Relevant bibliographies by topics / Communist Youth Union

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Communist Youth Union'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Communist Youth Union"

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To-The, Nguyen, and Quoc Tran-Nam. "Impact of Political Connection on Farming Households’ Performance of Tea Production in Vietnam." Journal of Agricultural Science 7, no. 12 (November 8, 2015): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jas.v7n12p107.

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<p><em>Purpose</em>: This paper aims to investigate the impacts of political connections on farming households’ performance, especially in tea production.</p><p>Methodology/Approach: The Box-Cox methodology is applied using the primary data surveyed on 244 tea farming households in Vietnam.</p><p><em>Findings</em>: The findings show the significant role of political connection on improving farming households’ income, particularly to members of the Communist Party, Youth Union and Farmer’s Union. However, the interaction effects of Farmer’s Union, Youth Union, Veteran’s Union and Communist Party with land has negatively significant impact on farming household income.</p><p><em>Practical Implications</em>: The evidences point out the capacity of improving tea producers’ income could be really potential implying most of existing related policies which should be adjusted.</p><p><em>Originality/Value</em>: This is the first research examining the impact of political connection on<em> </em>agricultural performance, especially in tea production. The impacts are estimated in de-tail; such as participating more on Veteran’s, Farmer’s, Youth Union and Communist Party may reduce time on cultivating; as a result, cultivated land could be reduced. Basing on these findings, we also suggest some appropriate policy implications related to the issue how to improve income of tea production households.</p>
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Efimova, Larisa. "Did the Soviet Union instruct Southeast Asian communists to revolt? New Russian evidence on the Calcutta Youth Conference of February 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 449–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990026.

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This article uses recently declassified archival documents from the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (of Bolsheviks) concerning the Calcutta Youth Conference of February 1948. This evidence contradicts speculation that ‘orders from Moscow’ were passed to Southeast Asian communists at this time, helping to spark the rebellions in Indonesia, Malaya, Burma and the Philippines later that year. Secret working papers now available to researchers show no signs that the Soviet leadership planned to call upon Asian communists to rise up against their national bourgeois governments at this point in time. This article outlines the real story behind Soviet involvement in events leading up to the Calcutta Youth Conference, showing both a desire to increase information and links, and yet also a degree of caution over the prospects of local parties.
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Tammela, Mari-Leen. "Moonakast kodanlaseks, kodanlasest terroristiks: Hans Heidemann ja tema tegevus 1920. aastate alguse Eesti pahempoolses poliitikas [Abstract: From farm hand to bourgeois, from bourgeois to terrorist: Hans Heidemann and his activity in Estonian left-wing politics in the early 1920s]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (March 20, 2018): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2017.4.01.

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The ideologised treatment of history in the Soviet period celebrated communists who had perished or been executed in the interwar Republic of Estonia as martyrs. They fit in to the narrative of class struggle and its victims. Monuments were erected in their memory and memorial articles appeared in the press on anniversaries of their birth. One such communist featured during the Soviet period was Hans Heidemann (1896–1925), a trade unionist and member of the parliament of the Republic of Estonia, and also an underground Estonian Communist Party activist. He was arrested as one of the ringleaders in the attempt to overthrow the government on 1 December 1924 and executed in 1925 as a spy for Soviet Russia by decision of a military district court. This article relies primarily on archival materials from the Estonian National Archives. It is an attempt to write a political biography of Hans Heidemann that for the first time aims to more closely examine the course of the life of this individual who has been ideologised many times over. His room for manoeuvring and his possible influences in the space in which he operated are reconstructed. The article examines how this man of modest background but with a relatively good education, a veteran of the Estonian War of Independence who served as a staff clerk, became an activist in the trade union movement, a communist, and eventually an organiser of a coup d’état. It also considers why Heidemann was the only one at the subsequent major trial of communists in 1925 to be sentenced to death. An important context for Heidemann’s rise in politics is the struggle for control in the trade unions that took place in the early 1920s among Estonia’s left-wing parties. While the communists dominated the trade unions of industrial workers in the cities, they had to compete with social democrats and independent socialists for control in unions of rural workers. Southern Estonia and the City of Tartu formed a more problematic operating region than the average district, as in 1920–21 the Security Police had liquidated many large communist networks there. Heidemann was a member of the Party of Independent Socialists but when in 1922 the party was taken over by its communist-oriented left wing, he started gravitating towards the underground communists. At that time, the communists needed able organisers in order to regain their positions in Southern Estonia and it seems that they pinned their hopes on Heidemann. In 1922 Heidemann rose to leading positions in the trade union organisations of both Tartu County and the City of Tartu, and also became one of the leaders of the left wing of the Party of Independent Socialists. It is not clear, however, whether Heidemann had officially joined the Estonian Communist Party, or functioned as its legal operative. In January of 1924, when the Security Police arrested many trade union leaders and political activists associated with the communists, Heidemann went underground. Over the next eight months, he attempted to obtain weapons for overthrowing the government and to form combat squads mainly on the basis of youth organisations. He was unable to participate in the attempted communist coup d’état on 1 December since he had been arrested two months earlier in Tartu. But his trial was held under changed conditions after the failed coup. By that time, the Protection of the System of Government Act had been passed and the communists had been expelled from parliament. Even though Heidemann had been charged with working as a leader of the local organisation of the underground Communist Party and forming combat squads for the planned coup, he was sentenced to death and executed on the grounds of the charge for which there was least evidence. According to this charge, he had allegedly gathered military information for the Soviet Union as a soldier in the War of Independence six years earlier. Different sources suggest that this charge was questionable and unconvincing. It seems that there was a wish to convict Heidemann as the head of the regional communist organisation no matter what, and to punish him as harshly as the actual participants in the failed coup were punished, which the other counts of indictment did not allow.
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Cimek, Henryk. "Jewish problem in the Polish Communist Party." Review of Nationalities 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2016-0005.

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Abstract Jews accounted for approx. 8-10% of the population of the Second Republic and in the communist movement (Polish Communist Party and Polish Communist Youth Union) the rate was approx, 30%, while in subsequent years it much fluctuated. The percentage of Jews was the highest in the authorities of the party and in the KZMP. This had a negative impact on the position of the KPP on many issues, especially in its relation to the Second Republic.
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ELISEEV, A. L., and O. V. LEONOVA. "KOMSOMOL AS THE CONDUCTOR OF THE STATE YOUTH POLICY OF THE SOVIET STATE." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 9, no. 3 (2020): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2020-9-3-32-42.

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The purpose of the article is to reveal the role of Komsomol in the political system of the USSR. The authors note that Komsomol was directly a state body in relation to youth, acted as the official guide of party and economic directives to the youth environment, developed and implemented in practice the state youth policy in relation to Soviet youth. The main functions of the communist youth union in the Soviet society are also highlighted, the representation of Komsomol in the authorities of the Soviet state is reviewed, the role of Komsomol in the adoption of the law on youth is revealed.
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Van Chi, Dinh. "The Work of Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Union at the Grassroots Level." Advances in Sciences and Humanities 7, no. 2 (2021): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ash.20210702.11.

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Kardela, Piotr. "Professor Waclaw Szyszkowski — a Lawyer, Anticommunist, One From the Generation of Independent Poland." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8401.

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The article presents the activity of Wacław Szyszkowski, a lawyer, an emigration independence activist and an outstanding scientist, who fought in the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 and, after Poland regained independence, was active in a secret Union of the Polish Youth “Zet” and a public Union of the Polish Democratic Youth. Until 1939 W. Szyszkowski was a defence lawyer in Warsaw, supporting the activities of the Central Union of the Rural Youth “Siew” and the Work Cooperative “Grupa Techniczna”. Published articles in political and legal journals, such as “Przełom”, “Naród i Państwo”, “Palestra”, “Głos Prawa”. During World War II — a conspirator of the Union for Defense of the Republic of Poland, soldier of the Union of Armed Struggle and Home Army, assigned to the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Home Army Headquarters. Fought in the Warsaw Uprising, after which he was deported by Germans to the Murnau oflag in Bavaria. For helping Jews during the occupation, the Yad Vashem Institute awarded him and his wife Irena the title of Righteous Among the Nations. After 1945, he remained in the West, engaging in the life of the Polish war exile in France, Great Britain and the United States. He received a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. He belonged to the People’s Party “Wolność”, the Association of Polish Combatants. He was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile. As an anti-communist, he was invigilated by the communist intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland. In the 1960s, after returning to Poland, as a lawyer and scientist, he was first affiliated with the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin, and then with Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. W. Szyszkowski is the author of nearly two hundred scientific and journalistic publications printed in Poland and abroad.
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Black, Clayton. "Matthias Neumann, The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917–1932." European History Quarterly 44, no. 2 (April 2014): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691414524528ac.

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Sawert, Daniel. "New Materials for Studying Preparation and Staging of the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students in 1957." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 550–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-550-563.

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The article assesses archival materials on the festival movement in the Soviet Union in 1950s, including its peak, the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students held in 1957 in Moscow. Even now the Moscow festival is seen in the context of international cultural politics of the Cold War and as a unique event for the Soviet Union. The article is to put the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students in the context of other youth festivals held in the Soviet Union. The festivals of 1950s provided a field for political, social, and cultural experiments. They also have been the crucible of a new way of communication and a new language of design. Furthermore, festivals reflected the new (althogh relative) liberalism in the Soviet Union. This liberalism, first of all, was expressed in the fact that festivals were organized by the Komsomol and other Soviet public and cultural organisations. Taking the role of these organisations into consideration, the research draws on the documents of the Ministry of culture, the All-Russian Stage Society, as well as personal documents of the artists. Furthermore, the author has gained access to new archive materials, which have until now been part of no research, such as documents of the N. Krupskaya Central Culture and Art Center and of the central committees of various artistic trade unions. These documents confirm the hypothesis that the festivals provided the Komsomol and the Communist party with a means to solve various social, educational, and cultural problems. For instance, in Central Asia with its partiarchal society, the festivals focuced on female emancipation. In rural Central Asia, as well as in other non-russian parts of the Soviet Union, there co-existed different ways of celebrating. Local traditions intermingled with cultural standards prescribed by Moscow. At the first glance, the modernisation of the Soviet society was succesful. The youth acquired political and cultural level that allowed the Soviet state to compete with the West during the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students. During the festival, however, it became apparent, that the Soviet cultural scheme no longer met the dictates of times. Archival documents show that after the Festival cultural and party officials agreed to ease off dogmatism and to tolerate some of the foreign cultural phenomena.
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deGraffenried, Julie. "The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917–1932, by Matthias Neumann." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 53, no. 1-2 (July 11, 2019): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05301016.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communist Youth Union"

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Uhl, Katharina Barbara. "Building communism : the Young Communist League during the Soviet thaw period, 1953-1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:485213b3-415d-4bc1-a896-ea53983c75f8.

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The present study focuses on the activity of the Young Communist League (Komsomol) to promote the communist project during the so-called Thaw period in the Soviet Union (1953-1964). The term ‘communist project’ describes the complex temporal triangle in which the relevance of the present was rooted in its relationship to the heroic past and the bright future. Young people were supposed to emulate the heroism of previous generations while fighting remnants of the undesired past. This was presented as a precondition for achieving the communist future. The structure of this study reflects the chronology of the communist project. It analyzes the rhetoric used by the Young Communist League to promote the communist project and explores the strategies used to mobilize youth for building communism. The first chapter focuses on the organizational structure of the Komsomol and assesses its readiness for this task. Despite attempts to strengthen horizontal communication and control, streamline administration and reorganize its structure, the Komsomol remained hierarchal and bureaucratic. The second chapter explores the promotion of past heroism in rituals, social practices and the use of public space. The third chapter is also concerned with the past; it describes the Komsomol’s fight against ‘remnants of the past’, primarily religion and deviant behaviour such as hooliganism, heavy drinking and laziness. The final chapter focuses on the Komsomol’s attempts during the Thaw to bring about the future: its efforts in the economy, moral, political and cultural education, and the realm of leisure.
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Dunlop, Lucy. "Discourses of heroism in Brezhnev's USSR." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c9431343-a6c4-4ace-86df-d4d3c1f915be.

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This thesis examines propaganda and educational campaigns in the Brezhnev-era USSR, where the Party-state continued the longstanding Soviet attempt to form the country's youth into conscientious builders and defenders of communism. Focusing on the military, military-historical and physical-cultural activity that the state identified as areas of strategic importance in a period of intensifying competition with the capitalist world, the thesis analyses the interactions between propaganda and its producers, and the ordinary and extraordinary young people at whom it was aimed. It finds that state agencies and organisations of the Brezhnev era followed tradition in employing heroic motifs and discourses to elicit heroic behaviour amongst the population, often seeking to apply themes and material from earlier periods directly to the situation of late-1960s and 1970s youth. In particular, propaganda emphasised the importance of both models of wartime heroism, and the characteristics articulated in the 1961 Moral Code of the Builder of Communism - but in a political and social environment now much changed from those in which they had originally emerged. The thesis begins with a study of material surrounding the reinstatement of universal conscription after Khrushchev's army reforms, before examining youth involvement in one of the flagship military-patriotic education campaigns of the period. The second part of the thesis then shifts the focus to a more symbolic, yet no less significant site of the 'defence of the honour of the Motherland': the international sporting arena, particularly during the 1972 Olympiads in 'hostile' West Germany and Japan. Through a case study of coverage of the gymnast Olga Korbut, the thesis argues that, while propaganda-makers still sought to control the Soviet definition of 'heroism', conditions increasingly allowed for the emergence of celebrity and a popular heroism based more on self-advancement and public acclaim than on established Soviet ethical models.
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Petrášková, Pavla. "Komunitární programy EU zaměřené na mládež, vzdělávání a kulturu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10374.

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The thesis speaks about European Union Community programmes for the 2007 - 2013 budgetary period, that are focused on youth, education and culture. To be specific that means Youth in Action, Lifelong learning programme, Culture and MEDIA 2007. It deals with the actions of these programmes, with the conditions that the projects to be funded through the programmes have to fulfil, and with the recommendations for the applicants.
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Dytrych, Martin. "Mládežnické struktury při Dělnické straně sociální spravedlnosti a Komunistické straně Čech a Moravy." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-328273.

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The Diploma thesis focuses on youth structures that profess to the largest far-right and far-left parties representatives in the Czech Republic. In the far-right milieu it is the Worker's Party Youth, who are closely associated with the Worker's party of Social Justice. On the far-left side of the spektrum, there are formally two entities, that profess to the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia: the Communist Youth Union and the Union of Young Communists of Czechoslovakia. The aim of this thesis is to clarify the extent of real interdependence of these civic associations with a political party, and on the other side, to examine their political extremism level, both in theory and also in the terms of security forces. The thesis further explores to what extent, therefore, these entities are a real threat to the existing democratic system in the Czech Republic.
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Books on the topic "Communist Youth Union"

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The Communist Youth League and the transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2011.

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Kongresszus, Kommunista Ifjúsági Szövetség. Eleventh Congress of the Hungarian Communist Youth Union: Budapest, May 23-25, 1986 : (abridged record). Budapest: BUDAPRESS, 1986.

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Nguyễn, Duy Cương. 72 năm Đoàn thanh niên cộng sản Hò̂ Chí Minh & phong trào thanh niên Việt Nam =: 72 years of Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Union and the Vietnamese youth's movement. Hà Nội: Nhà xuá̂t bản Thông Tá̂n, 2002.

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UNISON. Best value: Youth and community service : a toolkit for UNISON activists. London: UNISON, 2000.

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Learning to labour in post-Soviet Russia: Vocational youth in transition. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2011.

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Ilʹinskiĭ, Igorʹ Mikhaĭlovich. Vasiliĭ Alekseev. Moskva: "Molodai︠a︡ vardii︠a︡,", 1986.

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L'Union de la jeunesse républicaine de France, 1945-1956: Entre organisation de masse de jeunesse et mouvement d'avant-garde communiste. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2009.

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Gorsuch, Anne E. Youth in Revolutionary Russia: Enthusiasts, Bohemians, Delinquents (Indiana-Michigan Series in Russian and East European Studies). Indiana University Press, 2000.

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Neumann, Matthias. Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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Szovetseg, Kommunista Ifjusagi. Eleventh Congress of the Hungarian Communist Youth Union: Budapest, May 23-25, 1986 : (abridged record). BUDAPRESS, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Communist Youth Union"

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Mrozik, Agnieszka. "Girls from the Polish Youth Union." In Gender, Generations, and Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and Beyond, 197–226. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367823528-15.

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"The birth of the Russian youth movement." In The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932, 37–59. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203815847-9.

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Cohen, Robert. "Beyond the New Deal? Egalitarian Dreams and Communist Schemes." In When the Old Left Was Young. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195060997.003.0012.

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The student movement came to President Roosevelt’s doorstep on February 20, 1937, when some 3000 young demonstrators marched on the White House. The protesters, representing student and youth organizations from across the nation, sought to dramatize the economic hardships of youth in Depression America. Marching down Pennsylvania Avenue, they waved banners and chanted their demands. “Pass the American Youth Act—We want jobs;” “Scholarships not Battleships;” “Homes not barracks.” One group dressed in prison garb, carried a sign “We never had jobs.” Others costumed as pilgrims, miners, and farmers made the same point. The California delegation rode in oil a covered wagon bearing the battered sign “Go East Young Man.” To the tune of Yankee Doodle, the protesters—carrying signs that identified their college, school, religious group, or trade union affiliation— sarig “American youth is on the march for jobs and education.” This was, as the Washington Post observed “a line of marchers such as Washington has never seen before.” This march on the White House was part of a three day Youth Pilgrimage for Jobs and Education. The protesters did more than parade down Pennsylvania Avenue; they also lobbied Congress on behalf of greater federal assistance to the millions of young Americans hurt by the Great Depression. The pilgrimage attested that even though peace was the most popular cause on campus, the student movement of the 1930s was not merely an anti-war crusade. It was also a movement for social justice, whose leaders cared so much about the plight of low-income youth that they chose to make this, rather than war, the focus of the movement’s first sizable national march on Washington. The pilgrimage symbolized the student movement leadership’s commitment to building a more egalitarian America. The movement’s leaders envisioned a society where education would be a right rather than a privilege; they thought Washington should ensure that no one would be—as millions of Depression era youth had already been—forced to drop out of school because of insufficient funds. The student movement sought to make America a nation free of unemployment, poverty, and racism.
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Worley, Matthew. "Comrades in bondage trousers: how the Communist Party of Great Britain discovered punk rock." In Labour and Working-Class Lives. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784995270.003.0012.

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Matthew Worley’s essay on the Communist Party of Great Britain offers a fascinating insight into how the CPGB and the Young Communist League sought to engage with Punk at a time when the Party was losing membership rapidly in the decade or so before the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Stimulated by the writings of Martin Jacques, and other prominent members of the Party, the attempt to embrace the anti-commercial music establishment of the emerging youth culture in the 1970s led to serious debate within the CPGB between those still committed to mass class conflict based upon industrial struggle as a basis of political consciousness (economism) and those who sought to enact the ‘cultural turn’, by embracing gender and race as well as class. The CPGB failed in its efforts, and was rather less successful than the Socialist Worker’s Party with its ‘Rock against Racism’ campaign, but at least there was a vibrancy of campaigning within a declining organisation which did leave an impact upon subsequent interpretations of punk rock and youth culture..
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"Revolution as revelation: The first Red Dawn." In The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932, 60–78. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203815847-10.

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"Birth in the Civil War: The struggle for an identity." In The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932, 79–99. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203815847-11.

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"The Komsomol and the policy of class." In The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932, 101–20. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203815847-13.

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"Revolutionizing mind and soul." In The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932, 121–43. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203815847-14.

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"A living organization." In The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932, 144–64. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203815847-15.

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"The Komsomol as an object of class war." In The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932, 166–90. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203815847-17.

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