.

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Mohāmmada, Nūra. Ekāttarera yuddha: Yaśore Pūrba Pākistāna Kamiunisṭa Pārti (Ema-Ela)-era bīratvapūrṇa laṛāi o jībanadāna. Ḍhākā: Saṃhati, 2016.

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1934-, Frank Peter, ed. The Soviet Communist Party. 3rd ed. Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1986.

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India, Communist Party of, ed. Communist Party of India. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2009.

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Ismael, Tareq Y. Sudanese Communist Party: Ideology and party politics. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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(Marxist), Communist Party of India. Communist Party of India (Marxist). New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2009.

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(Marxist), Communist Party of India. Communist Party of India (Marxist). New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Communist Party of Pakistan"

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Woldendorp, Jaap, Hans Keman, and Ian Budge. "Pakistan." In Party Government in 48 Democracies (1945–1998), 429–39. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2547-7_38.

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Nelson, Daniel N. "Worker-Party Conflict in Romania." In Communist Politics, 280–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18339-5_15.

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Pravda, Alex. "Elections in Communist Party States." In Communist Politics, 27–54. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18339-5_3.

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Scriven, Michael. "Enter the Party." In Paul Nizan: Communist Novelist, 10–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19401-8_2.

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Scriven, Michael. "Exit the Party." In Paul Nizan: Communist Novelist, 57–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19401-8_3.

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Hill, Ronald J., and Peter Frank. "The Party Membership." In The Soviet Communist Party, 19–46. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032677248-2.

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Hill, Ronald J., and Peter Frank. "Party–State Relations." In The Soviet Communist Party, 107–24. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032677248-5.

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Ristić, Irena. "The Socialist Party of Serbia." In Communist and Post-Communist Parties in Europe, 343–70. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369124.343.

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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party." In Governance and Politics of China, 108–41. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-26786-3_5.

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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party." In Governance and Politics of China, 80–106. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-0099-9_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Communist Party of Pakistan"

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"Chinese Civilization Characteristics of the Communist Party of China." In 2020 International Conference on Social Sciences and Social Phenomena. Scholar Publishing Group, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0001134.

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Chen, Qiaoling, and Dan Zhao. "Reflections on Liu Shaoqi's qCultivation of Communist Party Membersq." In 2017 2nd International Conference on Education, Sports, Arts and Management Engineering (ICESAME 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icesame-17.2017.146.

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Chen, Zehua, and Haifen Fu. "Research Review on the Transition of Communist Party of China." In 3rd International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities (ICCESSH 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccessh-18.2018.16.

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Pan, Jine. "THE MAIN POINTS ABOUT HUMAN RESOURCES BUILDING IN THE REPORT OF THE 20TH NATIONAL CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA." In International Conference on Political Theory: The International Conference on Human Resources for Sustainable Development. Bach Khoa Publishing House, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51316/icpt.hust.2023.85.

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"The 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China opened at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on the morning of October 16, and president Xi Jinping delivered a report on behalf of the 19th Central Committee. In the Report, there are many important statements about the field of human resources. These statements will guide China's government or the development of human resources in the next five to ten years, which means this is the direction and key areas of Chinese human resources in the future. The report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China pointed out that ""education, science and technology, and talent are the basic and strategic support for the comprehensive construction of a modern socialist country"", and the ""trinity"" of education, science and technology, and talent will be arranged and deployed as one. This is the requirement for highquality development for China to enter a new starting point and new journey, and contains the inevitable logic of supporting Chinese-style modernization with educational modernization. General Secretary XI Jinping pointed out in the report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China that ""cultivating a large number of high-quality talents with both ability and political integrity is a major plan for the long-term development of the country and the nation."" Which indicates: The Communist Party of China believes that: Talent is the first resource, and the fundamental source of national scientific and technological innovation lies in people. Therefore, the Communist Party of China has launched the strategy of strengthening the country with talents."
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Liu, Tian. "Manifesto of the Communist Party and the Socialist core values education." In 2016 International Conference on Advances in Management, Arts and Humanities Science (AMAHS 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/amahs-16.2016.94.

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Qiao, Xiaoming. "A Study on the Establishment of the Communist Party of Taiwan." In 2017 International Conference on Humanities Science, Management and Education Technology (HSMET 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/hsmet-17.2017.171.

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Pan, Yihui, Keqin Tu, and Guangqing Wang. "On the Development Standard of Communist Party Members in Colleges and Universities." In 2017 3rd International Conference on Economics, Social Science, Arts, Education and Management Engineering (ESSAEME 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/essaeme-17.2017.13.

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Yu, Wenming. "A Research on Quality Guarantee Mechanism of Developing Undergraduate Communist Party Members." In 2016 5th International Conference on Social Science, Education and Humanities Research. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ssehr-16.2016.206.

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Xu, Yingfeng, and Jingxian Xu. "Consolidating the Status of the Communist Party of China under the mass line." In 2017 International Conference on Economic Development and Education Management (ICEDEM 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icedem-17.2017.13.

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Fang, Jiajue, and Chunxia Jiang. "Communist party of China building science level: the new era party's new mission." In 2018 4th International Conference on Humanities and Social Science Research (ICHSSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ichssr-18.2018.143.

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Reports on the topic "Communist Party of Pakistan"

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Meyer, David A., Megha Ram, and Laura Wilke. Circulation of the Elite in the Chinese Communist Party. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada623940.

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Bano, Masooda. Beating the ‘Anti-Work’ Culture: Lessons from a Successful Attemptto Improve Performance in State Schools in Pakistan. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE)r, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/105.

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What local-level factors, or horizontal pressures, can improve learning outcomes in government schools in developing countries, when the political elites and education bureaucracy are not exerting enough vertical pressure on principals and teachers to ensure improvement in learning outcomes? Existing research suggests the role of principals, investment in teacher training or improving financial incentives, and increased community participation as possible ways to enhance performance of teachers and principals. Assessing a 25-year state-school improvement programme run by CARE, a prominent education foundation in Pakistan, which has demonstrated visible success in improving student enrolment and performance in national matriculation exams and transition to college and university education, this paper shows that while principals can play a critical role in improving school performance, the real challenge is to suppress the ‘anti-work’ culture that prevails in state schools in countries where appointments of teachers as well as principals remain a source of political patronage. The paper shows that in such contexts NGOs, if given the contractual authority to monitor performance, can act as effective third-party enforcers to help shift the balance in favour of ‘pro-work’ teachers. However, for systematic long-term improvement in school performance, this support needs to come via the district-level education authorities—and this, as we shall see, is often also missing in such contexts. The findings from this study thus support growing evidence on the challenges confronting efforts to strengthen the short route of accountability in countries where the long route of accountability is weak. In such a political-economy context, even committed principals are unlikely to be able to shift school culture in favour of a ‘pro-work’ ethic unless there are wide-ranging reforms in the wider political and bureaucratic culture.
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Bano, Masooda. Beating the ‘Anti-Work’ Culture: Lessons from a Successful Attemptto Improve Performance in State Schools in Pakistan. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE)r, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/105.

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What local-level factors, or horizontal pressures, can improve learning outcomes in government schools in developing countries, when the political elites and education bureaucracy are not exerting enough vertical pressure on principals and teachers to ensure improvement in learning outcomes? Existing research suggests the role of principals, investment in teacher training or improving financial incentives, and increased community participation as possible ways to enhance performance of teachers and principals. Assessing a 25-year state-school improvement programme run by CARE, a prominent education foundation in Pakistan, which has demonstrated visible success in improving student enrolment and performance in national matriculation exams and transition to college and university education, this paper shows that while principals can play a critical role in improving school performance, the real challenge is to suppress the ‘anti-work’ culture that prevails in state schools in countries where appointments of teachers as well as principals remain a source of political patronage. The paper shows that in such contexts NGOs, if given the contractual authority to monitor performance, can act as effective third-party enforcers to help shift the balance in favour of ‘pro-work’ teachers. However, for systematic long-term improvement in school performance, this support needs to come via the district-level education authorities—and this, as we shall see, is often also missing in such contexts. The findings from this study thus support growing evidence on the challenges confronting efforts to strengthen the short route of accountability in countries where the long route of accountability is weak. In such a political-economy context, even committed principals are unlikely to be able to shift school culture in favour of a ‘pro-work’ ethic unless there are wide-ranging reforms in the wider political and bureaucratic culture.
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Francois, Patrick, Francesco Trebbi, and Kairong Xiao. Factions in Nondemocracies: Theory and Evidence from the Chinese Communist Party. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w22775.

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Kominiak, G. J., J. C. Eisenberger, and K. L. Menaul. The {open_quotes}Command and Control{close_quotes} philosophy of the Communist party of China. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), January 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/212749.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf: Pakistan’s Iconic Populist Movement. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0004.

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Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) used to be an activist party at a time when civil society was highly subdued under a military regime. Through modest civil disobedience, it has graduated to the status of a formidable opposition party. It has used populist rhetoric and tactics to delegitimize and “otherize” the conventional parties and position itself as the ideal voice and hope for “the people.” It has used a wide array of ideologies to support its populism, which tapped into deep-rooted anxieties in the public’s psyche.
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Kahn, Matthew, Weizeng Sun, Jianfeng Wu, and Siqi Zheng. The Revealed Preference of the Chinese Communist Party Leadership: Investing in Local Economic Development versus Rewarding Social Connections. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24457.

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Zankina, Emilia. Pro-Russia or anti-Russia: Political dilemmas and dynamics in Bulgaria in the context of the war in Ukraine. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0012.

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The war in Ukraine has had a serious impact on Bulgaria, both politically and economically. Bulgaria shares historically strong ties with Russia, and at least a third, if not half, of Bulgarians harbour deeply rooted pro-Russian sentiments. Although Sofia eventually supported sanctions against Moscow, sent humanitarian and military aid to Kyiv, and accepted Ukrainian refugees, key political actors in Bulgaria have vehemently opposed such decisions. Particular opposition has come from the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), the successor to the communist party, Bulgaria’s incumbent president, and at least one populist Radical Right party—Vazrazhdane or Revival—whose support has grown significantly since the start of the war. In the process, Revival and its leaders have managed to capitalize on the nationalist vote and pro-Russian attitudes in the country, almost entirely wiping out voter support for the more established Far Right parties.
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Batool, Fizza, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Kainat Shakil. Contest between leaders of the Ummah: Comparing civilizational populisms of PTI and TLP in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0020.

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With the recognition of populism emerging in varied forms across the Global South, the lacuna of research on populism in Asia is gradually filling. Yet, research on populism in Pakistan is still limited and focused mostly on the singular case of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and his political party Pakistan Tahreek-e-Insaaf (PTI). There is much lesser attention to the populism of Tahreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), a far-right movement-turned-party. This paper addresses this gap by comparing the two cases of populism in Pakistan – PTI and TLP – to outline the similarities and differences in their characterization of “the people,” “the elite” and “the others,” using the framework of civilizational populism. The comparative analysis of public discourse of the leadership of two parties shows an extensive use of civilizational rhetoric by both parties, with varying degrees of religious sloganeering, to cater public support. Civilizational dimension forms an overlay over the vertical-horizontal dimensions of populism. Given that 2023 is the election year in Pakistan and both parties are planning to contest elections, this is a timely piece to warn about the treacherous trajectory taken by Pakistani politics.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.

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Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.
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