Relevant bibliographies by topics / Communist Poland

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Communist Poland'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Communist Poland"

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Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "The Opposition to Communism in the Political Thought of The Exiled Democratic Socialist Adam Ciołkosz." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (2018): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0007.

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AbstractThe Polish socialist movement has undergone various stages of development over more than 100 years of history. In the first half of the 20th century it was, to a large extent, identified with European Social Democracy. After the Second World War and the seizure of power in Poland by the communists, the socialist movement was replaced by a communist ideology that completely distorted the authentic democratic socialism and appropriated the values it represented. The unmasking of communist counterfeits was dealt with by the Polish émigré activist – Adam Ciołkosz, who as active politician and theoretician of socialism, showed a special activity in the contestation of communism. His views as an authentic Social Democrat had a significant impact on the political thought of the Polish socialist movement outside Poland. Ciołkosz, as an anti-Communist, represented such values as: respect for human rights and social justice, humanistic sensitivity, Christianity and above all socialism. At the same time, he promoted the need to fight communism and expose the criminal ideology. He pointed to the need to introduce a system of social justice (i.e. democratic socialism).
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Kopstein, Jeffrey S., and Jason Wittenberg. "Who Voted Communist? Reconsidering the Social Bases of Radicalism in Interwar Poland." Slavic Review 62, no. 1 (2003): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090468.

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Research on the sources of support for the communists in interwar Poland has emphasized the role of ethnic minorities, especially the Jews. To what degree did Poland's national minorities vote for the Communist Party? Using census data and electoral returns on interwar Poland's 2*72 districts, as well as a new technique for inferring individual level behavior from aggregate level data, Jeffrey Kopstein and Jason Wittenberg generate reliable estimates of ethnic group voting behavior for the Sejm elections of 1922 and 1928. The results show that it is incorrect to speak of a unified minority vote. Communist parties received disproportionate support from Belarusans. By 1928 Ukrainians voted overwhelming for ethnonational parties. The bulk of Jews drifted into establishment politics, disproportionately supporting the pro-government bloc. Contrary to the myth of the “Jewish communist,” Jews provided only a small fraction of the electoral support for the communist parties. The evidence shows that not only were the overwhelming number of Jews not communist supporters but the vast majority of communist voters were not Jews.
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Strauchold, Grzegorz. "Activities of the security services against the German population and the so-called Polish autochthones in Warmia and Mazury in the years 1945–1956." Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 298, no. 4 (2018): 637–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134925.

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The article describes the activities of the Communist political police against former German citizens who remained in their places of residence in the part of East Prussia incorporated into Poland. Polish communists until the end of the 1940s were conducting a policy that would eliminate German nationality from the inhabitants of Poland. From the end of the 1940s there was a concerted attempt to eliminate anyone with German nationality and those questioning the new Polish–German border that was created in 1945 among the remnants of the German citizenry. The Communist political police were also interested in people (and their views) who showed a critical attitude toward the Communist regime introduced into Poland
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Kunicki, Mikołaj. "The Red and the Brown: Bolesław Piasecki, the Polish Communists, and the Anti-Zionist Campaign in Poland, 1967-68." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 2 (2005): 185–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270673.

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This article complements studies on 1968 in Poland that have explained the anti-Semitic campaign by pointing to the Soviet factor, traditional Polish anti-Semitism, or factional conflict within the Polish Communist Party. The article attributes March 1968 to the communists’ growing reliance on Polish nationalism. It narrows the scale of historical observation to the case of Bolesław Piasecki (1915-79), a prominent nationalist politician. A fascist in the 1930s and a proregime Catholic activist after the war, Piasecki was the leading proponent of the mutual reinforcement of nationalism and communism. Melding Piasecki’s role in the 1968 drama with the ideological metamorphosis of the Polish Communist Party, the article argues that under certain conditions, not only did the communists utilize nationalism, but they also prolonged the existence of the nationalist radical right, which supplied the chauvinistic message during the anti-Semitic campaign.
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Rychlík, Jan. "Dyplomacja czechosłowacka wobec sytuacji w Polsce w 1989 roku." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 259–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.018.13811.

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Czechoslovak Diplomacy in the Face of the Situation in Poland in 1989 In 1989, the diplomacy of communist Czechoslovakia watched the political changes in communist Poland moving towards democratization with care and concern. However, due to the passive attitude of the Gorbachev ruler in Moscow, Prague did not intend to take any practical steps towards creating a political bloc proposed by Romania that could stop systemic changes in Poland. Despite the announcement of support for Polish communists, Prague chose to isolate Czechs and Slovaks from Poland and Poles and limit her own reforms to the economic sphere. It also did not open the border with Poland closed in 1981 for individual movement.
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Nowak, Krzysztof. "Dyplomacja Nicolae Ceauşescu wobec przemian politycznych w Polsce w 1989 roku." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.017.13810.

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Nicolae Ceauşescu’s Diplomacy in the Face of Political Changes in Poland in 1989 In 1989, Romania belonged to the communist countries, which particularly strongly attacked communist Poland for carrying out democratic reforms. For many months the diplomacy of communist leader Nicolae Ceaşescu tried to organize a conference of socialist countries on the subject of Poland, but as a result of Moscow’s opposition it did not come to fruition. During the Gorbachev era, the Soviet Union rejected the Brezhnev doctrine, while Romania actually urged its restoration. This was in contradiction with the current political line of Ceauşescu in favor of not interfering in the internal affairs of socialist countries. However, in 1989 it was a threat to communism, which is why historians also have polemics about Romanian suggestions for the armed intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Poland. In turn, Romania did not allow Poland to interfere in the problems of the Polish minority in Bukovina.
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Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.

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Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover
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Simoncini, Gabriele. "Ethnic and Social Diversity in the Membership of the Communist Party of Poland: 1918 - 1938." Nationalities Papers 22, S1 (1994): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200022145.

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The Communist movement in interbellum Poland was a small political entity that did not constitute a threat to the power of the state, nor did it become a visible presence since it failed to attract a majority of the working class. The movement, overall, consisted of a number of parties, organizations and groups, usually illegal, but some at times provisionally legal. The Communist Party of Poland - CPP (Komunistyczna Partia Polski - KPP) was the main party, entrusted with the guiding role by the Comintern, and also the umbrella organization and ideological reference point for the Communists throughout the twenty-year existence of the Second Polish Republic. The CPP was originally formed under the name “Communist Workers' Party of Poland” - CWPP, (Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski-KPRP). In 1920, it briefly took on the designation “Section of the Communist International” of which it was a founding member. By virtue of its name, the Party proclaimed a total proletarian orientation, ignoring the reality of an almost completely agricultural Poland at the time.
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Taras, Raymond. "Gomulka's ‘Rightist-Nationalist Deviation,’ The Postwar Jewish Communists, and the Stalinist Reaction in Poland, 1945-1950." Nationalities Papers 22, S1 (1994): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200022170.

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The first years of Communist rule in Poland profoundly shaped the 45 year political experience of the country until the 1989 democratic breakthrough. These formative years encompassed such historic developments as postwar reconstruction and central economic planning, the emergence of new and the disappearance of old political parties, the heretical notion of a Polish road to socialism but also the advent of high Stalinism. Even with the redrawing of Poland's postwar boundaries and with increasing Communist hegemony over political life, the period between 1945 and 1948 was characterized by considerably more political and ethnic heterogeneity than the decades that followed. A significant and, ultimately, controversial role in the shaping of postwar Poland - in its rebuilding, in its economic program, political configuration, national security organization, and in its minorities policies - was played by Jewish Communists.
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Kowalczyk, Anna. "Women under State Socialism." Historical Materialism 24, no. 4 (2016): 234–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341495.

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Malgorzata Fidelis in her book Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland sets out to examine gender policies during Stalinism and their transformation under the subsequent ‘Polish road to socialism’. She shows that the relative political liberalisation in the late 1950s was also accompanied by the abandonment of policies favouring women and the return to conservative prewar gender hierarchies. The essay finds that the book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the vicissitudes of gender struggle during Communism in Poland. It also makes a contribution to the understanding of how the principles declared by the Communist Party were modified in response not only to economic necessities but also to local cultures and popular struggles. In this way it sheds light on the process of the legitimation of the Communist regime in Poland and beyond by accommodating demands from below.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communist Poland"

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Black, Stephen P. "Crossing shadows Polish sovereignty, post-communist foreign policy and European security /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA246590.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.
Thesis Advisor(s): lTsypkin, Mikhail. Second Reader: Laba, Roman. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 01, 2010. DTIC Descriptor(s): Foreign policy, Europe, warfare, global, united states, strategy, security, theses, memory devices, integration, internal, history, Germany, crossings, eastern Europe, Poland, bridges, shadows, east(direction), disintegration, central Europe, USSR DTIC Identifier(s): Poland, Eastern Europe, European security, theses Author(s) subject terms: Poland, Eastern Europe, European security Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.
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Fleming, Michael. "National minorities in post-Communist Poland : constructing identity." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391058.

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Pawlaczek, Zofia. "Physical education in post-Communist Poland : a transitory journey." Thesis, Durham University, 2005. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2749/.

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In 1989 the fall of communism in Poland led to a shift in political governance from totalitarianism to a decentralized democracy. Changes to society were all embracing and reforms became central to implementing deep cultural change in a population that had for the last 43 years been subjected to authoritarianism. Physical education (PE), which belongs to the definitional framework of physical culture (PC), was ideologically driven by Marxist theories. Since then education reforms have led to new conditions of autonomy for interpreting curriculum, meaning that PE teachers have become accountable at local levels of governance. This study has been carried out to capture the transitory journey of PE as it adapts to reforms that are underpinned by decentralist policies, and conveys the voices of teachers at the individual level. A sequence of interviews (ท=33) were conducted, which overlapped process that included the construction of an open-style questionnaire that provided words from informants (ท=348) in Poland's reforming PE system. These words were used to discover a grounded theory on physical education in transition. The theory is explained by a globosity of change and concept, which provides an explanation of reforms. It has emerged that three layers construct this concept and that teachers are required to make 1) ideological, 2) structural, and 3) individual transitions. Further to this, two significant dimensions of transition were crossed to form a Four Scenarios Model. The model captures an analytic story that shows how teachers from different political eras make up the profession. Adaptations to the three layers go beyond the school context as an entire nation shifts to a new socio-cultural tempo so as to get in step with the metronomic pace of a culturally new Poland, one that is democratized, belongs to the European Union (EU) and understands the challenges of new economic frames.
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Szymanska, Katarzyna. "Literary metatranslation : understanding the multiple in post-communist Poland." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5214f414-5874-4bce-ae28-7e228e3ea45e.

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This doctoral thesis introduces the notion of 'literary metatranslation', a self-reflexive literary strategy in which the translator (or a group of translators) exposes the process and act of translation by producing different parallel variants, placing them next to each other as legitimate versions of the original, and presenting them jointly as an artistic work. Pointing to its artistic and ethical relevance, I first identify the gesture of multiplying possible readings of an original text in the contemporary Anglophone context and then discuss it in much more detail in the Polish translation tradition. I argue that the ethical task of such multiplied translations can be compared to the one of metaliterature: alerting the reader to the creative transformation occurring in the process. I briefly discuss this idea with reference to multiplied translations of poetry in English (e.g. Weinberger, Paz 1989, Hofstadter 1997, Waldrop, 2000, Bergvall 2000, Cobb, Coleman 2003, Carson 2012). Then, in the three core chapters of the thesis, I focus on literary translation practice in the Polish post-1989 context and show how a multiplicity of interpretative angles could also be read in pluralist terms: as opening a forum for discussion about the original, introducing different viewpoints through translation, and undermining the authoritative legacy of the Communist literary order. At this juncture, I analyse three key examples against the background of socio-cultural phenomena, publishing practices, and translation debates of that time: Stanisław Barańczak's translation polemics and multiple translations of the early 90s; Robert Stiller's double/triple rendering of 'A Clockwork Orange' from 1999; and Andrzej Kopacki's quadruple Brecht from 2012. In discussing the ethical ideas underpinning these works, I demonstrate how literary metatranslations and their gesture of acknowledging more than one view and line of thinking could also undermine totalised discourses and put forward a more democratic agenda.
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Rie, Jaeryong. "Post-communist Polish economic reform : a class analysis /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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McMenamin, Kevin Iain. "The 'soft state' : business-government relations in post-communist Poland." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3044/.

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I define modes of business-government relations by the actor, which represents business. In the association state, business associations are dominant. In the company state, the firm directly represents itself. In the party state, access to the political system is mediated by parties, with which businesses must identify themselves. In the soft state, the personal connections of businesspeople are the dominant channel of influence. The existing literature on business-government very rarely acknowledges that each mode forms part of the environment of business- government relations for the other modes. Of the four modes, by far the least attention has been given to personalism. I find the association state to be weak because large numbers of small firms, weak trade unions and the sectoral configuration of Polish business present few incentives for the formation of business associations. The company state is usually associated with foreign and state enterprises. Foreign direct investment has been relatively modest in Poland. When state enterprises directly engage with the state, they tend to do so, not as businesses, but in alliance with trade unions. The party state is undermined by the high governmental turnover in Poland. It makes no sense for business to commit itself to parties, which are only temporary rulers. The soft state is found to be the dominant form of business-government relations. The sources of personalism are partially hidden behind complex personal histories. However, involvement in youth organisations is a powerful predictor of the level of personal connections to politicians amongst the business elite. Fundamental, and unlikely, changes to political competition and economic structure are necessary for Poland to become an association or a party state. In contrast, foreign ownership is increasing and state ownership is decreasing and transforming itself. Some of the conditions for personalism are also being undermined. In the future, instead of being a soft state, permeated by personal interests, Polish business government relations may move towards the company state.
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Chan, Kenneth Ka-Lok. "Explaining political parties and party system formation in post-communist Poland." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285032.

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Szczerbiak, Aleksander Andrzej. "The emergence and development of political parties in post-communist Poland." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1318021/.

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This study provides a detailed, empirically based examination of the institutional dynamics of the new parties and political groupings that have emerged Poland, the largest country of the former Soviet bloc, since the collapse of communist rule in 1989. It draws upon and utilises the models developed in the contemporary West European party literature as an analytical framework with which to examine the main parties from a structural and organisational perspective and considers how they approximate to these taxonomical ideals. It examines the six main parties and political groupings around which the Polish party system appeared to be consolidating in the run up to the 1997 parliamentary elections. The study considers: the internal distribution of power and modes of representation with the parties; the role of the party bureaucracy; the relationship between the parties and their electorates; the development of parties as membership organisations; and the relationship between parties and the state. It concludes that the new Polish parties are strong at the level of state institutions and appear capable of fulfilling their role in terms of structuring elections, institutions and recruiting elites. However, they are also likely to develop as remote and somewhat distant institutions that are weak at the societal level. Given that the nature of the links between parties and their electorates are likely to remain fairly shallow, the new parties are likely to prove less successful at aggregating societal interests and relatively ineffective in mobilising the citizenry and integrating them into the political process. The study, therefore, draws broader conclusions about the process of party development in post-communist Eastern Europe at the same time as augmenting the relatively undeveloped literature on internal party dynamics.
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Kowalewski, Wojciech Karol. "A theology of mission for post-communist Poland : towards an integrative approach." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422746.

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Nowak, Barbara Agnieszka. "Serving women and the state the league of women in communist Poland /." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1091553624.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 277 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 264-277). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Books on the topic "Communist Poland"

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Szulc, Lukasz. Transnational Homosexuals in Communist Poland. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58901-5.

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Fleming, Michael. National minorities in post-communist Poland. Veritas Foundation Publication Centre, 2003.

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Kaliński, Janusz. Economy in communist Poland: The road astray. Institute of National Remembrance - Commission of the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation, 2014.

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Frentzel-Zagórska, Janina. Communists back in power: The case of Poland. Centre for Russian and Euro-Asian Studies, University of Melbourne, 1994.

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Aleksandrowicz, Dariusz. Cultural paradigms and post-communist transformation in Poland. Frankfurter Institut für Transformationsstudien, 1999.

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The establishment of Communist rule in Poland, 1943-1948. University of California Press, 1991.

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Wesołowski, Włodzimierz. The significance of political elites in post-communist Poland. Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1991.

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College, St Antony's, ed. Lower Silesiafrom Nazi Germany to communist Poland, 1942-1949. Macmillan, 1994.

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Kajencki, Francis Casimir. American betrayal: Franklin Roosevelt casts Poland into Communist captivity. Southwest Polonia Press, 2007.

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Politics of time: Dynamics of identity in post-communist Poland. Berghahn Books, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Communist Poland"

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Sanford, George. "The Communist Experience and Legacy." In Democratic Government in Poland. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907578_2.

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Sula, Piotr. "Post - Communist Parties in Poland after 1989." In Communist and Post-Communist Parties in Europe. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369124.311.

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Szulc, Lukasz. "Homosexual Activism in Communist Poland." In Transnational Homosexuals in Communist Poland. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58901-5_4.

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Prażmowska, Anita J. "Towards a Communist Government." In Civil War in Poland, 1942–1948. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230504882_9.

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Węglińska, Agnieszka. "The PSM model in post-communist countries." In Public Television in Poland. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003201618-4.

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Szulc, Lukasz. "Introduction: A Sexual Cold War and Its Myths." In Transnational Homosexuals in Communist Poland. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58901-5_1.

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Szulc, Lukasz. "Globalization of LGBT Identities and Politics." In Transnational Homosexuals in Communist Poland. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58901-5_2.

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Szulc, Lukasz. "Homosexuality in the Eastern Bloc." In Transnational Homosexuals in Communist Poland. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58901-5_3.

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Szulc, Lukasz. "Polish Gay and Lesbian Magazines." In Transnational Homosexuals in Communist Poland. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58901-5_5.

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Szulc, Lukasz. "(Re)constructing Identities." In Transnational Homosexuals in Communist Poland. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58901-5_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Communist Poland"

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ZIELIŃSKA-SZCZEPKOWSKA, Joanna, Izabela ZABIELSKA, and Roman KISIEL. "SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DETERMINANTS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF GROUPS OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCERS IN POLAND." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.053.

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The aim of the article was to characterize the aspects of social and economic conditions and circumstances for the establishment and operation of groups of agricultural producers in Poland. The discussion is theoretical. In the article the monographic method was used. The following issues were subsequently examined: the nature and status of groups of producers in Poland, the social capital of farmers, advantages and obstacles in the cooperation of agricultural farmers and financial aid opportunities under the Rural Development Programmes for 2007–2013 and 2014–2020. As the example, the model of agricultural producer groups functioning in Poland was described. The results of the consideration has broad spectrum. It follows from the analysis conducted that the reasons for creating groups of producers are economic benefits related to production on a higher scale and to achievement of synergies through acting together. They also include EU financial aid opportunities. The benefits are also of a social character and are related, among others, to farmers learning how to act together as well as to increased trust in cooperation. In spite of numerous benefits that may arise from acting together, there are also certain obstacles related to the level of knowledge or educational background of farmers, typical responses to change or lack of trust between organisation members. This is often an effect of negative past experiences connected with overall socialisation that affects post-communist nations.
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Tyszka, Konrad, and Michał Jagosz. "Polish music press in the face of systemic change in 1989 as an example of cultural transformation in post-communist countries." In 6th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.06.09103t.

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The systemic transformation has significantly increased and diversified the music press market. Liquidation of the monopoly, privatization, censorship abolition and media pluralism are just some of the factors that contributed to shaping new cultural policy in Poland. The research material used for this paper’s analytical purposes consists of Polish music magazines; based on a query covering over 110 journals being published since 1946 to the present, a historical and comparative analysis was made. It allowed to determine what new solutions the publishers started to put into practice to make their magazines more attractive. Moreover, it showed a clear fragmentation of the market. After ’89, popular music magazines began to prevail; there are also many specialist journals devoted to a specific topic. A look at cultural transformation from the perspective of the music press is therefore an innovative idea, combining knowledge from the borderline of musicology, cultural studies, and press studies.
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Tyszka, Konrad, and Michał Jagosz. "Polish music press in the face of systemic change in 1989 as an example of cultural transformation in post-communist countries." In 6th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.06.09103t.

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The systemic transformation has significantly increased and diversified the music press market. Liquidation of the monopoly, privatization, censorship abolition and media pluralism are just some of the factors that contributed to shaping new cultural policy in Poland. The research material used for this paper’s analytical purposes consists of Polish music magazines; based on a query covering over 110 journals being published since 1946 to the present, a historical and comparative analysis was made. It allowed to determine what new solutions the publishers started to put into practice to make their magazines more attractive. Moreover, it showed a clear fragmentation of the market. After ’89, popular music magazines began to prevail; there are also many specialist journals devoted to a specific topic. A look at cultural transformation from the perspective of the music press is therefore an innovative idea, combining knowledge from the borderline of musicology, cultural studies, and press studies.
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KOBIAŁKA, Anna, and Renata KUBIK. "EFFICIENCY OF THE INVESTMENT ACTIVITY OF POLISH COMMUNES IN RURAL AREAS." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.207.

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The purpose of this paper was to evaluate the efficiency of investment activity in the communes in Poland. The commune is a basic unit of local government in Poland, and rural and urban-rural communes constitute the vast majority of municipalities. Communes in their own name and on their own account carry out public tasks that cover all tasks of local interest, including technical and environmental infrastructure. Despite many researches on the efficiency of communes, there are no studies on selected activities as well as on rural areas only. The nonparametric method of technical efficiency Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) was used in the study. The inputs and the effects of investment activity of rural and urban-rural communes in 2007-2013 were compared. This period was related to the duration of EU support programs. The study was conducted on the basis of data from the Local Data Bank which is Poland's largest database of the economy, society and the environment. The ranking of investment activity for communes were made based of the calculated average for indicators of efficiency. The studies conducted show that the amount of expenditure incurred on the studied spheres of investment activity of the analyzed communes does not translate into their efficiency. This is connected with the possibility of obtaining additional funds from EU. Information on the use of EU funds for financing the municipal investments were not included in the study due to lack of data before 2010. Among the analyzed rural and urban-rural communes the most efficient ones were located in the Mazowieckie, Świętokrzyskie and Lubelskie voivodships, although they were not fully efficient throughout the considered period. Due to its closeness to the capital, the municipality of Mazowieckie voivodeship belongs to an area with a high degree of urbanization. Communes from the Świętokrzyskie and Lubelskie voivodships belong to regions characterized by a high share of rural areas. The dynamic development of infrastructure is extremely important in terms of divergence between regions of the country.
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MARKS-BIELSKA, Renata, and Agata ZIELIŃSKA,. "FARMLAND ACQUISITION BY FOREIGNERS IN POLAND IN YEARS 2000–2013." In Rural Development 2015. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2015.100.

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The present study aimed at identification and evaluation the issue of agricultural land acquisition by foreigners in Poland in the years 2000–2013. The authors have used secondary data from: the Ministry of Interior, the Agricultural Property Agency (APA) and the Institute of Agricultural Economics and Food Economy. The issue of farmland acquisition regulation in UE countries was also mentioned. The area of agriculture land acquired in the analyzed time is 5 0833, 98 hectare. The phenomenon most intensively affects legal persons (with permission of Minister of Interior) who purchase 68.7 % of it. Having considered the analyzed issue from the perspective of the country of origin, Germany and Austria dominate in natural persons (49.04 %) and in the case of legal entities leaders are: Germany and the Netherlands (58.27 %).Significant for interest of polish agricultural land by foreigners was Poland’s accession to the European Community, when in the real estate market a recovery from the foreigners side happened. The future situation in the agricultural land market in Poland is determined by the political decisions and public opinion pressure, especially before 1 May 2016. Present prepositions of changes in the regulation will rather do not limit requirements in land acquisition by foreigners like in Hungary, Slovakia, Lithuania or Bulgaria.
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Głowicka-Wołoszyn, Romana. "Financial Self-Sufficiency of Rural Communes in Poland." In International Scientific Days 2018. Wolters Kluwer ČR, Prague, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15414/isd2018.s6.09.

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Dudzinska, Małgorzata. "The Performance of Agricultural Land Management Work in the Context of Needs, Illustrated with an Example of Agricultural Land Consolidations." In Environmental Engineering. VGTU Technika, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/enviro.2017.186.

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In the situation where Poland has been a member of the European Union since 2004, agricultural land consolidation has been co-financed with EU funds. This has resulted in an increase in the number of carried out land consolidations throughout Poland. Co-financing of this consolidation work has also introduced the need for a different understanding of the essence of agricultural land consolidation. According to Dacko (see Dacko 2006), the main goal of land consolidation should be to improve the quality of rural life, and not only to increase agricultural production. Land consolidation measures should be initiated to revive the countryside by encouraging continuous economic and political development of the local community, while protecting and rationally managing natural resources. The local community should participate democratically in land consolidation and in defining new forms of land use that make the most of the local potential. Currently in Poland, the choice of a location for the implementation of consolidation work not only depends on the farm land layout and land fragmentation also on the farmers who apply for the implementation of consolidation work in the particular area. Social acceptance is the key prerequisite for successful land consolidation. This fact has resulted in the agricultural land consolidation taking place not only in the areas in which the needs determined on the basis of the farm land layout and land fragmentation are most unfavorable. The paper comparatively analyses the determined needs as regards consolidation work in Poland, and the implementation of this work since 2004. The research employed the following methods: analysis and synthesis of the literature, field inventory, and research from the group of spatial-statistical approaches. The study area covered Poland, and in particular the selected region.
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Jonek-Kowalska, Izabela, and Jan Kaźmierczak. "ENVIRONMENTAL EXPENSES IN MUNICIPAL BUDGETS IN POLAND IN THE CONTEXT OF ASPIRING TO BECOMING A SMART, SUSTAINABLE CITY." In GEOLINKS International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/geolinks2020/b2/v2/03.

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Environmental protection is one of the key priorities of sustainable development. Nowadays, in contemporary economies and organizations it is also the basic component of development strategies. Unfortunately, its real implementation is associated with significant financial expenses and long-term payback period and as a result - in fact - it often becomes only the basic component of media and marketing strategies. Therefore, the main aim of this article is to analyse the scope and changes of environmental expenses in the municipal budgets in Poland as one of the conditions for becoming a smart community or smart city. The research includes financial statistics of 2,477 municipal communities in Poland from the period of 2003-2018 and the research questions are: 1) What were the tendencies in the environmental expenses, their level and their share in the municipal budgets for the analysed period, and (2) how could these tendencies be identified in the context of creating a smart community or smart city? The used methodology is based on budget statistical data from 2003-2018 and includes structure and dynamics indices as well as trend functions.
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Strzelecka, Marianna, and Małgorzata Grodzińska-Jurczak. "Community Participation and Empowerment in Sustainable Rural Development in Poland." In The 2nd World Sustainability Forum. MDPI, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/wsf2-00920.

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Kojo, Matti, and Phil Richardson. "Stakeholder Opinions on the Use of the Added Value Approach in Siting Radioactive Waste Management Facilities." In ASME 2013 15th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2013-96068.

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In some countries nuclear waste facility siting programs include social and economic benefits, compensation, local empowerment and motivation measures and other incentives for the potential host community. This can generally be referred to as an ‘added value approach’. Demonstration of the safety of a repository is seen as a precondition of an added value approach. Recently much focus has been placed on studying and developing public participation approaches but less on the use of such incentive and community benefit packages, although they are becoming a more common element in many site selection strategies for nuclear waste management facilities. The primary objective of this paper is to report on an ongoing study of stakeholders’ opinions of the use of an added value approach in siting a radioactive waste facility in the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovenia. The paper argues that an added value approach should adapt to the interests and needs of stakeholders during different stages of a siting process. The main question posed in the study is as follows: What are the measures which should be included in ‘added value approach’ according to the stakeholders? The research data consists of stakeholders’ responses to a survey focusing on the use of added value (community benefits) and incentives in siting nuclear waste management facilities. The survey involved use of a questionnaire developed as part of the EU-funded IPPA* project in three countries: the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovenia. (* Implementing Public Participation Approaches in Radioactive Waste Disposal, FP7 Contract Number: 269849). The target audiences for the questionnaires were the stakeholders represented in the national stakeholder groups established to discuss site selection for a nuclear waste repository in their country. A total of 105 questionnaires were sent to the stakeholders between November 2011 and January 2012. 44 questionnaires were returned, resulting in a total response rate of 41% (10/29 in the Czech Republic, 11/14 in Poland and in 23/64 in Slovenia).
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Reports on the topic "Communist Poland"

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Vieira, Gonçalo, Maria Teresa Cabrita, and Ana David. Portuguese Polar Program: Annual Report 2019. Centro de Estudos Geográficos, Universidade de Lisboa, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33787/ceg20200002.

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This Annual Report of the Portuguese Polar Program, PROPOLAR reports the main activities conducted between August 2018 and December 2019 The PROPOLAR is led by the CEG/IGOT University of Lisbon, under a Coordinating Committee that includes members of other 4 Portuguese research institutions CCMAR University of the Algarve, MARE University of Coimbra, CQE University of Lisbon, and CIIMAR University of Oporto The Program is funded by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia MCTES FCT) as a development of its former Polar Office The activities herein disclosed reflect a very busy and inspiring year The PROPOLAR supported fifteen projects that were successfully carried out in the Arctic and Antarctica Logistics continued to be based on international cooperation and on a Portuguese funded Antarctic flight open to partner programs Logistical support in Antarctica was mainly provided by Spain, Chile and the Republic of Korea, also with strong cooperation in research and facilities with Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, China, Peru, Turkey, United States of America and Uruguay Participation in international meetings and workshops, as well as the organisation of a symposium and an international meeting, and the support provided to the Portuguese Conference on Polar Science, fulfilled and enriched this very active period, also helping to reinforce the credibility and relevance of the program in the international polar arena B ringing together all these efforts and resources will surely attract and mobilise more young researchers into a Polar scientific career, thus ensuring the future of the Portuguese Polar science, and that the program will continue to blossom We are confident that the successes that PROPOLAR has had in 2019 will serve as an impetus for our very dynamic and committed community of polar researchers to move forward in in vesting in the future of the Portuguese P olar science and preparing to seize new opportunities
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