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1
Harikrishnan, S. "Communicating Communism: Social Spaces and the Creation of a “Progressive” Public Sphere in Kerala, India." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (2020): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1134.
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Communism arrived in the south Indian state of Kerala in the early twentieth century at a time when the matrilineal systems that governed caste-Hindu relations were crumbling quickly. For a large part of the twentieth century, the Communist Party – specifically the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – played a major role in navigating Kerala society through a developmental path based on equality, justice and solidarity. Following Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of (social) space, this paper explores how informal social spaces played an important role in communicating ideas of communism and socialism to the masses. Early communists used rural libraries and reading rooms, tea-shops, public grounds and wall-art to engage with and communicate communism to the masses. What can the efforts of the early communists in Kerala tell us about the potential for communicative socialism? How can we adapt these experiences in the twenty-first century? Using autobiographies, memoirs, and personal interviews, this paper addresses these questions.
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Hung, Chang-tai. "The Dance of Revolution: Yangge in Beijing in the Early 1950s." China Quarterly 181 (March 2005): 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005000056.
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Yangge is a popular rural dance in north China. In the Yan'an era (1936–47) the Chinese Communist Party used the art form as a political tool to influence people's thinking and to disseminate socialist images. During the early years of the People's Republic of China, the Communists introduced a simpler form of yangge in the cities. In three major yangge musicals performed in Beijing, the Party attempted to construct “a narrative history through rhythmic movements” in an effort to weave the developments of the Party's history into a coherent success story, affirming various themes: the support of the people, the valour of the Red Army, the wise leadership of the Party and the country's bright future. However, urban yangge's simplicity as an art form, the professionalization of art troupes, the nation's increasing exposure to a variety of alternative dance forms and, worse still, stifling government control all contributed to the rapid decline of this art form in urban China.
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Sullivan, Michael. "Art in China since 1949." China Quarterly 159 (September 1999): 712–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000003453.
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Since the Communists came to power in 1949 Chinese art has seen extraordinary changes. For 30 years, the Party apparatus and its Marxist-Maoist ideology exerted so tight a control over cultural life that it is natural for the art of that period to be viewed primarily as a reflection or expression of political forces. To some degree that is unavoidable, and it is the approach taken by the authors of two important books on post-1949 Chinese art, while Jerome Silbergeld's monograph on the Sichuan eccentric painter Li Huasheng is a fascinating study of the way in which these forces affected the life and work of an individual artist.
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Manetti, Christina. "Catholic Responses to Poland’s “New Reality,” 1945–1953." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 2 (2012): 296–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411401378.
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During the years 1945–1953, the Kraków weekly Tygodnik Powszechny, approved by both Church and state, occupied a unique position. Its apolitical stance, inspired to a large extent by the Catholic philosophy of personalism, meant that within certain limits it enjoyed remarkable freedom. This article considers Tygodnik’s place in the early postwar Polish landscape, including its avowedly apolitical approach (dubbed “minimalism”) as it compared with that of other Catholic groups, how it dealt with increasing communist pressure, and what it managed to achieve before its closure. Among Tygodnik’s primary concerns were the defence of Polish society and culture against the war’s lingering psychological aftereffects, for example by encouraging discussions of what now would be called society’s “post-traumatic shock,” and reconciliation with the Germans. The newspaper also sought to defend Polish culture against communisation, in part by providing a forum for unconventional writers (who were at least nominally Catholic), resisting socialist realism and publishing information on nonsocialist-realist art and music, and addressing the changes being implemented by the communists in terms of secularisation. With mounting pressure, however, Tygodnik found it increasingly difficult to make acceptable compromises, until finally in 1953 its editorial board deemed it impossible to continue its coexistence with the communist regime. As a result, it was closed by authorities until a change in the political climate enabled Tygodnik to renew publication in 1956.
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Kania, Aleksandra. "Living with Zygmunt Bauman, before and after." Thesis Eleven 149, no. 1 (2018): 86–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618811710.
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This paper offers a memoir of living with Zygmunt Bauman. It begins with the early encounter of Bauman and Aleksandra Kania in Warsaw in 1954, where both were Masters students working with the humanist Marxist Adam Schaff. Kania and Bauman followed their separate life paths for decades, though they were both postwar communists and reconstructionists. Much later, the loss of their partners led to union, in Leeds and across the globe in travel. This is a story of friendship and mutual enthusiasms, then intimacy between two working sociologists. There are also some apparent differences, as between the Lark and the Owl, or between Phosphorous and Hesperus. Life together leads especially to Italy, and to Pope Francis. This is a reflection on what Bauman called the art of life.
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Titko, Anna V. "FEATURES OF SIMBIRSK BOLSHEVIKS’ WORK AMONG THE CHUVASH POPULATION (1918–1920)." Historical Search 1, no. 3 (2020): 127–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2020-1-3-127-131.
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The article deals with the problems of creation and activity of the Chuvash national section in 1918–1920 in Simbirsk. The analysis of document kept at the State Archives of Modern History of Ulyanovsk region is indicative of the national rise of the Chuvash people after the February Revolution of 1917; it shows a high level of education among the Chuvash communists. The work experience of Chuvash Bolsheviks among the population is analyzed. Errors and achievements of propaganda work among the Chuvash population of the province are shown. In Simbirsk province 250 thousand Chuvash lived, and Simbirsk was a recognized Chuvash cultural and educational center. From 1868 the Chuvash Teacher Seminary worked in the town, which launched the beginning of national intelligentsia formation. Graduates and students of the seminary (27 persons) became members of the Chuvash section of the RCP(b), setting the task of conducting propaganda and campaigning among the Chuvash population in their native language.
 
 The members of the section were young, energetic and fairly well educated. They were able to deploy the work on the scale of the whole province but they made mistakes: they put emphasis on the printed word. Most of the peasants were illiterate. Neither the calls of the Chuvash communists to create collective farms caused their sympathy. The members of the section found the right path to the masses. They noticed a passionate interest of the Chuvash population in art. Since the autumn 1919 all the public speakings of activists were accompanied by performances and singing of national choirs. Success was not long in coming.
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Skarupsky, Petra. "“The War Brought Us Close and the Peace Will Not Divide Us”: Exhibitions of Art from Czechoslovakia in Warsaw in the Late 1940s." Ikonotheka 26 (June 26, 2017): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.1674.
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In his book Awangarda w cieniu Jałty (In the Shadow of Yalta: Art and the Avant-garde in Eastern Europe, 1945–1989), Piotr Piotrowski mentioned that Polish and Czechoslovakian artists were not working in mutual isolation and that they had opportunities to meet, for instance at the Arguments 1962 exhibition in Warsaw in 1962. The extent, nature and intensity of artistic contacts between Poland and Czechoslovakia during their coexistence within the Eastern bloc still remain valid research problems. The archives of the National Museum in Warsaw and the Zachęta – National Gallery of Art which I have investigated yield information on thirty-fi ve exhibitions of art produced in Czechoslovakia that took place in Warsaw in the period of the People’s Republic of Poland. The current essay focuses on exhibitions organised in the late 1940s. The issue of offi cial cultural cooperation between Poland and Czechoslovakia was regulated as early as in the fi rst years after the war. Institutions intended to promote the culture of one country in the other one and associations for international cooperation were established soon after. As early as in 1946, the National Museum in Warsaw hosted an exhibition entitled Czechoslovakia 1939–1945. In 1947 the same museum showed Contemporary Czechoslovakian Graphic Art. A few months after “Victorious February”, i.e. the coup d’état carried out by the Communists in Czechoslovakia in early 1948, the Young Czechoslovakian Art exhibition opened at the Young Artists and Scientists’ Club, a Warsaw gallery supervised by Marian Bogusz. It showed the works of leading artists of the post-war avant-garde, and their authors were invited to the vernissage. Nine artists participated in both exhibitions, i.e. at the National Museum and at the Young Artists and Scientists’ Club. A critical analysis of art produced in one country of the Eastern bloc as exhibited in another country of that bloc enables an art historian to outline a section of the complex history of artistic life. Archival research yields new valuable materials that make it impossible to reduce the narration to a simple opposition contrasting the avant-garde with offi cial institutions.
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Tsui, Brian. "Reforming Bodies and Minds." positions: asia critique 28, no. 4 (2020): 789–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8606497.
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This article revisits reformatories set up under Nationalist China from 1928–37 to transform former Communists into loyal nationalist subjects. By examining confessions attributed to inmates and scandalous tales of Communists published by reformatories, it argues that these institutions were more than devices to suppress political dissent. Instead, reformatories played productive functions for the Guomindang state. First, reformatories’ in-house magazines conjured up an anticommunist figure of the Communist that combined the excesses of urban capitalism and the residues of China’s “superstitious” sect. Communist cadres, articles written by political converts suggested, were puerile, capricious, and alienated from traditional moral norms. At the same time, the Communist movement was attributed qualities of an evil cult preying on the ignorant and the irrational. Second, by publicizing the overcoming of the sins attributed to Communists, the reformatories created, with contributions by former Communists, a textual economy in which the Chinese populace as a whole turned away from left-wing politics and acquired a new subject position. More than converting individual Communists into “proper” nationalists, reformatories were supposed to bring about, if only in allegorical terms, mass conversion to the sobriety, obedience, hierarchical order, and organic unity that the nation was supposed to entail.
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Paladini, Vinicio, and Giovanni Lista. "Art communiste." Ligeia N° 109-112, no. 2 (2011): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lige.109.0158.
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Luna, Diego. "Desmitificar para educar: hacia una didáctica transestética del arte." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 2 (2020): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2019.i02.02.
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Hanula, Justyna. "THE POLISH COMMITTEE’S OF NATIONAL LIBERATION POLICY TOWARDS MUSEUMS." Muzealnictwo 59 (June 22, 2018): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.1368.
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After World War II museums in Poland were bound to serve political purposes. The aim of new government was to shape citizens’ awareness according to the Stalinist ideology. 21 July 1944, the Polish Committee of National Liberation (further PKWN) was created in Moscow under the patronage of Joseph Stalin. From 1 August 1944, it was located in Lublin together with its Arts and Culture Department. The period from 21 July 1944 to the end of December 1944 on the so-called liberated territories is discussed herein in the context of museums’ formation. It was the time when new institutions were created (e.g. Museum of Majdanek Concentration Camp) and those existing prior to WWII were re-established, such as the Lublin Museum or the National Museum of Przemyśl. In 1944, museums were facing many problems, inter alia, war damages, plunder by the People’s Army that quartered here, financial difficulties, personnel shortage. The lack of professionals in museums was the result of the PKWN strategy at the time, which first of all required propaganda specialists in culture institutions. The land reform initiated in 1944 affected museums to some extent; they were receiving works of art which had been confiscated from parcelled out landed properties. The only reason for it was the ideological one, however – from the historical point of view – they are regarded as unjust and immoral persecution and harassment against groups of society held by the communists in contempt, i.e. landowners. Sources on which the article has been based: reports of the PKWN and Culture Divisions of Regional Offices (Lublin, Rzeszów, Białystok, and Warsaw), which are in the possession of the Archives of Modern History Records (Archiwum Akt Nowych) in Warsaw.
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Jasiewicz, Krzysztof. "The (not always sweet) uses of opportunism: Post-communist political parties in Poland." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (2008): 421–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.007.
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The author argues that political opportunism, an attitude common among communist party members before 1989, turned into both the blessing and the curse for post-communist parties in Poland. Once hopeful of secure careers in the authoritarian structures of the old regime, after the regime breakdown communists found themselves in a situation where the only chance for such a career could be associated with the party reinventing itself as a player in the field of pluralist democracy. Opportunistic attitudes of communist apparatchiks and nomenklatura members were instrumental in transforming them, individually and collectively, into effective actors in market economy and competitive politics. Yet the same attitudes doomed the post-communists once the opportunities associated with access to political power opened up widely. The same people who in the 1990s were so apt in turning the rules of democratic game into their collective advantage, in the 2000s acted with a sense of impunity and lack of any consideration for political accountability that in democracies arrives at the end of any election cycle. Plagued by corruption scandals, they lost their popular base: the economically disadvantaged groups to nationalistic populists, the urbane libertarians to liberal democrats.
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Šarić, Tatjana. "To be or not to be in culture." Review of Croatian history 15, no. 1 (2019): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v15i1.9742.
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The League of Communists of Croatia (LCC) Central Committee (CC) Ideological Commission as its task force, was one of the most important creators of cultural policy in the People's Republic of Croatia (PRC) / Socialist Republic of Croatia (SRC). Established in 1956 after 1952 dismantled Agitation and Propaganda Commissions, the Ideological Commission inherited part of the jurisdiction of former Agitprop, but it also took over those of the LCC CC Personnel Commissions, particularly with regard to political schools and membership education. The most important activity of this commission was to monitor and analyze the phenomenon of overall cultural, educational and scientific activity in Croatia, and suggesting to the LCC CC to take positions towards them, according to the given ideological current. This has become the decisive factor in cultural policy without whose approval or recommendation projects could not be realized. This paper will therefore concentrate precisely on this activity of the Ideological Commission and give a brief overview of its activity in the supervision of various forms of cultural activity - art, literature, film and media - press, radio and television, while its work in education and science, because of the broadness of the topic, in this case, will be left out. The Commission's activities surveyed in this paper are limited by the period between 1956 (its founding) and 1965 (the 5th LCC CC Congress) when the Commission was organizationally restructured and divided into several areas.
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Marqués Ibáñez, Ana María, Gustavo Hilario Reboso Morales, Ángela Bejarano Quintero, and Alejandro Fernández Pérez. "Nomadismos culturales innovadores emergentes: experiencias artísticas educativas basadas en el artivismo y ciberartivismo." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 3 (2020): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2020.i03.08.
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Kirschenbaum, Lisa A. "Exile, Gender, and Communist Self-Fashioning: Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria) in the Soviet Union." Slavic Review 71, no. 3 (2012): 566–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.71.3.0566.
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Focusing on the Soviet exile of the Spanish communist and orator Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria), Lisa A. Kirschenbaum brings into dialogue two topics often treated in isolation: Soviet subjectivities and the selfunderstandings of international communists. During the Spanish civil war, the Soviet media popularized Ibárruri's performance of fierce communist motherhood. The article traces Ibárruri's efforts in exile to maintain and adapt this public identity by analyzing sources in two distinct registers, both of which blurred the boundaries between public and private selves: Ibárruri's “official” correspondence and her interventions in party meetings. Reading such sources as sites of self-fashioning, Kirschenbaum argues that Ibárruri was at once empowered and constrained by her self-presentation as the mother of the Spanish exiles. Ibárruri's case both internationalizes understandings of Stalinist culture and suggests the possibility of a history of international communism structured around the interconnected and diverse lives of individual communists.
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Tirado de la Chica, Ana. "La transferencia del conocimiento artístico en el museo: nuevas museologías y didácticas del arte." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 1 (2018): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2018.i01.06.
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Reina García, Francisco M. "El profesor de educación artística en secundaria ante los retos y desafíos de la contemporaneidad." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 2 (2020): 116–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2019.i02.08.
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Tammela, Mari-Leen. "Moonakast kodanlaseks, kodanlasest terroristiks: Hans Heidemann ja tema tegevus 1920. aastate alguse Eesti pahempoolses poliitikas [Abstract: From farm hand to bourgeois, from bourgeois to terrorist: Hans Heidemann and his activity in Estonian left-wing politics in the early 1920s]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (March 20, 2018): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2017.4.01.
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The ideologised treatment of history in the Soviet period celebrated communists who had perished or been executed in the interwar Republic of Estonia as martyrs. They fit in to the narrative of class struggle and its victims. Monuments were erected in their memory and memorial articles appeared in the press on anniversaries of their birth. One such communist featured during the Soviet period was Hans Heidemann (1896–1925), a trade unionist and member of the parliament of the Republic of Estonia, and also an underground Estonian Communist Party activist. He was arrested as one of the ringleaders in the attempt to overthrow the government on 1 December 1924 and executed in 1925 as a spy for Soviet Russia by decision of a military district court.
 This article relies primarily on archival materials from the Estonian National Archives. It is an attempt to write a political biography of Hans Heidemann that for the first time aims to more closely examine the course of the life of this individual who has been ideologised many times over. His room for manoeuvring and his possible influences in the space in which he operated are reconstructed. The article examines how this man of modest background but with a relatively good education, a veteran of the Estonian War of Independence who served as a staff clerk, became an activist in the trade union movement, a communist, and eventually an organiser of a coup d’état. It also considers why Heidemann was the only one at the subsequent major trial of communists in 1925 to be sentenced to death.
 An important context for Heidemann’s rise in politics is the struggle for control in the trade unions that took place in the early 1920s among Estonia’s left-wing parties. While the communists dominated the trade unions of industrial workers in the cities, they had to compete with social democrats and independent socialists for control in unions of rural workers. Southern Estonia and the City of Tartu formed a more problematic operating region than the average district, as in 1920–21 the Security Police had liquidated many large communist networks there. Heidemann was a member of the Party of Independent Socialists but when in 1922 the party was taken over by its communist-oriented left wing, he started gravitating towards the underground communists. At that time, the communists needed able organisers in order to regain their positions in Southern Estonia and it seems that they pinned their hopes on Heidemann. In 1922 Heidemann rose to leading positions in the trade union organisations of both Tartu County and the City of Tartu, and also became one of the leaders of the left wing of the Party of Independent Socialists. It is not clear, however, whether Heidemann had officially joined the Estonian Communist Party, or functioned as its legal operative.
 In January of 1924, when the Security Police arrested many trade union leaders and political activists associated with the communists, Heidemann went underground. Over the next eight months, he attempted to obtain weapons for overthrowing the government and to form combat squads mainly on the basis of youth organisations. He was unable to participate in the attempted communist coup d’état on 1 December since he had been arrested two months earlier in Tartu. But his trial was held under changed conditions after the failed coup. By that time, the Protection of the System of Government Act had been passed and the communists had been expelled from parliament. Even though Heidemann had been charged with working as a leader of the local organisation of the underground Communist Party and forming combat squads for the planned coup, he was sentenced to death and executed on the grounds of the charge for which there was least evidence. According to this charge, he had allegedly gathered military information for the Soviet Union as a soldier in the War of Independence six years earlier. Different sources suggest that this charge was questionable and unconvincing. It seems that there was a wish to convict Heidemann as the head of the regional communist organisation no matter what, and to punish him as harshly as the actual participants in the failed coup were punished, which the other counts of indictment did not allow.
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Kopstein, Jeffrey S., and Jason Wittenberg. "Who Voted Communist? Reconsidering the Social Bases of Radicalism in Interwar Poland." Slavic Review 62, no. 1 (2003): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090468.
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Research on the sources of support for the communists in interwar Poland has emphasized the role of ethnic minorities, especially the Jews. To what degree did Poland's national minorities vote for the Communist Party? Using census data and electoral returns on interwar Poland's 2*72 districts, as well as a new technique for inferring individual level behavior from aggregate level data, Jeffrey Kopstein and Jason Wittenberg generate reliable estimates of ethnic group voting behavior for the Sejm elections of 1922 and 1928. The results show that it is incorrect to speak of a unified minority vote. Communist parties received disproportionate support from Belarusans. By 1928 Ukrainians voted overwhelming for ethnonational parties. The bulk of Jews drifted into establishment politics, disproportionately supporting the pro-government bloc. Contrary to the myth of the “Jewish communist,” Jews provided only a small fraction of the electoral support for the communist parties. The evidence shows that not only were the overwhelming number of Jews not communist supporters but the vast majority of communist voters were not Jews.
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Rubilar Medina, José Eugenio. "Percepción háptica, objetos y repertorios visuales: una experiencia para repensar la materialidad en educación artística infantil." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 2 (2020): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2019.i02.06.
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Bernaschina, Diego. "Arte Incluye Chilensis: ausencia de la formación profesional en situación de artista/docente Sordo en Chile." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 3 (2020): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2020.i03.07.
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Sovtić, Nemanja. "Rudolf Bruči and the criticism of the European avant-garde." Studia Musicologica 56, no. 4 (2015): 429–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2015.56.4.10.
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Yugoslav composer Rudolf Bruči is known on the international scene primarily as the author of Sinfonia Lesta, a composition winning the first prize in 1965 at the Queen Elizabeth Competition in Belgium. On a national level, Bruči was a powerful social entity, not only in respect of his creative freedom. As a member of the League of Communists, Bruči spent a lifetime as an official in social organizations and cultural institutions, thus dictating the rhythm of musical life of Novi Sad and the Province of Vojvodina, until the collapse of Socialism when he was suddenly forgotten. The developmental line of Bruči’s oeuvre – leading from Zhdanovian national classicism, through the adoption of elements of the European avant-garde, to the reaffirmation of a national/regional idiom in the mid-1970s – largely corresponds to the general tendencies of postwar art music in the socialist countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. Bruči broke with the European avant-garde models not only in his creative practice, but he also reasoned it in the articles “The Composers’ Role in the Modern Development of Self-governing Socialist Society,” “Statements of Yugoslav Music Forum Composers’ Workgroup,” and “Manifesto of the ‘Third Avant- Garde’,” where he based his discourse on conformism, lack of communication and dehumanization of avant-garde, and in particular on Yugoslav ideological projects, such as self-management, non-alignment, and deprovincialization. The article analyzes the context in which Bruči’s creative transformation during the 1970s was expressed as the criticism of the Eurocentric cultural model, as well as the suspicion towards the imperative of modernization in a world obsessed with technological advances.
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Gleijeses, Piero. "Juan José Arévalo and the Caribbean Legion." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 1-2 (1989): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014450.
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On 15 March 1945 Juan José Arévalo became president of Guatemala. His inauguration marked the beginning of an unprecedented democratic parenthesis – ‘spring in the land of eternal tyranny ’1 – a spring that ended abruptly with the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954.Arévalo was an anti-communist, a nationalist, and a reformer. He was an anti-communist who believed that individual communists should not be persecuted unless they violated the law. He was a nationalist who accepted that Guatemala was in the US sphere of influence. He was a reformer who eschewed radical change.
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Gómez Aguilella, María José. "Arte, género y diseño en educación digital." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 5 (2021): 90–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2021.i05.07.
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Montes de Oca Fiol, Cecilia. "Difusión de la historia del arte desde Youtube. Observación participante para el análisis de la repercusión de los prosumidores en la cultura digital." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 3 (2020): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2020.i03.06.
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Paladini, Vinicio, and Giovanni Lista. "Art, Communisme et Nationalisme." Ligeia N° 109-112, no. 2 (2011): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lige.109.0163.
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GARNER, JASON. "Separated by an ‘Ideological Chasm’: The Spanish National Labour Confederation and Bolshevik Internationalism, 1917–1922." Contemporary European History 15, no. 3 (2006): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003341.
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This article covers the relationship between the National Labour Confederation of Spain and the Comintern and its union adjunct the Profintern, from the Confederation's initial support for the October Revolution to its subsequent outright rejection of communist politics, with reference to the positions adopted by revolutionary syndicalist movements in other countries. During this period a small number of individuals attempted to tie the Confederation to the Communist International, but failed. The article covers an important period in Spanish labour history, and helps to explain the mistrust that would bedevil the Spanish revolutionary working-class movement until the Civil War. Previous research has presented the battle for control of the CNT as a straightforward battle between anarchists and communists. This was not the case. The pro-communists were a miniscule faction, led by men recently affiliated to the CNT and who had no understanding of the depth of rejection of politics by Confederal militants. They only managed to take control of the national committee by chance. Aware of their weakness they were forced to act in a secretive and often underhand manner. Using material not consulted in previous studies this article shows the extent of their subterfuge and of the opposition this created in the Confederation, as well as demonstrating that the CNT was not the only revolutionary organisation to reject the Bolshevik International.
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Urban, Michael. "The Politics of Identity in Russia's Postcommunist Transition: The Nation against Itself." Slavic Review 53, no. 3 (1994): 733–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501518.
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Politics in postcommunist societies is in large measure a politics of identity. Central to it seem to be two mutually reinforcing moments through which national communities recreate themselves. One involves the "positive" expression of nation and concerns the recovery of those identity markers—symbols, rituals, anthems, history, literature and so forth—that had been suspended and suppressed during the communist epoch. The other moment is "negative." It appears in the act of purging the nation of like markers associated with the period of communist rule that are now openly regarded as alien. The multitude of images projected from the countries of east Europe and the former USSR at the moment of communism's collapse capture these two moments in concentrated fashion. In the crowds chanting national slogans and waving the national flag, while chiseling communist emblems from the facades of public buildings and toppling statues erected to some member of the communist pantheon, we observe a distilled version of this duplex signification: "We are not communist/communism is not us."
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ernández Domínguez, María Cristina H. "Educación intercultural: un déficit en la formación del futuro profesorado (la educación artística como un medio para acabar con la cultura depredadora)." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 3 (2020): 605–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2020.i03.04.
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Negreiros do Amaral, Maria das Vitórias. "A arte (auto)educação para a consciência de si e do outro." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 5 (2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2021.i05.05.
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Depois de 39 anos trabalhando como professora de arte, inicialmente na Educação Básica (escolas públicas e privadas) e posteriormente no Ensino Superior (UFPE), venho descobrir a educação informal como um processo de ensino-aprendizagem, considerando-a de grande relevância para a aprendizagem da arte, pensando nessa possibilidade de se autoeducar e, consequentemente, educar quem está próximo. Depois de orientar várias/vários estudantes que não têm experiência na educação formal ou mesmo na não formal, fui identificando essa aprendizagem. E foi então que surgiu a arte (auto)educação, uma consciência de si e do outro por meio do processo artístico. Neste artigo, trago como esse termo vem tomando corpo em minhas pesquisas e parte do resultado dessas reflexões apresentei em Paris, em 2017. Essas reflexões sobre si na produção artística se aprofundou nesse tempo de pandemia, entre 2020 e 2021, momento em que as/os estudantes estão em casa e, com isso, identifico que estão mergulhados na produção artística para se compreender, se fortalecer e não adoecer nesse tempo de solidão que o isolamento, por causa da Covid-19, provoca. O ensino de arte formal, na formação de professoras e professores na Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, campo que tomo como meu lugar de fala, vai além da sala de aula, seja nas escolas ou nos espaços não formais como ongs, ateliês e outros, se dá no próprio corpo dessas professoras e professores em formação. Com base nas experiências vividas em sala de aula e fora dela vamos aprendendo e reaprendendo a ser quem somos; o processo artístico e a criatividade são elementos fundamentais para essa arte (auto)educação, formação de si e aprendizagem da arte. Com ela, vamos elaborando e reelaborando as imagens que nos constituem. A produção de arte contaminada pelas imagens cotidianas, a contextualização, aquilo que você sente, expressa, vê, e a conscientização de si e do grupo com o qual se convive... e é assim que acontece a aprendizagem da arte em uma (auto)educação.
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Gupta, Suman. "Conceptualising the Art of Communist Times." Third Text 24, no. 5 (2010): 571–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2010.502775.
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Aleksic, Dragan, and Ivana Krstic-Mistridzelovic. "Prince Pavle Karadjordjevic and new Yugoslav authorities in 1945." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 157-158 (2016): 431–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1658431a.
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During the final phase of the war, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia started to introduce revolutionary changes, both in society and the system of government. One of the most important issues for Yugoslav communists was the question of the abolition of the monarchy. However, the new state holders had to regulate their rule according to the basic principles of democracy and constitutionality (out of respect for international community, especially the allied states: the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union), although they had unlimited power at disposal. This liability came as a consequence of compromise arrangement with monarchy, made after the Allies insisted on joint government formation and respect of Kingdom of Yugoslavia?s constitutional and legal forms, following the fact that this country was sole recognized subject of international law. Compromise agreement, participation of communists in government, and the fact that British Prime Minister Churchill was a monarchist protected King Petar from the decision of AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia) about his removal. Another representative of the monarchy, Prince Pavle, although dismissed in 1941, interned in Africa and excluded from the Royal House, became a convenient substitute for (at least formal) conflict between the communists and the monarchy. Former Prince Regent could not be incriminated for war crimes, since he spent the war abroad, so the new authorities needed a new legal formula to convict him. The solution was given by the Presidency of AVNOJ, the temporary supreme legislative body, which produced the act: ?The Decision of Declaring Prince Regent Pavle Karadjordjevic a War Criminal and an Enemy of the People?, with regard to his political acts while he was a Regent. This legal act is unsustainable from the standpoints of both legality and legitimacy. Actually, the basic characteristic of this act is an ideological persecution enveloped in an acceptable legal form.
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Medeiros, José Afonso. "Arte, criação e criatividade: entre a utilidade e a inutilidade na epistemologia ocidental." Communiars. Revista de Imagen, Artes y Educación Crítica y Social, no. 5 (2021): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/communiars.2021.i05.02.
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Tanto para o senso comum quanto para o senso acadêmico, criação e criatividade são, respectivamente, um princípio privilegiado pelo campo da arte e uma habilidade desenvolvida principalmente por artistas. Desse modo, a arte tem sido considerada a atividade por excelência na qual imaginação e criatividade parecem indissociáveis. Essa concepção foi construída plenamente ao longo do século XIX. Entretanto, considerando-se a própria história da arte, nem sempre os artistas e os teóricos deram como certa essa aliança entre imaginação e criatividade no processo de produção artística, pois houve (e há) pensadores que defendem a ideia de que a criação/recriação artística seria inútil na lida do ser humano com o mundo e com a vida e, sobretudo, na constituição do conhecimento.
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El-Amin, Mohammed Nuri. "The Role of the Egyptian Communists in Introducing the Sudanese to Communism in the 1940s." International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, no. 4 (1987): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056506.
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The Sudan came to know of Communism directly during the 1940s, through Egypt and Herbert Storey. Egyptian Communism had passed through two phases. The first phase was in the 1920s when, under Joseph Rosenthal and his Alexandria Group, it appeared first as a socialist movement and then as a Communist one proper. During this phase it made some impact on some of the Egyptian intelligentsia, a few trade unions, and a small number of workers. It also tried, though unsuccessfully, to join the Comintern so as to act as its official representative in this part of the world, thereby assuming for itself the role that organization had already entrusted to the Communist parties of the European colonial countries. However, the efforts of Egyptian Communism during this first stage received a mortal blow in the mid-1920s at the hands of Saʿd Zaghlūl, the leader of the Wafd party, when he began to see in the activities of the Communists a serious challenge to the hegemony of the Wafd in Egyptian politics.
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Bonura, Carlo. "The What-Has-Been and the Now of a Communist Past in Malaya in the Films of Amir Muhammad." positions: asia critique 29, no. 1 (2021): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8722769.
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This article considers two films by the Malaysian filmmaker Amir Muhammad, The Last Communist of 2006 and the Village People Radio Show of 2007. Both films are focused on the Malayan Emergency and the lives of a small group of Malayan communists. Through an engagement with Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Storyteller,” the analysis in this article examines the aesthetic forms that structure Amir’s films, namely nonlinear narratives, intertextuality, and the use of images and stories as comparative frames. This article argues that Amir’s films enable audiences to recognize how the truth of a communist past in Malaysia, both of its politics and suppression, inflects the present. The films provide an opening to recognize how the absence of communism today is the effect of the ideological clearing of all leftism that became the hallmark of the end of the British Empire in Malaysia. Communism is made meaningful in Amir’s films both as a lived experience and as a displacement that is absent from the postcolonial everyday.
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Abd. Muthalib, Hassan. "Joshua Oppenheimer’s Look of Silence: A Cinematic Look at the Banality of Evil." International Journal of Creative Multimedia 1, no. 1 (2020): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33093/ijcm.2020.1.1.6.
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Questions have been raised by many filmmakers over the years as to whether the 1965 coup in Indonesia was the handiwork of the Indonesian Communist Party. American/British documentary filmmaker, Joshua Oppenheimer, who has previously made The Act of Killing on the same subject, poses the question again with a new documentary. But this time, he takes a cinematic approach by fully utilising the language of film to create a solemn and meditative work. He focuses on the faces and the silence of the individuals involved, in an effort to probe their minds. The individuals are some of the surviving killers as well as the brother and family of one of those who were killed. Oppenheimer also places emphasis on landscape as character. In the area of the killings, the landscape stands as a silent witness to the horrors perpetrated there. The demonisation of the communists continues till today in Indonesia, as it does in Malaysia as well as Singapore. The millennium saw revisionist histories surfacing that explored the blatant demonisation and vilification of communists. Films with a creative approach began to be made by young people who explored what had transpired, in an effort to foreground the truth.
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Kopenkina, Olga. "Communist History, Unclassified." Afterimage 35, no. 6 (2008): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aft.2008.35.6.27.
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Smith, Tom. "Art and Democracy in Post-Communist Europe." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 22, no. 1 (2014): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.884807.
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Proksch-Weilguni, Stefanie. "Performing art history: continuities of Romanian art practices in post-communist performance." Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 27, no. 1 (2019): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2019.1643076.
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Ainutdinov, A. S. "Послевоенное искусство Свердловска (1946–1952 годы)". Iskusstvo Evrazii [The Art of Eurasia], № 4(19) (30 грудня 2020): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46748/arteuras.2020.04.004.
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The article is devoted to the artistic life of Sverdlovsk after the Great Patriotic war. Information that was not previously the subject of special consideration is published. New archival documents, reproduction photographs of works of art (paintings, sculptures) and materials of art criticism related to the activities of the Sverdlovsk branch of the USSR Art Fund and the Sverdlovsk branch of the Union of Soviet artists are used and introduced into scientific circulation. Thanks to them, as well as an analysis of the decisions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in the field of Soviet cultural policy in 1946–1952, the article reconstructs and describes the artistic life in Sverdlovsk after the war. Статья посвящена художественной жизни Свердловска после Великой Отечественной войны. Публикуются сведения, ранее не являвшиеся предметом специального рассмотрения. Используются и вводятся в научный оборот новые архивные документы, репродукционные фотографии произведений искусства (живописи, скульптуры) и материалы художественной критики, связанные с деятельностью Свердловского отделения Художественного фонда СССР и Свердловского отделения Союза советских художников. Благодаря им, а также анализу решений ЦК ВКП(б) в области советской культурной политики в 1946–1952 гг., в статье восстанавливается и описывается состояние художественной жизни Свердловска после войны.
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Roberts, John. "Introduction: Art, ‘Enclave Theory’ and the Communist Imaginary." Third Text 23, no. 4 (2009): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528820903116494.
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Bideleux, Robert. "Post-Communist Democratization: Democratic Politics as the Art of the Impossible?" Review of Politics 71, no. 2 (2009): 303–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670509000357.
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Post-Communist democratization continues to generate high levels of interest and scholarly debate. The dominant rubrics for the study of post-Communist transformation since the early 1990s have been provided by “democratic transition” and “democratic consolidation” theories and concepts which were mainly developed in endeavors to analyze and explain very different experiences in the Western hemisphere during the 1970s and 1980s. Indeed, “the end of communist rule was unthinkingly (but almost universally) identified with the phase of democratic transition,” and “transition and consolidation have been the main concepts around which the discussion of democratization has revolved.” The books reviewed here offer stimulating changes of approach and challenge widespread “West-centric” assumptions about democracy and democratization.
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Milam, Jennifer. "“Art Girls”: Philanthropy, Corporate Sponsorship, and Private Art Museums in Post-Communist Russia." Curator: The Museum Journal 56, no. 4 (2013): 391–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cura.12040.
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Brier, Robert. "Broadening the Cultural History of the Cold War: The Emergence of the Polish Workers' Defense Committee and the Rise of Human Rights." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 4 (2013): 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00396.
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The historiography of the Cold War has witnessed a revived interest in non-material factors such as culture and ideology. Although this incipient cultural history of the Cold War has focused mainly on the period from 1945 until the early 1960s, the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in 1975 turned ideas into potent factors of international politics when East European opposition groups began to expose how their governments violated the accord's human rights provisions. By putting the emergence of one such opposition group, the Polish Workers' Defense Committee, in an international context, this article extends Cold War cultural history into the 1970s and 1980s, tracing how human rights ideas affected international and domestic politics. The Communist states' willingness to put up with the human rights provisions in the Helsinki Final Act was not sufficient to “shame” them internationally. Instead, what happened is that Western leftists, after encountering East European dissidents, increasingly perceived human rights as a precondition for the success of their own political project and hence revoked what Robert Horvath calls the “revolutionary privilege” long granted to Communist regimes. Because Communism's identity was so closely related to its struggle with the West, this criticism was particularly damaging. Only within the dynamics of a cultural framework from earlier stages of postwar history did transnational human rights advocacy become effective.
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Bartlová, Milena. "1968: In Search of “Socialism with Human Face” in Czech Art History." Artium Quaestiones, no. 30 (December 20, 2019): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2019.30.11.
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The five or eight years leading up to the failed “Prague Spring” represent the most important period of Czech humanities tradition during the Communist Party dictatorship. Art history did not directly participate in either of the most prominent period discourses, but it was able to develop its own specific methodologies following the Czech continuation of the Vienna School legacy. The contribution analyzes the discourse of Marxist Iconology, developed by J. Neumann and R. Chadraba, and presents the case of F. Šmejkal and his concept of Imaginative Art, which was, interestingly, the sole case during the whole 40 years of the Communist Party rule when the highest Party officials became directly involved in Czech art historical practice. From the point of view of art historical practice, the most important feature of the brief period 1963–1969 was the new possibility of contacts with foreign art historians and of traveling abroad.
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Gough, Maria. "Drawing Between Reportage and Memory: Diego Rivera's Moscow Sketchbook." October 145 (July 2013): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00148.
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The extraordinary proliferation of political demonstrations around the world over the past several years has reminded us once again of the phenomenal power of the real-time convergence of people in public space, a power to which Diego Rivera's Moscow Sketchbook—a corpus of forty-five small watercolor drawings—bears graphic witness. The sketchbook dates from Rivera's seven- or eight-month sojourn in Moscow, which began in early November 1927 with his direct participation in the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the revolution as a delegate to the inaugural internat ional Congress of Friends. Publicly announcing the artist's arrival in Moscow on November 3, the Communist Party's national daily newspaper Pravda discussed his “extraordinary frescoes” in the new Secretar iat of Public Educat ion in Mexico City—which the poet Vladimir Mayakovski had earlier lauded as “the world's first Communist mural”—and went on to explain that, as a revolutionary artist, Rivera now prefers the collective address of “wall painting” over the private easel picture to which he had devoted himself for a decade or so in Paris before 1921. A new venture in Soviet cultural diplomacy, the Congress of Friends had as its objective the forging of a broad, cross-party international alliance of those willing and able to come to the defense of the Soviet Union in their home countries. Rivera, a member of the Mexican Communist Party at the time, participated in the congress at the invitation of the Comintern, which was responsible for hosting notable foreign communists when they were in town and, as such, played a major role in the organization of the three-day meeting. On the first day of the congress the artist was elected—from a pool of 947 delegates—to its Presidium (governing board) and press bureau as a member of the foreign intelligentsia.
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Wald, A. "Inconvenient Truths: The Communist Conundrum in Life and Art." American Literary History 21, no. 2 (2009): 368–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajp010.
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Vukadinović, Igor. "Activity of Albanian emigration in the West towards the issue of Kosovo and Metohija (1945-1969)." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 51, no. 2 (2021): 237–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp51-26886.
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After the Second World War, a large number of members of the fascist regime of the Kingdom of Albania found refuge in Italy, Turkey and the countries of Western Europe, where they continued to politically act. The leading political options in exile - Balli Kombetar, Zogists and pro-Italian National Independent Bloc, decided to cooperate with each other, so they have formed the Albanian National Committee in 1946. The turning point for the Albanian extreme emigration in the West is Operation Valuable, by which the United States and Great Britain sought to overthrow the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania. Although the operation failed, strong ties were forged between US and British intelligence and Albanian nacionalist emigration, which were further intensified in the 1960s. Xhafer Deva, who was dedicated to act on the annexation of Kosovo and Metohija to Albania, immigrated to the United States in 1956 and established cooperation with the CIA. Albanian emigration in the West applied different methods in politics towards Kosovo and Metohija. Some organizations, such as Xhafer Deva's Third Prizren League, have focused on lobbying Western intelligence. The Bali Kombetar Independent, headquatered in Rome, paid particular attention to working with Albanian high school and student youth in Kosovo and Metohija. The Alliance of Kosovo, formed in 1949, was engaged in subtle methods of involving Albanian nationalists in Yugoslav state structures, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav People's Army, and educational and health institutions in Kosovo and Metohija. Albanian emigration was also involved in violent demonstrations in Kosovo and Metohija in 1968, and cooperated on this issue with the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania.
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Kwon, June Hee. "Forbidden Homeland: Divided Belonging on the China-KoreaBorder." Critique of Anthropology 39, no. 1 (2018): 74–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x18790799.
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This article explores the old Korean Chinese communist party members’ rearticulation and re-remembering of the traumatic ethnic past and ethnic politics in the wake of the Korean Wind – the massive transnational migration from Yanbian, the Korean Chinese autonomous prefecture (China) to the former enemy homeland, South Korea. The ethnographic analysis is twofold. First, I examine the influence of the Korean Wind, a unique type of economic reform and open economy that Korean Chinese have experienced as an ethnic minority, in destabilizing and reconfiguring their ethnic identity. Second, I analyze the divided sense of belonging of these Korean Chinese Communists as they discuss transnational migration to South Korea as an economic phenomenon while remaining politically faithful to socialism and China. I argue that the construction of divided belonging is a Korean Chinese effort to reconcile their ethnic place in contemporary “Yanbian socialism” as it is buffeted by the Korean Wind.
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Creed, Gerald W. "The Politics of Agriculture: Identity and Socialist Sentiment in Bulgaria." Slavic Review 54, no. 4 (1995): 843–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501396.
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When Bulgarians elected a parliament dominated by the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) in their first, free postcommunist election, they were considered the mavericks of eastern Europe. As Misha Glenny critically points out, “Bulgaria bucks the trend” was a recurrent phrase in English-language reports of the 1990 contest. But four years later, after an intervening non-socialist government, a second socialist victory seemed to be following trends set in Lithuania, Hungary and Poland. In a front-page article in The New York Times several months before Bulgaria's 1994 election, the east European trend towards embracing ex-communists is described as beginning in Lithuania, with no mention of Bulgaria's earlier socialist victory and its continual socialist electoral strength. Then, following the election, the Washington Post reported that the results “brought the fourth former Communist Party to power in Eastern Europe, after Hungary, Poland and Lithuania.“