To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Communist Party of Pakistan.
Journal articles on the topic 'Communist Party of Pakistan'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Communist Party of Pakistan.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Sodhar, Muhammad Qasim. "A HISTORICAL STUDY OF ROLE OF THE LEFT IN THE MOVEMENT FOR RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 02 (June 30, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i02.195.
Full textAbstract:
The movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) was launched against the then military dictatorship in Pakistan in the 1980s. This paper is an attempt to present a historical sketch of the movement and also to discuss the role of the Left in that movement. The study considers those political parties as ‘Left’ which were following Socialist/Communist ideology, based in Sindh, province of Pakistan, specifically Awami Tehrik, a Marxist-Leninist-Moist party, and the Communist Party of Pakistan. This research is based on relevant literature, especially jail diaries and conducting interviews with victims of Communist Case registered by then military regime against communist leaders. The research addresses the events and mass movements launched by the Left in order to strengthen the movement for the restoration of democracy. Moreover, this paper shows how the Left converted a movement for the restoration of democracy into a great mass movement against the then military dictatorship. Key Words: Communist case, democracy, left, military dictatorship, movement for restoration of democracy, Pakistan, Sindh.
2
Ayaz, Mohammad, and Fakhr-ul Islam. "THE EVOLUTION OF LEFTIST POLITICS IN KHYBER PAKHTUNKHWA." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 03 (September 30, 2022): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i03.704.
Full textAbstract:
This paper seeks to explore the history of the evolution of leftist politics in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan, which underwent a long process of transformation. Beginning with anti-colonial sentiments of opposing the British imperialism in undivided India, the revolutionary struggle fused with Pan-Islamism during the Khilafat movement and finally came into direct contact with Bolshevik ideology at the end of Hijra (travel) to Afghanistan and beyond. It is important to note that Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and recently merged districts of former FATA had played an important role in the espionage and export of communist ideology into British India. It is also worth mentioning that Communist Party of India (CPI) viewed the right of self-determination as genuine right of the Muslim and supported the establishment of Pakistan by many ways. The leadership of CPI urged communists to support Muslim League (ML) candidates in 1946 General Elections which is considered the basis of Pakistan movement and many of them like Mian Iftikhar-ud-Din have joined ML It is therefore interesting to investigate the evolution and development of leftist politics in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan, so that to locate the social and political history of its gradual developments. Keywords: Pan-Islamism, revolutionary, anti-colonial, communist, nationalist, NWFP, progressive
3
Columeau, Julien. "Laṭxāna (1950–1954), an Intellectual Commune in Quetta (Baluchistan)." Iran and the Caucasus 27, no. 3 (August 14, 2023): 274–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-02703008.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This paper retraces the history, activities, and contribution of an intellectual commune active in Quetta, Pakistan between 1950 and 1954: the ‘Laṭxāna commune’. Laṭxāna (Psht. ‘House of idleness’) is the name of a place in which Baluch, Pashtun, Urdu-speaking and Sindhi intellectuals settled in 1950. Laṭxāna’s intellectuals were in close contact with the Communist Party of Pakistan and its cultural branch, the Progressive Writers’ Association, and attempted to spread socialist or communist thought in Baluchistan. Following an agenda outlined by communist and progressive writers, they set out to develop literature in the languages of Baluchistan, launching a Baluchi literary association and a Pashto-language journal and publishing the first collections of modern Baluchi poetry. Laṭxāna’s members also promoted their outlook through journalism, and edited journals, such as Xāwar, Nawā-e waṭan and Ciltan. In 1954, the Laṭxāna intellectuals—who had so far been simple representatives of the Communists or Progressives in Baluchistan—started their own political movement. They created a political party and published a manifesto, which called for a socialist Baluchistan free from the influence of landowners and feudal leaders. Alongside ideological disagreements, the arrest of some of the commune’s prominent members finally led to the closure of Laṭxāna, but the group nevertheless had a long-lasting influence on Baluchistan’s political and intellectual landscape. In this paper, I shall discuss the commune’s literary, journalistic, and political contributions, notably through the accounts of its founding fathers, Mir Abdullah Jamaldini and Sain Kamal Khan Sherani.
4
Raza, Shozab. "The Sufi and the Sickle: Theorizing Mystical Marxism in Rural Pakistan." Comparative Studies in Society and History 64, no. 2 (April 2022): 300–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417522000068.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn worlds of difference, how might certain unities be forged for liberation? This paper pursues this question from the vantage-point of the dialectical tension between Marxism and religion. While some scholars have noted parallels between the two, philosophers of critical realism have aimed to establish a deeper equivalence between Marxism and religion. This paper, however, considers how an equivalence may be forged by subaltern actors in the context of political struggles—how a religious Marxism might look as a theoretical and political practice. I do this by historically reconstructing the life of Sufi Sibghatullah Mazari, a locally influential communist from Pakistan who equated Sufism with Mao-inflected Marxism. Born into a poor farming family from South Punjab, he would go on to lead peasant movements against “feudal” landlords (jagirdars) during the 1970s and be recruited into the Mazdoor Kisan Party, the country’s historically largest communist party, which drew inspiration from Mao Tse-tung. Sibghatullah’s introduction to Maoist thought and practice, especially its emphasis on a vernacular-driven communist universalism, led him to comparatively reflect on circulating insurgent Sufisms and their own universalist possibilities. Maoism and Sufism’s shared universalist elements then allowed him to equate the two: an equivalence he centered on the concept of Truth (Haqiqat). Sibghatullah also expressed this “mystical Marxism” in his political practice, as he mentored revolutionary Sufi disciples, recruited Sufi-inflected mullahs into the communist party, built alternative insurgent mosques, and even challenged the tribal and patriarchal “honor” codes, practices that, in undermining landlordism’s hegemony over Islam, threatened its reproduction.
5
Sheikh, Imran Ahmad, and Khushi Khushi. "Communism and Complexity: A dichotomous study of Iqbal Singh in Khushwant Singh's Novel, Train to Pakistan." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 9, no. 2 (2024): 026–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.92.6.
Full textAbstract:
This research paper delves into the complex character of Iqbal Singh in “Train to Pakistan.” As a representative of the People’s Party of India and a communist, he is dispatched to Mano Majra to address socio-economic issues. The narrative explores his interactions, distinct urban traits, and the challenges he faces in a rural setting. Iqbal’s commitment to communism is evident as he discusses poverty, corruption, and societal disparities. His perspective on crime emphasizes its societal roots, challenging conventional views on criminality. The paper also highlights Iqbal’s iews on population control, hygiene, and his disillusionment with societal norms. The character’s disdain for Indian cultural aspects, including religion, Yoga, art, and music, reflects his staunch communist ideology. His skepticism towards metaphysical beliefs and indifference to values underscore a profound internal conflict. The narrative delves into Iqbal’s encounters with the police, his detention, and the societal issues he grapples with in Mano Majra. The research elucidates Iqbal’s role as a missionary striving to avert violence during the partition, emphasizing his dedication to communism. However, it notes his limited understanding of India’s diverse religious traditions, exposing a certain immaturity in his perspective. Overall, the paper navigates Iqbal’s multifaceted character, exploring the intersections of ideology, social dynamics, and personal growth within the context of “Train to Pakistan.”
6
Ayaz, Mohammad. "The History of Transformation from the Ideology of Pan-Islamism to Formal Leftism in Undivided India." Global International Relations Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2023): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2023(vi-ii).06.
Full textAbstract:
This research paper explores the history of the evolution of formal leftism in undivided India, with special focus on the NWFP (present-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) of Pakistan. Communist Party of India (CPI) was the first socialist political party of undivided India, which was originally founded in Soviet Tashkent in 1920 and was activated in undivided India in 1925. The history of the formation of CPI and formal leftism in undivided India tells us about a long process of transformation which underwent a great shift during the politically charged scenario of Khilafat-cum-Hijrat Movement. The early anti-colonial revolutionaries and the reformist leaders upholding Pan-Islamist ideology fused for a common fight against British imperialism in undivided India, which ended int widespread migration (Hijra) into Afghanistan and up and beyond Soviet Tashkent. A military school was founded in Tashkent for the training of Indian Muhajirin, and it was at this juncture that Muhajirin turned into socialist revolutionary, and who later founded formal leftism in India and Pakistan.
7
Qu Qiumei and Tahir Mahmood. "POVERTY REDUCTION EXPERIENCE OF CHINA (1947-1978): LESSONS FOR PAKISTAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 40 (December 26, 2022): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol40.iss0.5865.
Full textAbstract:
Poverty eradication is a critical issue that must be tackled as part of the world's economic and social progress. China and Pakistan have distinct ways of combating poverty. Since the start of reforms and opening up in 1978, China has taken a number of initiatives to alleviate poverty. The Communist Party China (CPC) Central Committee's decision on several major issues concerning rural reforms and development, adopted at the Third Plenary Session of the CPC's seventeenth Central Committee, proposed increasing support for the development of poor areas in old revolutionary base areas, ethnic minority areas, and border areas. The CPC's 18th National Congress set the lofty objective of completing the construction of a moderately affluent society in all aspects by 2020. The report emphasized the parties tenaciously fought for aims to lift people out of poverty. This paper attempts to explore and understand the causes of Pakistan's poverty reduction strategies and the elements that impact it, utilizing the experience of China's poverty reduction to identify the difficulties that have arisen as a result of Pakistan's poverty reduction process. This research shows that the poverty policies of China are more mature, which led the country towards progress and today it is one of the leading economies in the world. Similarly, Pakistan after its independence is struggle to tackle the issue of poverty and still could not get rid of it and this is all because of the policies of Pakistan which could proof to be successful.
8
Heriamsal, Krisman, Asma Amin, and Muhammad Rizky Prawira. "Analisis Kepentingan Tiongkok dalam Kebijakan Belt and Road Initiative di Pakistan." Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/ijpss.v3i2.82.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to analyze China's interests in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) policies in Pakistan. Currently, Pakistan is China's strategic partner in the implementation of the BRI project. The infrastructure development in several sectors in Pakistan is being carried out massively through direct loans from China. This certainly raises questions regarding China's interests in Pakistan and this study attempts to answer these questions. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods with literature study as the data collection technique. To analyze the case, this study applies offensive realism theory, with the concepts of hegemony, and national interest. The results of this study indicate that China's efforts in Pakistan are actually a form of Chinese active maneuvers in achieving its interests, namely hegemony. Through the BRI project, China can connect with the largest oil-producing countries in order to meet its high industrial needs. Second, the connectivity created by BRI enables China to increase its force capability in the South Asian region. Third is political interests, in which China can create a positive image to substantially increase its diplomatic power and strengthen its international status. Lastly, the ideological interest in which China uses slogans such as the 'Chinese Dream' for the stability and legitimacy of Xi Jinping and the Chinese Communist Party over their domestic society
9
Ибрайымов, Г. В. "Afghanistan and Pakistan in Soviet and American Cold War politics: diplomatic relations and their ideological impact." Historical bulletin 7, no. 3 (May 6, 2024): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.58224/2658-5685-2024-7-3-37-46.
Full textAbstract:
Афганистан во второй половине XX в. был одним из основных направлений в «холодной войне» СССР и США. Это небольшое государство Центральной Азии оказалось крайне ценным в регионально-стратегическом значении. Активность в Афганистане советских и американских дипломатических миссий вызвана необходимостью склонить афганские политические верхи на одну из сторон. Методы применялись разные, от мощной экономической поддержки до связей с внутренними организациями, нередко находящиеся в оппозиции к власти. Соседний Пакистан также имел серьезную ценность в регионе, поэтому поддержка оказывалась и ему. При этом у Пакистана имелись собственные внешнеполитические интересы, в том числе и в Афганистане. Со стороны Пакистана велась активная деятельность в союзе с США для установления контроля в Афганистане и противодействию распространения коммунистической идеологии. А идеологический фактор имел значительную роль в отношениях СССР и США с государствами Афганистан и Пакистан. Представленная статья ставит своей цель исследовать взаимодействия двух сверхдержав в Афганистане и Пакистане на политическом и идеологическом уровне. В основном исследование сосредоточится на проникновение и развитие марксизма в Афганистане, история афганской коммунистической партии, советско-афганским отношениям. Так же будет исследовано отношение обеих сверхдержав с Пакистаном, реакция США и Пакистана на происходящие в Афганистане события, и их совместное противодействие политики СССР. in the second half of the 20th century, Afghanistan was one of the major focuses in the "Cold War" between the USSR and USA. This Central Asian country has proven to be of extreme strategic importance in the region. The activities of Soviet and American diplomatic missions in Afghanistan were motivated by the need to convince Afghan political leaders into one camp. Different methods were employed, ranging from strong economic aid to connections with domestic organizations that often oppose the government. Pakistan, a neighboring country, also had significant value in the area, so support for it was given. At the same time, Pakistan has its own foreign policies, including those regarding Afghanistan. Through alliance with the US, Pakistan actively works to establish control over Afghanistan and counter communist ideology's spread. And the ideological factor played a significant role in relations between the USSR and the United States and the states of Afghanistan and Pakistan. This article aims to explore interaction between these two superpowers in Afghanistan and Pakistan, at the political and ideological levels. The research will focus mainly on penetration and development of Marxism in Afghanistan, history of the Afghan Communist Party, and Soviet-Afghan relations. It will also investigate the relationship between both superpowers and Pakistan; the reaction of the US and Pakistan to events in Afghanistan; and their joint opposition to policy of the USSR.
10
Ali, Noaman G., and Shozab Raza. "Worldly Marxism." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 489–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9987970.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract How can Marxism, a theory and practice that emerged from the European experience, speak to contexts outside that experience? Recent scholarship has returned to the moment of the 1960s and 1970s to examine how political movements in the global South that embraced Marxism grappled with this question, aiming to reformulate Marxist theories and categories of analysis for postcolonial realities. Whereas this scholarship focuses on the writings of intellectuals, in this article, the authors supplement prose with oral history and ethnography to also identify the theory immanent in practice. They show how the translation of Marxist theory for political practice in the peripheries instantiated what the authors call a worldly Marxism: that is, a Marxism that is constantly renewed as it exceeds its origins in Europe and attends to the specificities of settler-colonies, (post-)colonies and metropoles. Worldly Marxism thus entails theorizing in the conjuncture, that is, from a particular historical moment, and involves arranging multiple conceptual elements to clarify and understand the political task at hand. The authors illustrate how such worldly Marxism was produced in Pakistan by examining the Mazdoor Kisan Party (MKP), the country's historically largest communist party, as it engaged with agrarian transitions, religion, and gender.
11
Tepper, Elliot L. "Building Democracy in South Asia: India, Nepal, Pakistan. By Maya Chadda. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2000. 247p. $49.95 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 493–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401552028.
Full textAbstract:
Democracy is in vogue it seems. Everywhere in the world, the forces opposed to democracy seem to be in retreat, and the number of states calling themselves democracies is increas- ing. There are exceptions, of course: parts of Africa, tortured Burma, all over the Middle East, some aging Communist oligarchies, a few proud holdouts in sultanates and mountain monarchies. But they are increasingly anachronisms in the end-of-history world. Or are they? The literature is replete with controversy on the definition, durability, inevitably, and universality of democracy. Into this controversy comes a new book that takes direct aim at the literature of the past decades and provides a badly needed comparative analysis of some of the states in South Asia. Maya Chadda's goals are clear and ambitious: to bring the neglected experience of South Asia to the attention of a wider audience, in the context of the most central debates about the nature of democracy.
12
Chohan, Dildar Ali, and Amir Ali Chandio. "China Pakistan Economic Corridor: Its Prospects and Implications for Gwadar and Balochistan." Journal of South Asian Studies 10, no. 3 (December 29, 2022): 345–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.010.03.4151.
Full textAbstract:
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is a multibillion-dollar project of direct investment in a corridor of energy and infrastructure. Besides, there are good potential prospects like the construction of port and road facilities, airports, and energy corridors. It has implications for Balochistan and Gwadar. Although previous studies have highlighted the problems of Balochistan, this paper presents a theoretical framework with reference to the economic corridor. The study has a hypothesis: Baloch people have some reservations about multi-purpose projects. It has impacted the geographic and demographic profile of Balochistan. Other projects are waiting for consideration, such as those related to the water shortage, technical and vocational centers, and employment opportunities. The purpose of this study is to examine the implications and prospects. Every project should aim to facilitate the local masses. The government should shrink dependency and focus on imports, trade imbalances, and foreign loans to resurface its image for elections. It has been discovered that CPEC will cause social change and stratification, as well as Communist influence on minds and effects on aquatic life at Gwadar Harbor. The study suggests: 7% of Gwadar Port Authority revenue for Gwadar and Balochistan; job quotas; parity; public-private partnerships; etc. Finally, it concludes that Gwadar and Balochistan are not reaping immense benefits from this billionaire project. Under the 18th Amendment, Gwadar should be subject to the Balochistan government, the province should be autonomous, etc. Data was gathered through secondary sources such as printed and electronic media. Besides, theoretical, and conceptual frameworks are present in the paper. This is a qualitative study with deductive reasoning to analyze and interpret the collected data.
13
Chambers, Collin L. "Having Faith in the Party Again: The Two-Line Party Struggle in the Chinese Communist Party." Human Geography 11, no. 1 (March 2018): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861801100104.
Full textAbstract:
At the present time, the Communist Party is not looked upon as an agent for revolutionary change. It is seen as an archaic artifact that needs to be left in the dustbin of 20th century history. Some in the “New Left” argue for a “post-party politics” – because contemporary party politics are so “closely bound up with structures of power, the possibility that political parties will transform themselves and formulate a new politics is extremely low” (Wang 2016, 169). In sum, we should not have faith in the Party in radically changing social formations. However, this view abstracts from the political and social dynamics of communist parties. Communist parties provide the “affective infrastructure” for activists (Dean 2016) and create the flexible, disciplined organizational form necessary for maneuvering through the complexities of a revolutionary moment. An investigation of the historical and contemporary “line struggles” within the Chinese Communist Party gives insight into how communist parties can foster change in a social formation. This paper seeks to install hope that the Party, particularly the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), can once again create revolutionary change.
14
Thorpe, Andrew. "The Communist Party and the New Party." Contemporary British History 23, no. 4 (December 2009): 477–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460903198101.
Full text
15
Fujio, Hara. "The Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party: Features of Co-operation." Journal of Chinese Overseas 6, no. 2 (2010): 216–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325410x526113.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis is an analysis of the relations between the Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party in several areas. It will begin with a discussion of the mutual support between the PKI leaders and the Kesatuan Melayu Muda prior to the declaration of Emergency in 1948, followed by an examination of their cooperation immediately after World War II. The second part will look at the activities of the MCP members in Indonesia up to the establishment of the Representative Office of the Malayan National Liberation League in Jakarta. There will be an account of the overt activities of the Representative Office and its covert activities after its closure. The article will also ascertain the actual relations between the two based on a close examination of the official documents of the two parties.
16
Kluzik, Marcin. "“Niepodległość” Liberal Democratic Party." Sowiniec 26, no. 46 (June 30, 2015): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sowiniec26.2015.46.04.
Full textAbstract:
The Liberal Democratic party “Niepodległość”/“Independence” was a radically anti-communist party and its aim was to overthrow the communist regime and make Poland an independent country, for the party had no doubt that other elements of its agenda could be realised only after Poland achieved independence. Its uncompromising anti-communist stance made the party reject the agreements made at the Round Table. The LDPN advocated political and economic liberalism, combining it with an attachment to a conservative and Christian canon of values.
17
Hartono, M. Paulina. "“A Good Communist Style”." Representations 151, no. 1 (2020): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2020.151.2.26.
Full textAbstract:
This essay focuses on the history and politicization of radio announcers’ vocal delivery in China during the mid-twentieth century. It explores how Chinese Communist Party leaders used internal party debates, national policies, and broadcasting training to construct an ideal Communist voice whose qualities would ostensibly communicate party loyalty and serve as a sonic representation of political authority.
18
Santoro, Stefano. "Il Partito comunista italiano e i regimi comunisti dell’Europa orientale attraverso la rivista “Rinascita”." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, no. 2 (April 13, 2022): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.2.09.
Full textAbstract:
"The Italian Communist Party and the communist regimes of Eastern Europe through the magazine “Rinascita”. The cultural magazine of the Italian Communist Party “Rinascita” was published from 1944 to 1991, thus following the evolution of that party from the post-WWII to its self-dissolution. Through an analysis of the articles published in the magazine, this contribution studies the evolution of the image of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe among the Italian communists, retracing the strategic and ideological changes that characterized the Pci, along a difficult path that from the cult of Stalin eventually came to social democracy. Keywords: Magazine “Rinascita”; Italian Communist Party; Eastern Europe; “Real socialism”. "
19
L P GORE, Lance. "Revamping the Chinese Communist Party." East Asian Policy 07, no. 01 (January 2015): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000021.
Full textAbstract:
The 2014 Party reform aimed to modernise the CCP. The Politburo passed the “Action Plan for Deepening Party-building Institutional Reforms”, outlining 26 concrete reforms in four key areas to be completed by 2017. Notable departures include the re-emphasis on ideological unity, the rollback on intra-party democracy, the renewed emphasis on intra-party legislation and the control on the growth of the Party's size. However there are inherent dilemmas in building a Leninist party in a globalised market economy.
20
Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik. "China’s Communist Party: From Mass to Elite Party." China Report 54, no. 4 (October 17, 2018): 385–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518806076.
Full textAbstract:
The Communist Party of China (CPC) is not withering away as predicted by some Western scholars. On the contrary, in recent years, the party has centralised and strengthened its rule over China. At the same time, party membership has changed. Today, workers and farmers only account for only one-third of the total party membership compared to two-thirds when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established. Instead, new strata and groups such as technical and management personnel have evolved. The composition of the party’s cadre corps has changed accordingly, and cadres today are younger and much better educated than during Mao’s time. The leading cadres form an elite which is at the heart of a ranking-stratified political and social system. This article discusses how the CPC has evolved from a mass to an elite party. It argues that in this process, the party has taken over the state resulting in a merger and overlap of party and government positions and functions, thereby abandoning Deng Xiaoping’s ambidextrous policy goals of separating party and government. Centralisation and reassertion of ranking-stratified party rule is Xi Jinping’s answer to the huge challenges caused by the economic and social transformation of Chinese society—not a return to Mao’s mass party.
21
Jia, Yong-jian. "The Leadership of the CPC be written into the Laws: Standard, Scope and It’s Expression." Legal Science in China and Russia, no. 6 (June 5, 2024): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2587-9723.2023.6.022-029.
Full textAbstract:
Promoting the Communist Party of China’s leadership into the law is an inevitable requirement for the CPC’s comprehensive leadership in governing the country according to law in the new era, and it is also a legislative action to implement the CPC’s Leadership clause of the Constitution. On the issue of the standard of «the party’s leadership into the law», the academic circles have successively put forward two representative viewpoints: «theory in the field of public law» and «theory of political standard». But both are too formal to be applied in practice. For example, although the political judgment standard theory initially involves the substantive content level, the actual understanding and application still seem relatively broad, and there is no substantive content to grasp.In 2018, the amendments to China’s constitution added a clause that «the leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics», which fundamentally established the criterion of «socialist attributes»: a substantive criterion of «promoting CPC’s leadership into the law». According to this provision, if the law needs to confirm the leadership of the Communist Party of China , it means the law should highlight its socialist nature. The question of which national legislation needs to specify the «leadership of the Party» is essentially the issue of which national legislation needs to highlight the socialist nature in the substance and must ensure its socialist attribute.Therefore, to judge whether a national legislation should state «the leadership of the Communist Party of China», the substantive content should be based on whether the country’s legislation has outstanding socialist attributes and should absolutely guarantee and give special prominence to its socialist values. In this constitutional sense, state legislation stipulating «the leadership of the Communist Party of China» is to highlight its «socialist» attributes; In order to manifest and guarantee its socialist character, state legislation must clearly stipulate the principle of «Adhere to the leadership of the CPC». The Constitution is the fundamental law and supreme law of the country, and the highest standard and basis for national legislation. Therefore, national legislation should also be based on the Constitution when stipulating the «leadership of the Communist Party of China» clause. That is, national legislation with prominent socialist attributes should comprehensively stipulate «upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China». The basic scope of these legislation involves the fields of basic system of state and government, national defense and military, national security, cadre personnel, education, ideological security, governing the country according to law, anti-monopoly, etc., and mainly belongs to public law. The legislative field with socialist attributes is a practical and opening field. With the in-depth development of socialist practice, when the socialist nature in some fields is gradually highlighted and clearly recognized by legislators, its corresponding legislation will clearly stipulate the principle of «upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China», which further confirm and guarantee its «socialist attribute» at the national legislative level. Therefore, the issue of the field and scope of «the Party’s leadership into the law» is fundamentally a dynamic issue, a dynamic field that has always been constantly evolving in the face of the development of socialist practice.To promote the Party’s leadership into the law, the fundamental purpose should be conducive to strengthening the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and comprehensively consider the coordination and convergence between the national laws and the Communist Party of China’s regulations under the socialist rule of law system. The newly revised National Constitution in 2018 has established a legislative expression model that confirmed the leadership of the Communist Party of China in principle and abstractly. The normative content of how the Chinese Communist Party exercises its leadership is specified in detail by the Communist Party of China Constitution. The Communist Party regulations are the main basis rules for the party to manage the party and govern the party, and have outstanding functions of governing the party and controlling power. They are most suitable for comprehensively standardizing and directly stipulating the specific content and procedures of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party over the country. In this way, the national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations can be harmony and unified in the socialist system of rule of law as a whole. Accordingly, when relevant national legislation stipulates «the CPC’s leadership», it should also mainly implement the model established by the National Constitution and the Communist Party of China Constitution, which confirm the leadership of the Communist Party of China in principle and abstractly. So, there will leave the legislative blanks for the Communist Party of China regulations to stipulate the normative content such as its specific scope, matters, methods, procedures, responsibilities, and so on. This legislative white space is intentional from an overall perspective of the socialist rule of law system, and is a «rule of law interface» that must be reserved for the integration of the Communist Party of China regulations with national laws to further specific provisions on the actual content of «the CPC’s leadership».As a result, the national legislation focuses on «abstract confirmation of the party’s leadership status», while the Communist Party of China regulations focus on directly regulating and restraining the party’s leadership activities in a comprehensive and concrete way. The national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations are closely coordinated and connected on the issue of promoting the CPC’s leadership into the law. At that time, there is a differentiated division of labor and dislocation and complementary relationship between the national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations. That will not only highlight the unity and scientific nature of the socialist rule of law system with Chinese characteristics but also conducive to accelerating the formation of a rule of law pattern in which national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations complement each other, promote each other, and guarantee each other. The leadership of the Chinese Communist Party over the country will be confirmed and guaranteed by party rules and state law, and will be more stable in the socialist rule of law system.
22
Naiden, F. S. "Moses Finley’s Communist Party Membership." American Journal of Philology 138, no. 4 (2017): 739–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2017.0037.
Full text
23
Dean, Jodi. "The Party and Communist Solidarity." Rethinking Marxism 27, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 332–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935696.2015.1042701.
Full text
24
Wegren, Stephen K. "The Communist Party of Russia." Party Politics 10, no. 5 (September 2004): 565–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068804045388.
Full text
25
Curthoys, Barbara. "The Communist Party and the Communist International (1927 - 1929)." Labour History, no. 64 (1993): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509165.
Full text
26
Clark, Terry D., and Jovita Pranevičciūte. "Perspectives on communist successor parties: The case of Lithuania." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (November 9, 2008): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.003.
Full textAbstract:
The successor party to the Lithuanian Communist Party (LCP) has shown amazing adaptability in weathering the transition period to remain a major political force throughout the post-communist period. The LCP severed all formal ties with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and became the independent Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDLP) in late 1989. As the LDLP, the party was the governing party from 1992 to 1996. In early 2001 it merged with the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) to become the new LSDP. The LSDP has been the major party in governing coalitions from 2001 to the present. We explore the challenges that Lithuania’s successor party has faced and the reasons for its remarkable success.
27
Moreton, Edwina. "Introduction to the Series, The Crisis of Marxism — Leninism." Government and Opposition 25, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00742.x.
Full textAbstract:
In The Spring of 1989, as Poland's Communist Party was hammering out a new political deal with the non-communist opposition, one Communist official was heard to remark to a Solidarity participant that the only thing really dividing the two sides was the agricultural question: who buries whom? Ironically, neither the Communist Party nor Solidarity could have imagined that within a matter of months Poland would have its first noncommunist prime minister in over forty years, and that the Communist Party would find itself fighting for its political survival, pleading for more posts in a new Solidarity-led Cabinet.
28
Bing, Ngeow Chow. "Party Literature Work, Ideology, and the Central Party Literature Office of the Communist Party of China." China Report 58, no. 1 (February 2022): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455221074199.
Full textAbstract:
This article reviews the origins, development and current trends of what is known as ‘party literature work’ and the principal organisation that carries out this work—the Central Party Literature Office (CPLO). Party literature work plays a crucial role for each generation of Chinese communist leadership to assert its ideological ‘line’ and build its canon. It is an integral part of the ideological apparatus of the Communist Party of China. Under Xi Jinping, CPLO was merged into a new organisation, but party literature work remains and continues to play a key role, supporting his ideological line.
29
CONNOR, EMMET O. "COMMUNISTS, RUSSIA, AND THE IRA, 1920–1923." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002868.
Full textAbstract:
After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid to the IRA in return for the development of a new republican party with a radical social programme. The deal was not ratified on either side, and in 1923 the Communist Party of Ireland followed Comintern instructions to ‘turn to class politics’. The party encountered increasing difficulties and was liquidated in January 1924. The communist intervention in the Civil War highlights the contrast between Comintern and Russian state policy on Ireland, and was seminal in the evolution of Irish socialist republicanism.
30
Melnichenko, Tanya. "Ukrainian Communist Party and the Comintern." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-2 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840029706-5.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the relationship between the Ukrainian Communist Party (UCP) and the Comintern, and attempts to assess the possibility of Ukapists joining the Comintern or uniting with the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine. The controversy within the party between the so-called “left faction” that arose after the split in 1923 and the main composition of the party is touched upon. Based on the analysis of verbatim protocols and materials for the meeting of the Ukrainian Commission of the Comintern, it is concluded that the leaders of the Ukrainian Communist Party, until the adoption of the resolution of the Comintern Commission on their issue, maintained their opposition position, while understanding that maintaining an opposition party in the USSR was impossible. The Comintern and the CP(b)U ignored most of the statements of the Ukapists, acting in the spirit of a political monopoly. On December 24, 1924, the Comintern adopted a resolution dissolving the Ukrainian Communist Party.
31
Savich, Aleksandr A. "Historiography and New Sources about the Dissolution of the Communist Party of Western Belarus." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 3 (2020): 962–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.316.
Full textAbstract:
The article is aimed at studying the Belarusian historiography on the dissolution of the Communist Party of Poland and its constituent part — the Communist Party of Western Belarus in 1938 by a decision of the Executive Committee of the Comintern on suspicion of penetration of enemy agents. On the basis of a wide range of historiographical sources, including archival documents, the author reveals the emergence and transformation of the approaches and critical views of historians of the BSSR on this topic, taking into account the positions of Russian and Polish scholars and the determination of the judgments of the researchers of the 1930s — the first half of the 1950s by the official Soviet version of the validity of the dissolution of the communist parties of Poland and Western Belarus as agents of Piłsudski. The political rehabilitation of the Communist Party of Poland in 1956 contributed to the intensification of the study into the history of the Communist Party of Western Belarus, but there was no significant extension of the topic of dissolution either in 1960–1980 or during the period of the Republic of Belarus. At the same time, the organizational status of the communist organizations in Western Belarus in the 1930s has not been explored, and no attempts have been made to systematically identify the contacts with the Polish police and the Polish security service. The research identifies archival documents of the Communist Party of Western Belarus and Polish state bodies, including the state police, which testify to the unsatisfactory state of the communist organizations, low party discipline, as well as secret contacts of ordinary party members and leading workers with the security service and the Polish police.
32
Billam, Gregory. "‘Uncomradely and Un-communist’: Breakdown in the Communist Anglosphere? The Communist Party of Great Britain and Communist Party of Australia Debate, 1947–1948." Labour History Review 88, no. 1 (April 2023): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2023.3.
Full text
33
Vinokurov, Vasiliy A. "Failed revolution: the Comintern and the Communist Party of Peru in 1930—1933." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 6 (December 15, 2024): 76–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x24060051.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on the history of the Communist Party of Peru in 1930—1933 and on cooperation between Peruvian communists and the Comintern during the period of “class against class” tactics. Based on archival sources, article highlights the activities of emissaries of the world communist party and their role in the organization of the party. The article reflects the evolution of the approaches of the Latin American institutions of the Comintern to Peru and to the tactics of the Communist Party of Peru.
34
Gyanwali, Gokarna Prasad, and Khem Raj Khanal. "People's Multi-party Democracy: A Success Story of the Communist Movement of Nepal." Patan Gyansagar 6, no. 1 (July 9, 2024): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/pg.v6i1.67405.
Full textAbstract:
The 1990s was a crucial time in the global communist movement that faced a serious setback after the collapse of the USSR and other East European communist and socialist governments. In Nepal, communist parties allied with the Nepali Congress, a democratic party to stage the people’s movement to end active monarchy and restore democracy. The call for the people’s movement by the parties appealed the people and they took part in the movement in a historic way. That movement succeeded to restore democracy and end the active monarchy. Madan Bhandari, the secretary-general of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist and Leninist) witnessed this unprecedented participation of the people in a peaceful democratic movement and realized the need to democratize the communist movement, so that, they could build people’s trust towards communist parties. In the general election held in 1991, communist parties won forty percent of the seats in the parliament and popular votes as well. In this context, Bhandari presented the document of people’s multi-party democracy in the fifth national congress of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist and Leninist) held in 1993, and it was passed overwhelmingly in the congress. This article attempts to make a textual analysis of the document of People’s multi-party democracy to examine the major aspects of the document and to see how successful it has become in democratizing the communist movement in Nepal.
35
Wysocki, Roman. "Komunistyczna Partia Zachodniej Ukrainy. Stan badań." Res Gestae 10 (July 27, 2020): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.10.3.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the current historiography of the Communist Party of Western Ukraine (CPWU), the main communist organisation in the south-eastern provinces of the Second Polish Republic. Under that name the party was established in 1923 and from 1925 to 1938 (i.e. when the party was disbanded) it possessed the status of an autonomous organisation of the Communist Party of Poland. In fact, during that period the CPWU was directly dependent on the leadership of the communist party in the USSR, which is important to note. Despite several decades
of Ukraine being ruled by communists, the CPWU had not been studied satisfactorily or completely impartially by Soviet historians. The unsatisfactory state of knowledge of the CPWU deprives us of opportunities to understand the important role the party played in preparing the ground for Soviet rule, which began (with a three-year gap) in 1939.
36
Paltiel, Jeremy T. "PLA Allegiance on Parade: Civil-Military Relations in Transition." China Quarterly 143 (September 1995): 784–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000015046.
Full textAbstract:
Civil-military relations in China demonstrate a unique fusion of military and political leadership within the Communist Party. Variously described as a “symbiosis,” “dual-role elite” or “the Party in uniform,” this feature rooted in the guerrilla experience of the Chinese Communist Party was sustained over six decades by the political longevity of the Long March generation. The civil war experience formed political leaders skilled in both civil affairs and military command. Analysts of civil-military relations in China must therefore define the scope of “civil” in relation to the Chinese Communist Party.
37
Terskikh, M. "The Ideological Influence of the Communist Party of China on the Communist Party of Vietnam." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-64-70.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on the peculiarities of Vietnam’s position in the orbit of the ideological and theoretical influence of China. The author examines the most important party documents of both states, reveals their main similarities and differences. The author concludes that Hanoi scrupulously studies, critically assesses, and actively uses the experience of Chinese economic and political reforms. The party and state leadership of Vietnam, when carrying out major transformations of recent decades, was directly guided by the successful experience of their Chinese colleagues. This led to the situation where today’s political systems of Vietnam and China are quite similar, but still are not (and will never be) twin brothers. At the same time, the countries developed a wide network of inter-party contacts which is used not only as an instrument of exchanging views on adapting Marxism-Leninism to current realities, but also as an additional and mutually beneficial channel of communication on a wide range of issues. Despite this, the similarity of the political systems does not necessarily lead to a change in foreign policy. China has an impressive array of tools to influence its southern neighbor, but their ideological closeness is definitely not the most important of them. It is concluded that the role of ideology in Vietnam’s policy, although it remains noticeable, is significantly inferior to the role of national interests and pragmatic views.
38
ŁUKASIEWICZ, SERGIUSZ. "High treason. The activity of The Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius in 1930–1935." Journal of Education Culture and Society 3, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20121.82.93.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this paper is to attempt to explain the activities of the Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius during the fi rst half of the thirties of the twentieth century. The author’s aim is to show the organisation, theory and practice of this illegal party. Further-more, the intention is to present the activities of Vilnius police towards communist sym-pathizers and activists. Founded in 1923 in Vilnius, the Communist Party of Western Belaruswas a branch of The Communist Party of Poland. This organization like the polish communist party was illegal. Its aim was to combat the Polish state and to perform electioneering for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Although the name of the party could indicate a desire for independence of Belarus, in practice it was for the removal of the north eastern provinces of the Second Republic of Poland to the USSR. CPWB activity had a special dimension in Vilnius. As the region’s largest city and former capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Vilnus was home for many nations, religions and cultures. Moreover, Vil-nius was the most important fi eld for communist action. Given the number of inhabitants, industrialized multi-ethnic character, communists had the opportunity to develop wide subversive and conspiratorial work. In addition, the city was the great centre of production and distribution of communist publications, which allowed the spread of propaganda in both its administrative boundaries and in the Vilnius Voivodeship.
39
Tiemann, Guido. "The Nationalization of political parties and party systems in post-communist Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.02.009.
Full textAbstract:
Party system nationalization is a crucial aspect of political competition. The territories of Eastern Europe have often been characterized by outstanding levels of territorial heterogeneity. However, during and after World War II ethnic cleansing and forced migration resulted in more homogeneous nation states, and these trends were significantly reinforced by bureaucratic, centralized communist rule. I present a systematic empirical assessment of party and party system homogeneity or heterogeneity in post-communist Eastern Europe and will discuss some major macrosociological and institutional factors determining the degree of party and party system nationalization such as the political consequences of social diversity and political cleavages, legacies of the communist regimes, electoral systems, and federalism.
40
Cătănuș, Dan. "Întâlniri necunoscute cu Stalin şi Dimitrov Vizita lui Chivu Stoica la Moscova, iulie – august 1945, II." ARHIVELE TOTALITARISMULUI 31, no. 3-4 (February 13, 2024): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.61232/at.2023.3-4.06.
Full textAbstract:
In the second part of the article, the author analyses the meeting Chivu Stoica had with Stalin, as well as a series of consequences of the Romanian Communist leader’s visit to the Soviet Union: Moscow’s lost of interest in the case of Ștefan Foriș, the former general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party during the war, the weakening of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu’s political position, the election of Chivu Stoica to the new Political Bureau of the Romanian Communist Party, and Moscow’s direction of the decisions taken at the National Conference of the Communist Party in October 1945.
41
Grzymala-Busse, Anna. "Authoritarian Determinants of Democratic Party Competition." Party Politics 12, no. 3 (May 2006): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068806063089.
Full textAbstract:
The remarkable trajectories of transformation of the communist successor parties have been the focus of research since the collapse of communism. In contrast, the impact of these different outcomes, the ways in which communist successors adapted to democracy and transformed their organization, has been neglected. In this article, I argue that communist transformation played a crucial role in the formation of a strong and robust party opposition which could constrain rentseeking and lead to the rise of a stronger institutional framework.
42
Casal Bértoa, Fernando, and Ingrid van Biezen. "Party regulation and party politics in post-communist Europe." East European Politics 30, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2014.938738.
Full text
43
Sa'di, Ahmad H. "Communism and Zionism in Palestine-Israel: A Troubled Legacy." Holy Land Studies 9, no. 2 (November 2010): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0103.
Full textAbstract:
The political marginalisation of the Palestinians inside Israel between 1948 and 1977 has been widely discussed in the literature. The Israeli Communist Party is often credited with being the sole political organisation which gave an outlet during this period to the critical and oppositional political, literary and artistic activities of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. The Party organs in particular have done their utmost to popularise this claim, which has also become an article of faith for many Arab left-wing intellectuals. The question tackled in this article is: why did the Israeli State grant a margin of freedom to the Communist Party during this period, while denying it to every single Palestinian organisation inside Israel? I discussed this question at a conference on the Left in Palestine held at SOAS in February 2010. While the reader will be spared here the details of the subsequent personal accusations levelled against me in the organs of the Communist Party, I argue here (as in my SOAS paper) that the Communist Party was given this freedom of action for a range of reasons and in particular those to do with the Soviet support for the establishment of Israel and the important pro-Zionist role played the Communist Party during the 1948 War for Palestine. Other reasons are related to the endorsement by the Communist Party of Zionism's tenets and claims in support of the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, including the ‘modernising’ nature of the Zionist project.
44
Sartikova, Evgeniya V. "Эволюция корпуса первых секретарей Калмыцкой организации ВКП(б) в 1921–1943 гг." Desertum Magnum: studia historica Великая степь: исторические исследования, no. 1 (December 18, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2712-8431-2020-9-1-42-50.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the main trends in the rotation of the executive (the first) secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party committee in 1921–1943. The study is based on the documents from the fund of the Kalmyk regional committee of the USSR Communist Party kept at the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia. The principles of objectivism and historicism were used for the analysis of the archive materials that allowed to examine the problem in its relation to the existing specific historical circumstances. The goal of the article is to investigate the body of the first secretaries of the Russian Communist Party — All-Russia Communist Party in Kalmykia. The use of the common in the historical research methods (the broadside examination of the archive sources, historical description, chronological method) allowed to investigate the historical phenomena in the close relation to the historical situation. The author concludes that the specific feature of the rotation of the first secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party committee was the appointment of people from other regions of the country to this position. Mainly these were formal representatives, supervisors recommended by the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party — All-Russia Communist Party for the positions of the first or second secretaries of the regional party committee. The analysis of the characteristics of the body of the first secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party in the given time period showed that all these people were from poor peasant families, without high education but with sufficient party service record who combined party and soviet activities.
45
Li, Jieli. "Geopolitics of the Chinese Communist Party in the Twentieth Century." Sociological Perspectives 36, no. 4 (December 1993): 315–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389391.
Full textAbstract:
Geopolitical theory is employed to address the question of why the Chinese Communist Party-state persists, despite Western pressures stemming from the suppression of student demonstrators in “Tienanmen Square” in 1989. As the theory postulates, macro dynamic forces revolving around the geopolitical processes are crucial to the resource mobilization and legitimacy of the state. The entire history of the Chinese Communist Party is reviewed in order to document the conclusion that changes in the geopolitical position of the Party are associated with periods of internal strength and weakness. Since 1979, the Chinese Communist Party-state has been increasingly favored by geopolitical circumstances, thereby facilitating its internal strength even in the face of Western pressures, potential for internal dissent, and collapse of the Soviet empire. As long as this favorable geopolitical trend continues, the Chinese Communist Party will likely exist as a ruling political force in China.
46
De Martino, Claudia. "Israel and the Italian Communist Party (1948–2015): From fondness to enmity." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (August 14, 2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.004.
Full textAbstract:
Based on a wide array of archival sources of the Communist Party of Italy (PCI), the article explores the historical relationship between the Party, Israel and the Jew and focuses on the real motivations behind the current divide between Israel and the European (Communist or former Communist) Left. The articles argues that Communism for Israel has not been lost for the presumed discriminatory attitude of the Jews in the Communist world, nor for historical growing Communist support of Palestinian guerrilla groups, but because of the increasing militarism and nationalism of the Zionist Left and the erosion of Communist and pacifist ideals.
47
Zhou, Qi. "The course of the communist party of China of leading Chinese people to conquer difficulties over the past century, and its summation of experience, and implication of the times." MATEC Web of Conferences 395 (2024): 01057. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/202439501057.
Full textAbstract:
The experience of the Communist Party of China over the past century is a great course of leading Chinese people to constantly conquer difficulties and finally achieve victory. The Communist Party of China has always adhered to the fundamental guidance of Marxism, kept emancipating our mind and enhancing our theoretical confidence, and formed valuable experience in leading the people to conquer difficulties. In the new era, the Communist Party of China relies on the broad masses, strengthens the “four-sphere confidence”, improves the combination of ideological Party-building and institutional Party governance and other innovations of the times, and starts a new journey of building a modern socialist country in an all-round way.
48
Zhang, Shaoying, and Derek McGhee. "Governing through ‘the family’ in China: cultivating ethical political subjects through officials’ ‘nearest and dearest’." Families, Relationships and Societies 8, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 495–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204674318x15271465130398.
Full textAbstract:
In this article we argue that the families of Communist Party members are increasingly being seen as both part of the problem and part of the solution to eradicating corruption in contemporary China. Our findings reveal how families are being investigated as well as co-opted by the party as a mechanism for encouraging its members to become ethical communist subjects. The current anti-corruption campaign in China is the context that has enabled this indirect governance of communist officials through the co-option of their ‘nearest and dearest’ in the party’s power structures. We argue that ‘the family’ in China is a privileged site for the remoralisation of society and the party through the process of facilitating what we call the ‘ethical subjectivities’ of officials. The contribution we make in this article is to analyse the continuum between the formal agencies of socialisation within the communist system and the informal but equally important institution of socialisation, namely, Communist Party members’ families.
49
Wang, Tao. "Study on Crop Variety Improvement in the Early Days of the Founding of New China." Learning & Education 10, no. 2 (September 16, 2021): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/l-e.v10i2.2301.
Full textAbstract:
Variety improvement reflects the level of agricultural productivity.The Communist Party of China has long explored ways to promote the improvement of varieties by means of mass campaign.After the founding of the people’s Republic of China,the change of variety improvement path reflects that the Communist Party of China has taken reasonable measures to promote the progress of agricultural productivity on the basis of national conditions,which implies the basic experience of the Communist Party of China in governing the country.
50
Levi, Paul. "Two Documents by Paul Levi (16 March 1920–8 January 1921)." Historical Materialism 25, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341516.
Full textAbstract:
This is a translation and critical edition of two documents on the Kapp Putsch and the origins of the united-front policy in the German Communist Party (kpd). The documents were written by the kpd leader Paul Levi and their titles and dates are, respectively: ‘Letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany’ (16 March 1920) and ‘Open Letter of the Zentrale of the United Communist Party of Germany’ (8 January 1921). They are a documentary appendix to our essay ‘Paul Levi and the Origins of the United-Front Policy in the Communist International’, published in this issue of Historical Materialism.