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Law, Yuk-lan Paris, and 羅玉蘭. "Community mobilization in sustainable development." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31259947.
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Law, Yuk-lan Paris. "Community mobilization in sustainable development /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21042639.
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Sarlo, Frank S. "Community mobilization in a small Canadian city." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.601157.
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Like other communities throughout the world, Sault Ste. Marie has had to meet challenges that arise and achieve various goals that require the mobilization and organization of community members. Government, alone, cannot satisfy all community needs and desires. One type of community mobilization that is utilized is the single-issue community mobilization that takes place without an ongoing formal organizational structure in limited time frames of re latively short duration. This type of recruitment and organization of community assets in Sault Ste. Marie was required to assist in saving its largest employer and its favorite hockey team, provide needed services and facilities, raise funds sufficient to meet government requirements for a state-of-the-art hospital, host provincial, national, and international events, celebrate the community and support many other worthy endeavors. For more than forty years, I was a practising lawyer in Sault Ste. Marie acting on behalf of numerous institutions, industries, businesses and government agencies. Much of my time was spent sitting on federal, provincial and local boards and agencies as well as being involved, at all levels, in community projects in sports, the arts, political campaigns, and fund raisers. In addition, I have had the privilege to take a leadership role in a number of successful community mobilizations that required the organization and recruitment of community assets to meet a specific challenge or goal. Being only one of many who have taken on such responsibilities in a number of specific challenges requiring community mobilization in Sault Ste. Marie, I have been interested for some time in examining examples of successful community mobilization in Sault Ste. Marie to determine the influences and processes that assist in leading to successful community mobilization.
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Rohde, Kristina. "Community mobilization around street sex work in Ottawa." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28548.
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Over the last three years the issue of street sex work has emerged as a contentious one in the Ottawa area. Many agencies in the community such as the police, social services and the municipal government each seek to deal with the matter. In considering this situation, I utilize Social Movement Theory to critically analyse a state-initiated social movement. This thesis presents the findings of a case study of the community group "Together for Vanier" in the east area of Ottawa. Drawing on documents produced by or about the group, observations at community meetings and interviews with key community players, the author argues that absent in Social Movement Theory is a consideration of silenced voices, rendering movements to appear more cohesive than they actually are. This paper suggests that "Together for Vanier" is not an authentic social movement, but rather a state generated one. The thesis concludes by utilizing ideas from Governmentality and Foucault to argue that "Together for Vanier" represents a form of governing at a distance and is thus a site of contestation.
Key words: community mobilization, social movement, street sex work
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Bluck, Emily C. "Mapping Community Mindscapes: Visualizing Social Autobiography as Political Transformation and Mobilization." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/56.
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Historically, autobiography has been used to perpetuate neo-liberal ideologies. Yet, when autobiography becomes social and is used to engage political communities of color, political transformation is possible. This project, through the collaborative visualization of Asian American social biography using pedagogical and relational methods as a means for engagement, seeks to destabilize dominant notions of time and space, and provide a mechanism for the retention of and documentation of institutional, and social histories using the Asian American Student Union at Scripps College as the site for political praxis.
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DuBroff, Nicholas (Nicholas Jarad). "Community mobilization and ecological outcomes in peri-urban Mexico City, 1989-1992." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/49686.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2009."June 2009." Page 107 blank.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-106).
Beginning in the 1930s and continuing through the 1970s, Mexico City developed swiftly, thus engendering rapid urbanization and a demographic boom. The majority of population growth occurred on peri-urban agricultural and ecological conservation lands and manifested as irregular settlements: illegal and structurally precarious urban developments without well-defined property rights. Today, almost a third of the metropolitan area's population-5.1 million people-continues to live in irregular settlements. Because irregular settlements are not legally recognized they do not receive urban services such as sewerage, and are forced to release their effluent haphazardly, often contaminating the groundwater that supplies 57% of the city's water. And this is where the problems begin. The continuous and illegal urbanization of peri-urban ecological conservation lands has bedeviled planners in Mexico City-in an atmosphere of opaque government, political clientelism, and unique ecological conditions in the Basin of Mexico, how can urbanization be controlled and how can environmental planning be implemented?This thesis examines the processes and conditions that enable environmental planning in rapidly urbanizing cities by studying the Project for the Ecological Rescue of Xochimilco (PREX), a government environmental remediation project in southern Mexico City in 1989 that was intended to halt widespread environmental degradation.
(cont.) Based on the PREX case, this thesis has two key findings: First, environmental planning in urbanizing locales requires a regional approach that incorporates the overarching political and ecological factors that coalesce in irregular settlements. Although environmental degradation is experienced locally, it is connected to environmental degradation of the watershed and the metropolis as a whole. Without considering the metropolitan region, narrowly focused environmental planning projects will only provide superficial remediation. Second, perfunctory citizen participation in environmental planning is ineffective and public participation for the sake of being democratic is Sisyphean. As such, government planners must work to incorporate purposeful citizen participation into conclusive environmental outcomes.
by Nicholas DuBroff.
M.C.P.
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Kim, Linda A. (Linda Anne) 1981. "The translation of media technology skills to community mobilization in youth programs." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/17700.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2004.Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-88).
Media is an important part of the political process, and alternative media is especially valuable for community organizing. Youth media programs can play a great role in the development of media technology as a community-building tool. This study proposes that a key way to bring youth into community mobilization efforts is through their interest in media and their deftness in learning how to use media tools. The combination of youth and media is powerful for communities and warrants discussion and development. This study begins the discussion first with an examination of media forms as a tool for grassroots movements. The potential of digital media is particularly emphasized. Secondly, a survey of youth media programs in the United States identifies ways that youth are already being served and provides the background for understanding how youth media programs equip young social activists in their local communities. Finally, case studies of two youth media programs investigate how, or if, the development of technical and creative skills around media translates to social and political mobilization, especially among youth. The use of media to bring youth into community mobilizing and to strengthen their efforts is promoted. The role of youth media programs in making this possible is put forth. This discussion of translating media technology skills to community action is significant, as it points to new directions in community organizing. As technology becomes more advanced and accessible to communities, digital media tools are increasingly significant in society and for groups who want to change society. The future of community development is closely connected to media and computer technology.
by Linda A. Kim.
M.C.P.
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Fulford, Casey. "Knowledge Mobilization in Community-Based Services: Supporting Friendships for Adults with Intellectual Disabilities." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40312.
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The objective of this dissertation was to conduct an evaluation of a knowledge mobilization process in a community-based organization that supports adults with intellectual disabilities. The aim of the project was to understand how stakeholders share knowledge, use knowledge, and collaborate to make decisions regarding practices to support friendships for adults with intellectual disabilities. We produced two literature reviews; one systematically documented the views of adults with intellectual disabilities with regard to their relationships, and the other examined existing literature on strategies to support friendships. We also conducted two primary research studies in which we documented and evaluated knowledge mobilization activities in community-based organizations. We used a mixed-methods approach and collected data from a variety of stakeholder groups associated with a community-based organization, including staff members and the organization’s director, adults with intellectual disabilities, and family caregivers. Additionally, we collected data from staff working in a variety of community-based organizations that support adults with intellectual disabilities. During our primary research studies, we produced a variety of knowledge mobilization outputs regarding friendship support, including an evidence brief, a conference presentation, online presentations in French and English, and an informational website in French and English. The results of the studies included in this dissertation, our recommendations regarding community-based knowledge mobilization, and the knowledge mobilization outputs we developed can be used to improve knowledge mobilization practices in community-based services. Studying knowledge mobilization to support individuals with intellectual disabilities highlights some of the complexities that should be considered within community-based services, such as working with a variety of stakeholder groups, and including stakeholders that are potentially vulnerable to social exclusion.
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Qiu, Hong. "From five lakes and four seas, online expatriate Chinese student magazines and community mobilization." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0019/MQ48480.pdf.
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Qiu, Hong Carleton University Dissertation Journalism and Communication. "From five lakes and four seas; online expatriate Chinese student magazines and community mobilization." Ottawa, 1999.
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Yeung, Yin-kei Florence, and 楊燕姬. "The development of a residents' organization from the resource mobilization perspective." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1994. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31250014.
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Nagle, Suzanne Kurtz. "Report of the community mobilization phase of the PATCH program completed in Floyd County, Virginia." Master's thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03172010-020210/.
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SILVA, JOÃO BATISTA PEREIRA DA. "THE IMPORTANCE OF COMMUNITY MOBILIZATION IN TACKLING THE WASTE ISSUE IN THE MORRO DOS PRAZERES." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=27518@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Este trabalho tem como objetivo central compreender qual é a importância da mobilização comunitária ocorrida no Morro dos Prazeres no enfrentamento da questão do lixo em favela. Para tanto nosso estudo buscou caracterizar qualitativamente os aspectos relevantes que orientaram a prática que vem sendo implementada pelos moradores. Trata-se de um estudo de caso realizado no Morro dos Prazeres, em Santa Teresa, no Rio de Janeiro, RJ, que em abril de 2010 sofreu um desastre natural e, desde então, enfrenta as pressões para remoção total de seus habitantes e a ausência efetiva de ações preventivas das autoridades governamentais, por estarem em reconhecida área de risco, tendo o lixo sido arrolado como fomentador dos desastres. O método realizado para caracterização da mobilização comunitária na referida localidade deu-se por dois âmbitos: 1) Uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, por meio de textos veiculados em jornais, revistas e demais meios de comunicação, documentos públicos e privados, laudos técnicos já produzidos a que tivemos acesso, para termos uma visão geral do panorama socioambiental, geológico e das suscetibilidades deste território de ser acometido de novos desastres; e 2) o uso da metodologia de pesquisa participante e escuta ativa, com entrevistas e encontros nos cafés com conversa, oficinas, além de diálogos informais com os moradores. O que nos possibilitou fazer um do histórico da mobilização social no Morro dos Prazeres e do quanto ela colabora para as estratégias destes sujeitos sociais para o enfrentamento da questão do lixo e para as lutas por soluções que se estabeleceram como alternativas à remoção. Descobrimos, assim, que a mobilização comunitária é uma prática histórica no Morro dos Prazeres. Ela acontece desde a sua formação nos anos de 1940, e se dá a partir da troca com as culturas e saberes entre os seus moradores e seus apoiadores externos. Essa descoberta desconstrói a nossa indagação inicial de que os parceiros externos que hoje atuam no território, na condução de um projeto de reciclagem do lixo com a educação ambiental, teriam tido papel preponderante na construção da mobilização que hoje existe no enfrentamento da questão do lixo.
This paper aims to qualitatively characterize aspects of community mobilization in tackling the issue of waste in slums. This is a case study carried out in Morro dos Prazeres, in the Santa Teresa neighborhood in Rio de Janeiro - RJ, which suffered a natural disaster in April 2010, and since then, due to the lack of effective preventive actions by government authorities, faces the pressure of total removal of its inhabitants because they are in a recognized risk area. Garbage waste has been enrolled as a developer of such disasters. The method performed to characterize the community mobilization at this location was given two aspects: 1) A bibliographic and documentary research through texts published in newspapers, magazines and other communication media, public and private documents as well as technical reports already available that we had access to, having an overview of the environmental landscape, geological and vulnerability of this area to be affected by new disasters; 2) Making use of participatory research methodology and active listening, carrying out interviews and meetings in the chat-and-coffee workshops as well as informal conversations with the locals. These techniques enabled us to obtain information about the history of social mobilization at Morro dos Prazeres, about how much it contributes to the strategies of acting parties to combat the garbage waste issue and to struggle for solutions to be established as alternatives to the removal of residents. We discovered that community mobilization is a historical practice at Morro dos Prazeres. It happens since its formation in the 1940s through the exchange of culture and knowledge among its residents and their external supporters. This revelation deconstructs our initial hypothesis that the external partners, who currently work in the territory, by running a garbage recycling project based on environmental education, would have a leading role in building up mobilization that we see today about the issue of garbage waste.
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Rosales, Cecilia Ballesteros, Zapien Jill Eileen Guernsey de, Jean Chang, Maia Ingram, Maria L. Fernandez, Scott C. Carvajal, and Lisa K. Staten. "Perspectives on a US–Mexico Border Community’s Diabetes and “Health-Care” Access Mobilization Efforts and Comparative Analysis of Community Health Needs over 12 Years." FRONTIERS MEDIA SA, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625714.
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This paper describes a community coalition-university partnership to address health needs in an underserved US-Mexico border, community. For approximately 15 years, this coalition engaged in community-based participatory research with community organizations, state/local health departments, and the state's only accredited college of public health. Notable efforts include the systematic collection of health-relevant data 12 years apart and data that spawned numerous health promotion activities. The latter includes specific evidence-based chronic disease-preventive interventions, including one that is now disseminated and replicated in Latino communities in the US and Mexico, and policy-level changes. Survey data to evaluate changes in a range of health problems and needs, with a specific focus on those related to diabetes and access to healthcare issues-identified early on in the coalition as critical health problems affecting the community-are presented. Next steps for this community and lessons learned that may be applicable to other communities are discussed.
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Walton, Sarah. "“The Real Issue Is…”: A Case Study of Anti-Muslim Mobilization in a Rural Great Plains Community." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1523631392939933.
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Pradhan, Merina [Verfasser]. "Community mobilization and energy as a tool for development : impact of rural energy programme in Nepal / Merina Pradhan." Flensburg : Zentrale Hochschulbibliothek Flensburg, 2007. http://d-nb.info/1018283617/34.
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Dasgupta, Satarupa. "Communication and Community Mobilization, Anti-Trafficking and Legitimization, Participation and Empowerment: HIV/AIDS Intervention and the Sonagachi Project." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/205971.
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Mass Media and CommunicationPh.D.
HIV/AIDS infection is a serious threat to the health and welfare of India. HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted infections (STI) are primarily propagated through heterosexual intercourse in India. Sex workers having multiple partners are considered to be conduits of virus transmission. Hence interventions targeting sex workers form a significant part of India's effort to curb the HIV/AIDS pandemic within its borders. The Sonagachi Project is a HIV/AIDS intervention program in India that targets sex workers. The initiative is being undertaken in a red light district of Calcutta, India. The district, which houses more than 50,000 sex workers, is the largest of its kind in South and South-East Asia. The project is spearheaded by the sex workers themselves, who act as peer outreach workers, and there are no external organizations involved. Statistics from UNAIDS show a significant drop in HIV/AIDS prevalence rate and significant increase in condom usage in Sonagachi after the project was implemented. The project achieved results like unionization of the sex workers, and formation of micro-credit societies and vocational training centers. The different facets of the Sonagachi Project were examined in the current dissertation. The articulation of trafficking and sex work in the formulation of global HIV/AIDS policy documents was assessed to understand the relationship between trafficking and sex work. The Sonagachi Project's stance on redefining sex work, legalization of sex work and rejection of rehabilitation propositions was explored. Environmental and structural barriers to health were analyzed and the impact of the contextualization of sexual health behavior on HIV/AIDS intervention initiatives studied by examining the case of the Sonagachi Project. The application of community mobilization as a strategic intervention method in HIV/AIDS harm reduction and awareness was explored by assessing the strategies of the Sonagachi Project. Finally the participatory framing of health discourse and practice in the Sonagachi Project was analyzed. For my dissertation I performed in-depth interviews of 37 sex workers and 5 project workers in Sonagachi. I reviewed policy documents of global aid organizations and project documentation from the Sonagachi Project such as research papers, internal project reports and unpublished manuscripts produced by the sex workers' union, and results of surveys performed by the sex workers' union and non-governmental organizations. The implications of the dissertation findings will extend beyond the red light district of Calcutta and provide a useful paradigm of sustainable intervention among historically marginalized populations.
Temple University--Theses
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Gustafsson, Maria-Therese. "Beyond Conflict and Conciliation : The Implications of different forms of Corporate-Community Relations in the Peruvian Mining Industry." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-114590.
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In Peru, the rapid expansion of extractive activities has led to increased mobilization by peasant communities. In remote rural areas, the mediating efforts of the state between communities and corporations are often weak, and corporations have played an important role in dealing with communities’ demands and protests through different strategies. These processes are illustrative of a broader trend in which private corporations engage in governance processes by assuming state-like functions in relation to citizens. This study investigates how communities’ mobilization and scope of influence is affected by their interactions with corporations. Based on interviews and written primary sources, the study provides a detailed empirical account of the multifaceted relations and negotiations between corporations and communities in the context of two macro-economically significant Peruvian mining projects – Rio Blanco and Las Bambas. In this way, the study contributes to the empirical and theoretical debates on the political role of corporations and the implications for social movements and democratic influence. The study shows that the presence of private corporations alters the conditions for mobilization by creating opportunities as well as constraints, with significant impact on mobilization structures and framing of demands. However, communities relate to those opportunities and constraints differently, depending on how state-society relations and other forms of private dynamics have played out historically at the subnational level.
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Silva, Elda Maria M. S. "Women's empowerment in informal settlements of the Peruvian Amazon frontier: A case study of 9 de Octubre, Pucallpa-Peru." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/46485.
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Women's organizations in informal settlements located in peri-urban areas of Peruvian Amazon cities have been carrying out programs for solving nutrition, food, health, and income generation problems in their communities. This is a way of women's local action of self-help and self-reliance to transform their marginalized ways of living. This study focuses on two factors in the scope of women's organizations: (1) to examine what causes household participation in women's organizations. (2) To explore what type of women's empowerment leads to social development, assuming that women go through a process of empowerment as a result of their participation in women's organizations.
The study data consists of a case study in one informal settlement in Pucallpa, 9 de Octubre, and key-informant interviews of women participating in women's organizations, and life histories of four women leaders. The quantitative analysis focuses on three hypotheses: (1) Single women-headed households participate more frequently in women's organizations than men-headed households. (2) Households with children under six years old are more likely to participate in women's organizations than households without. (3) Households in remote locations of the informal settlement are more likely to participate in women's organizations. The qualitative analysis focuses in three areas: (1) women's roles as community managers, (2) women's organizations as agents to produce structural change and (3) the relationship between women's organizations and women's empowerment.
Findings cast doubt upon the first hypothesis by showing that single women-headed households were not economically vulnerable as it was expected and that their participation in women's organizations was not as frequent as the participation of men-headed households. Furthermore, men-headed households seem to benefit more from women's organizations than single women-headed households. The presence of children does not predict participation in women's organizations. Also, it is interesting that households in more remote and inaccessible locations seem to participate more in women's organizations.
The study develops the argument that women's organizations, which bring in knowledge and more than partial problem-solving solutions, contribute to women's empowerment and household change that lead to social development.
The study concludes that the types of empowerment that lead to social development are the cultural, and social because they are the ones that are more effective in bringing changes at the household and community levels. However, the economic empowerment should not be disregarded and should be considered in the formula because it provides one of the prime needs of urban poor women: income in their household.Master of Urban and Regional Planning
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Stuckman, Mengling Yi. "Biotic Arsenic Mobilization in Natural and Anthropogenic Systems from Redox Transformations of Arsenic, Iron and Sulfur." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1388505419.
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Forbes, Stephen. "Sustainable development extension plan (SUDEX) community mobilization through proactive particpation and synergistic alliance to alleviate poverty and achieve sustainable self sufficiency /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2009. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
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Underwood, Patrick C. "New Directions in Networked Activism and Online Social Movement Mobilization: The Case of Anonymous and Project Chanology." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1244228183.
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Schmidt, Michael Afton. "Tannins in Natural Soil Systems." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1334679098.
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Scarano, Davidson. "Uma análise das redes sociais digitais: a interação do mundo real e virtual." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/18090.
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Previous issue date: 2011-11-19It made a presentation of virtual social networks as social software. We used the qualitative methodology literature related to the issue of giving theoretical support for the analysis of sites for such, we used the authors Pierre Levy, Don Tapscott, Henry Jankins and Erik Qualman. I analyze Facebook, YouTube and Twitter because each network has a feature that makes it unique. The three chosen are: Facebook (one of the largest social networks today). YouTube (social networking to post videos). Twitter (the microblogging social network for rapid dissemination of information). The forms of analysis are exploratory in the context of the site. Shows the effect of these social networks in the real world and its influence in politics, success stories like Barack Obama in the United States of America, the national mobilization against the FARC in Colombia, the revolution of the Arab world and Islam's successes in Brazil, Plinio de Arruda and Silva in the presidential elections of 2010. After the effect of these social networks on television stations showing Survivour the case in the U.S. and in Brazil, two cases that influenced the Globo network. In addition, trends and interactions between businesses developed by broadcasters and social networks. By analyzing the community 4chan, I see how the community started a joke / b / has become one of the two largest groups in the world Hackerativismo. I conclude this work by analyzing how social networks are, in fact, increasingly used to support actions in the real world thanks to the collective rapid deployment
É feita uma apresentação das redes sociais virtuais como softwares sociais. Foi utilizada a metodologia qualitativa relacionada à questão da bibliografia que dá suporte teórico para análise dos sites, para tal, foram utilizados os autores Pierre Lévy, Don Tapscott, Henry Jankins e Erik Qualman. Analiso o Facebook, o YouTube e o Twitter pois cada rede tem uma característica que a torna única. As três escolhidas são: Facebook (uma das maiores redes sociais da atualidade). YouTube (rede social para divulgação de vídeos). Twitter (rede social de microblog com rápido poder de disseminação da informação). As formas de análises são de cunho exploratório no contexto do site. Mostra-se o efeito destas redes sociais no mundo real e a sua influência na política, com casos de sucesso como Barack Obama nos Estados Unidos da América; a mobilização nacional contra a FARC na Colômbia; a revolução dos países Árabes no mundo Islã e os sucessos, no Brasil, de Plínio de Arruda e Marina Silva nas eleições presidenciais de 2010. Depois o efeito destas redes sociais nas emissoras de televisão mostrando o caso de Survivour nos EUA e, no Brasil, dois casos que influenciaram a rede Globo. Além, das tendências e interações entre os negócios desenvolvidos pelas emissoras e as redes sociais. Ao analisar a comunidade do 4chan, percebo como uma brincadeira iniciada na comunidade /b/ se tornou um dois dos maiores grupos de Hackerativismo no mundo. Concluo o trabalho analisando como as redes sociais, são de fato, cada vez mais utilizadas para apoiar ações do mundo real graças à rápida mobilização coletiva
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Klekamp, Jesse Janice. "Intentioned Network Convergence: How Social Media is Redefining, Reorganizing, and Revitalizing Social Movements in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/96.
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This analysis seeks to understand the power of social media to create sustainable social movements. The 1999 World Trade Organization protests in Seattle were one of the first internet-supported acts of protest and illustrate the power of the Internet and social media to bring together diverse coalitions of actors and maintain decentralized power structures. Next, the analysis studies the non-profit advocacy organization Invisible Children and the recent media explosion of their Kony 2012 campaign to make sense of how uses of the Internet have expanded since 1999. The Kony 2012 case illustrates the power of committed networks in disseminating information but also alludes to some of the new challenges social media presents. Ultimately, this analysis concludes that social media has simultaneously empowered and crippled social media, calling for an intentioned use of the Internet applications, strong leadership, and cultural framing to sustain mobilization.
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Conrad, Kalliandra Quevedo. "RÁDIOS COMUNITÁRIAS E MOBILIZAÇÃO SOCIAL: UM ESTUDO SOBRE AS ESTRATÉGIAS COMUNICACIONAIS DA RÁDIOCOM FM, DE PELOTAS - RS." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2013. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/6345.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorThis research, of qualitative character, studies RadioComFM , of the city Pelotas ( RS ) in order to investigate how communicational strategies for social mobilization of community radio contribute to the democratization of communication . To answer this problem, it is defined as a general goal, to investigate the communicational strategies of RadioCom FM and its interfaces with social mobilization and democratization of communication. The specific objectives are to identify the profile of RadioCom; to check social mobilization strategies present in the radio programming schedule; and to understand the relationship between community media, social mobilization strategies and democratization of communication. It is used as research strategy, the case study, with the following sources of evidence: documentary research; observation of programming and daily of the radio; and semi structured interviews. The interviews were conducted with managers and people that participate of the radio programming schedule. The collected data were systematized and interpreted with the use of the method of thematic content analysis. Thus, it is identifies, in RadioCom, a multidimensional media, that comprises , in the complex of a structure of community communication, the collective, legal-normative, political and socio-communicational dimensions. In relation to communicational strategies for social mobilization checked in the programming schedule, it is inferred that the RadioCom is qualified by the plurality of contents of public interest and the differential bias of the commercial media. The interlacement of the concepts of community media, social mobilization strategies and democratization of communication are established by the meanings given to each concept. So, by the investigation of communicational strategies for social mobilization, it is concluded that the RadioCom contributes to the processes of democratization of communication, configuring itself as a strategy to do so.
Esta pesquisa, de caráter qualitativo, estuda a RádioCom FM, da cidade de Pelotas (RS), com o intuito de investigar como as estratégias comunicacionais de mobilização social das rádios comunitárias contribuem para a democratização da comunicação. Para responder a essa problemática, define-se, como objetivo geral, investigar as estratégias comunicacionais da RádioCom FM e suas interfaces com a mobilização social e a democratização da comunicação. Os objetivos específicos são identificar o perfil da RádioCom; verificar as estratégias de mobilização social presentes na programação da rádio; e perceber as relações existentes entre mídia comunitária, estratégias de mobilização social e democratização da comunicação. Utiliza-se como estratégia de pesquisa, o estudo de caso, com as seguintes fontes de evidência: pesquisa documental; observação da programação e do cotidiano da rádio; e entrevistas semiestruturadas. As entrevistas foram realizadas com gestores e com pessoas que participam da programação da rádio. As informações coletadas foram sistematizadas e interpretadas com o emprego do método de análise de conteúdo temática. Desta forma, identifica-se, na RádioCom, uma mídia multidimensional, que compreende, no complexo de uma estrutura de comunicação comunitária, as dimensões coletiva, jurídico-normativa, política e sócio-comunicacional. Em relação às estratégias comunicacionais de mobilização social verificadas na programação, infere-se que a RádioCom é qualificada pela pluralidade de conteúdos de interesse público e pelo viés diferenciado dos meios de comunicação comerciais. O entrelaçamento dos conceitos de mídia comunitária, estratégias de mobilização social e democratização da comunicação estabelecem-se pelas significações dadas a cada conceituação. Assim, pela investigação das estratégias comunicacionais para a mobilização social, conclui-se que a RádioCom contribui para os processos de democratização da comunicação, configurando-se como estratégia para tal.
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REIS, Mariana Ferreira. "Políticas públicas de cultura, mobilização comunitária e desenvolvimento local : o ponto de cultura Cabras de Lampião no Sertão do Pajeú – PE." Universidade Federal Rural de Pernambuco, 2012. http://www.tede2.ufrpe.br:8080/tede2/handle/tede2/6133.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The objective of this study is to analyze the actions of the “Ponto de Cultura” (Cultural Point) in the perspective of a local development. Specifically, what is intended is to understand the contribution of this cultural public policy to the community mobilization and whether these actions support the construction of the local development. The proposal of the “pontos de cultura” brings in its intents some precepts that link to community mobilization, since cultural groups that accomplish permanent actions in their original communities are involved. Furthermore, it tells from its inception the existence of an articulation between social networks to expand their activities. However, the fact that a “ponto de cultura” exists and functions does not mean that it is able to mobilize the community for local development. In this perspective, the research analyzed the “Ponto de Cultura Cabras de Lampião”and identified if the network experience located in “Sertão do Pajeú” favors - and in what way – the construction of a community in a contemporary cast (physically and virtually), if it is attentive to the supporting media and to the media convergence; whither this work contributes to community mobilization, to actions aimed at the building of the local development and what construction elements of local development are contemplated by this experience. To answer these questions in light of cultural studies, we conducted a case study in the “ponto de cultura” located in Serra Talhada / PE, to analyze the appropriation of such public policy in this community and how it relates to other communities, cultural groups and partners. As theoretical approach we bring mainly the following authors: Canclini, Martín-Barbero, Tauk Santos, Franco, Toro e Peruzzo. For the analysis, the search listed categories: the use of endogenous energy; economic sustainability; articulation and mobilization of communities; public and private partnerships; virtual and material networks; and political participation. The study showed, among other aspects, the congruence of the regional articulation of “Cabras de Lampião” with “pontos de cultura” of the backlands and especially between the “pontos de cultura” from “sertão do Pajeú”, with which they have more affinities, as political issues as cultural or economic issues. Another finding of the research was that, although articulated in virtual networks, enabled by communication technologies, it is the material networks which generate the most lasting bonds between the “Ponto de Cultura Cabras de Lampião” and the other cultural groups with whom it has contact.
O objetivo deste estudo é analisar as ações do Ponto de Cultura na perspectiva do desenvolvimento local. Especificamente, o que se pretende compreender é a contribuição desta política pública de cultura à mobilização comunitária e se essas ações favorecem a construção do desenvolvimento local. A proposta dos pontos de cultura traz em seus objetivos preceitos que apontam para a mobilização comunitária, uma vez que envolve grupos culturais que realizam ações permanentes nas suas comunidades de origem. Além disso, prevê desde a sua concepção a articulação de redes sociais para o desenvolvimento de suas atividades. No entanto, o simples fato de existir e funcionar como rede não significa que o ponto de cultura é capaz de mobilizar a comunidade para o desenvolvimento local. É nessa perspectiva que a pesquisa analisou o Ponto de Cultura Cabras de Lampião, identificando se a experiência em rede no Sertão do Pajeú favorece e de que forma a construção de uma comunidade nos moldes contemporâneos (materialmente e virtualmente), atenta aos suportes midiáticos e à convergência midiática; até que ponto esse trabalho contribui para a mobilização comunitária, para ações voltadas à construção do desenvolvimento local e que elementos de construção do desenvolvimento local são contemplados por essa experiência. Para responder essas questões à luz dos estudos culturais, realizamos um estudo de caso no referido ponto de cultura em Serra Talhada/PE, para analisar a apropriação de tal política pública na comunidade e de que forma o mesmo se relaciona com outras comunidades, grupos culturais e parceiros. Como referencial teórico, trazemos principalmente os seguintes autores: Canclini, Martín-Barbero, Tauk Santos, Franco, Toro e Peruzzo. Para a análise, a pesquisa elencou categorias como: aproveitamento das energias endógenas, sustentabilidade econômica, articulação e mobilização das comunidades, parcerias públicas e privadas, redes materiais e virtuais e participação política. O estudo evidenciou, entre outros aspectos, que o que se mostra mais congruente é a articulação regional dos Cabras de Lampião com os pontos de cultura dos sertões e, principalmente, entre os pontos de cultura do Sertão do Pajeú, com os quais mantêm mais afinidades, tanto para tratar de assuntos políticos, quanto culturais ou econômicos. Outro achado da pesquisa foi que, embora se articule em redes virtuais, possibilitadas pelas tecnologias da comunicação, são as redes materiais que mais geram vínculos duradouros entre o Ponto de Cultura Cabras de Lampião e os demais grupos culturais com os quais mantém contato.
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Delaney, Chelsey. "Humor-Centered Design: Using Humor as a Rhetorical Approach in Design." Research Showcase @ CMU, 2011. http://repository.cmu.edu/theses/11.
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My thesis pursues the development of a tool to empower designers and non-designers to better understand humor’s function in design and to encourage the use of humor as a rhetorical device to undertake social problems. Humor research is a field that is largely based on linguistic studies, but because of its multidisciplinary stretch in the past decade has displayed a broad rhetorical influence; however, it has yet to form a substantial relationship with design. Through a literature review of linguistic, rhetorical, and design theories, I identified a set of heuristics that guide how humor should operate in design. I then tested the effectiveness of the heuristics, and with their final revision, applied them to designing for motivational problems associated with public displays of political mobilization. My user research inferred the creation of a mobile instructional tool that guides the collaborative and/or individual production of political communication artifacts (e.g. rally signs), which use humor to confront socially complex issues. The artifacts’ implicit intent is to motivate political mobilization and to found and/or empower communities. My project focus entails the creation and testing of the tool on the individual level. Whether the artifacts created produce the desired effect regarding mobilization and community strength is unknown; Future work should lend itself to testing humorous design’s effect on political mobilization and ability to empower communities.
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Borja, Jean-Stéphane. "Vie et mort d'un problème public : Autour du problème de la rue de la République à Marseille." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM3066/document.
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Marseille, été 2004, un conflit éclate entre des locataires et leur nouveau propriétaire, un fonds d’investissement international, venant d’acheter sur la rue de la République plus d’un millier de logements et 50 000 m2 de surface commerciale. Le propriétaire exige que tous ses locataires, modestes, quittent leur appartement alors que le quartier fait l'objet d'une requalification soutenue par la puissance publique dans le cadre de l'Opération d'Intérêt National Euroméditerranée. Une mobilisation prend alors forme et accompagne l'émergence du problème de la rue de la République... La rue de la République constitue alors ce genre d'intervalle où il est possible d'observer un moment de ressaisie collective attenant à la confection d'un problème public. Parler de problème public situe en effet un processus dynamique porté par une enquête, cet "art" de créer et de résoudre des problèmes. A travers une ethnographie fine, cette thèse entend explorer les lignes de fragilité du public, conduisant à réinscrire l'enquête dans une continuité affectant toute appréhension globale, ferme ou définitive du problème et de ses horizons de régulationAt Marseilles, in Summer 2004, a struggle emerged between the tenants and their new owner, an international investment fund, which bought about a thousand of apartments and 50.000 m2 of commercial area on the République Street. Although the district was subject to a redevelopment project supported by public authorities in the frame of the National Interest Euroméditerranée Project, the owner required that all the tenants, most of them in poverty, leave their apartments. This struggle led to the emergence of what is publicly called the République Street Problem. The République Street is then a place where it is possible to observe a moment of collective effervescence contributing to build a public issue. Talking about public problem is to refer to a dynamic process supported by an inquiry, taken as an "art" in creating and solving problems. Through a fine tune, this thesis aims to consider the fragility of the public, leading to a continuous inquiry that can destabilize the understanding and the definition of the problem and its issues
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Vladisavljevic, Nebosa. "Serbia in turmoil : the collapse of Communism, mobilization and nationalism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.415502.
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Loots, Mathilda Christina. "'n Verkenning van opvoeders se mobilisering van bates ter ondersteuning van gemeenskapshantering van MIV/VIGS." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-09052005-122103/.
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Balazard, Hélène. "Quand la société civile s’organise : L’expérience démocratique de London Citizens." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO20125/document.
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Trois jours avant les élections nationales de 2010 au Royaume-Uni, l’association London Citizens réunit les trois principaux prétendants à la fonction de Premier Ministre. Parmi les 2 200 personnes présentes dans la salle, certaines défilent sur scène et confrontent les candidats à des revendications (portant sur le salaire minimum, les droits des immigrés, les logements abordables et l’accès au crédit), tout en les enjoignant à reconnaître et à promouvoir le rôle de la « société civile » dans la gouvernance londonienne. À la pointe de ce combat, London Citizens représente un très large éventail d’organisations - congrégations religieuses, établissements scolaires, syndicats et autres associations - qui cherchent collectivement à faire entendre leur voix en interpellant les responsables politiques, mais également les acteurs économiques, bousculant ainsi les règles du jeu politique traditionnel. Construite sur le modèle du Broad-Based Community Organizing initié par Saul Alinsky dans les années 1940 à Chicago, London Citizens cherche à mobiliser un très grand nombre de communautés et d’habitants de Londres. Encadrés par des « organisateurs », les différents membres se rencontrent régulièrement et mènent ensemble des actions collectives sur des territoires et des sujets variés. « Démocratique » sous bien des aspects, l’action de London Citizens est aussi ambigüe au regard de sa conception de l’émancipation citoyenne et des changements sociaux visés. C’est une approche pragmatique de la citoyenneté et de la démocratie qui est alors mise en avantThree days before the general elections of 2010 in the UK, the organisation called London Citizens brings together the leaders of the three main parties. Among the 2,200 people in the room, some come on stage and confront the candidates with their demands (on the minimum wage, immigrant rights, affordable housing and access to credit), while urging them to recognize and promote the role of "civil society" in the governance of London. At the forefront of this fight, London Citizens represents a very wide range of organizations - religious congregations, schools, trade unions and other associations - which collectively seek to make their voices heard by politicians, but also economic actors, upsetting the traditional rules of politics. Built on the model of broad-based community organizing initiated by Saul Alinsky in the 1940s in Chicago, London Citizens seeks to mobilize a large number of London communities and residents. Supervised by "organizers", the various members meet on a regular basis and conduct collective actions, big and small, on different issues. "Democratic" in many ways, the work of London Citizens is also ambiguous with regard to its conception of citizen empowerment and targeted social changes. In so doing, it promotes a pragmatic approach to citizenship and democracy
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Daly, Marwa El. "Challenges and potentials of channeling local philanthropy towards development and aocial justice and the role of waqf (Islamic and Arab-civic endowments) in building community foundations." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16511.
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Diese Arbeit bietet eine solide theoretische Grundlage zu Philanthropie und religiös motivierten Spendenaktivitäten und deren Einfluss auf Wohltätigkeitstrends, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und einer auf dem Gedanken der sozialen Gerechtigkeit beruhenden Philanthropie. Untersucht werden dafür die Strukturen religiös motivierte Spenden, für die in der islamischen Tradition die Begriffe „zakat“, „Waqf“ oder im Plural auch „awqaf-“ oder „Sadaqa“ verwendet werden, der christliche Begriff dafür lautet „tithes“ oder „ushour“. Aufbauend auf diesem theoretischen Rahmenwerk analysiert die qualitative und quantitative Feldstudie auf nationaler Ebene, wie die ägyptische Öffentlichkeit Philanthropie, soziale Gerechtigkeit, Menschenrechte, Spenden, Freiwilligenarbeit und andere Konzepte des zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements wahrnimmt. Um eine umfassende und repräsentative Datengrundlage zu erhalten, wurden 2000 Haushalte, 200 zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen erfasst, sowie Spender, Empfänger, religiöse Wohltäter und andere Akteure interviewt. Die so gewonnen Erkenntnisse lassen aussagekräftige Aufschlüsse über philanthropische Trends zu. Erstmals wird so auch eine finanzielle Einschätzung und Bewertung der Aktivitäten im lokalen Wohltätigkeitsbereich möglich, die sich auf mehr als eine Billion US-Dollar beziffern lassen. Die Erhebung weist nach, dass gemessen an den Pro-Kopf-Aufwendungen die privaten Spendenaktivitäten weitaus wichtiger sind als auswärtige wirtschaftliche Hilfe für Ägypten. Das wiederum lässt Rückschlüsse zu, welche Bedeutung lokale Wohltätigkeit erlangen kann, wenn sie richtig gesteuert wird und nicht wie bislang oft im Teufelskreis von ad-hoc-Spenden oder Hilfen von Privatperson an Privatperson gefangen ist. Die Studie stellt außerdem eine Verbindung her zwischen lokalen Wohltätigkeits-Mechanismen, die meist auf religiösen und kulturellen Werten beruhen, und modernen Strukturen, wie etwa Gemeinde-Stiftungen oder Gemeinde-„waqf“, innerhalb derer die Spenden eine nachhaltige Veränderung bewirken können. Daher bietet diese Arbeit also eine umfassende wissenschaftliche Grundlage, die nicht nur ein besseres Verständnis, sondern auch den nachhaltiger Aus- und Aufbau lokaler Wohltätigkeitsstrukturen in Ägypten ermöglicht. Zentral ist dabei vor allem die Rolle lokaler, individueller Spenden, die beispielsweise für Stiftungen auf der Gemeindeebene eingesetzt, wesentlich zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung beitragen könnten – und das nicht nur in Ägypten, sondern in der gesamten arabischen Region. Als konkretes Ergebnis dieser Arbeit, wurde ein innovatives Modell entwickelt, dass neben den wissenschaftlichen Daten das Konzept der „waqf“ berücksichtigt. Der Wissenschaftlerin und einem engagierten Vorstand ist es auf dieser Grundlage gelungen, die Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) zu gründen, die nicht nur ein Modell für eine Bürgerstiftung ist, sondern auch das tradierte Konzept der „waqf“ als praktikable und verbürgte Wohlstätigkeitsstruktur sinnvoll weiterentwickelt.This work provides a solid theoretical base on philanthropy, religious giving (Islamic zakat, ‘ushour, Waqf -plural: awqaf-, Sadaqa and Christian tithes or ‘ushour), and their implications on giving trends, development work, social justice philanthropy. The field study (quantitative and qualitative) that supports the theoretical framework reflects at a national level the Egyptian public’s perceptions on philanthropy, social justice, human rights, giving and volunteering and other concepts that determine the peoples’ civic engagement. The statistics cover 2000 households, 200 Civil Society Organizations distributed all over Egypt and interviews donors, recipients, religious people and other stakeholders. The numbers reflect philanthropic trends and for the first time provide a monetary estimate of local philanthropy of over USD 1 Billion annually. The survey proves that the per capita share of philanthropy outweighs the per capita share of foreign economic assistance to Egypt, which implies the significance of local giving if properly channeled, and not as it is actually consumed in the vicious circle of ad-hoc, person to person charity. In addition, the study relates local giving mechanisms derived from religion and culture to modern actual structures, like community foundations or community waqf that could bring about sustainable change in the communities. In sum, the work provides a comprehensive scientific base to help understand- and build on local philanthropy in Egypt. It explores the role that local individual giving could play in achieving sustainable development and building a new wave of community foundations not only in Egypt but in the Arab region at large. As a tangible result of this thesis, an innovative model that revives the concept of waqf and builds on the study’s results was created by the researcher and a dedicated board of trustees who succeeded in establishing Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) that not only introduces the community foundation model to Egypt, but revives and modernizes the waqf as a practical authentic philanthropic structure.
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Abaseaca, Raluca. "Comment devient-on militant en Roumanie postcommuniste? Les métamorphoses du militantisme et trajectoires des acteurs: le cas de l'altermondialisme et de la gauche contestataire." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/239781.
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Analyser les processus par lesquels les militants roumains s’engagent dans des luttes pour la justice sociale et économique à la lumière des facteurs individuels, internationaux et contextuels a été l’objectif central de notre recherche. Notre travail part d’un triple postulat théorique. D’une part, par l’étude de cas des trajectoires des militants altermondialistes et de gauche de la Roumanie postcommuniste, la présente thèse visera à offrir une analyse approfondie de la politisation des militants de l’Europe centrale et orientale, tout en se proposant de dépasser les postulats sur l’absence/la faiblesse des mouvements sociaux en Europe centrale et orientale, longuement présentés dans la littérature. Par l’approche généalogique et par le cadre théorique pluraliste choisi, qui combine le néo-institutionnalisme historique, la sociologie de l’engagement et la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, l’objectif est de changer l’accent d’une perspective déterministe sur la mobilisation des acteurs avec l’une processuelle. Deuxièmement, si les transformations postcommunistes ont été prioritairement présentées du point de vue des élites politiques, notre recherche se centre sur des acteurs qui sont en marge de la politique roumaine et sur des engagements « à gauche » dans un contexte qui n’est pas favorable à ces « challengers ». Enfin, la thèse aborde l’impact de la crise économique de 2008 sur la mobilisation politique des acteurs en Roumanie et les opportunités ouvertes par la crise pour l’émergence d’une critique des effets sociaux de la transition et du néolibéralisme.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Collet, Victor. "Du bidonville à la cité : les trois âges des luttes pro-immigrés : une sociohistoire à Nanterre (1957-2011)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100161.
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Fin des années 1950. Nanterre, terre communiste et d’immigration. Terre de luttes. La politisation ouvrière et communiste rencontre la guerre d’Algérie et les bidonvilles où vivent des milliers d’Algériens, de Marocains et de Portugais. A l’éloignement municipal avec ces Nanterriens venus d’ailleurs et au traitement exceptionnel infligé à ces derniers répond la naissance d’une cause des étrangers. Cette thèse explore les différents « âges » de cette cause, en les liant au cadrage public du problème par la municipalité. L’histoire sociale et l’action collective de longue durée examinent ces luttes de l’immigration souvent oubliées, depuis les bidonvilles à l’engagement dans les cités aujourd’hui, et interrogent les rapports entre champ politique et mouvement social. Déportant le regard, la sociohistoire montre l’écart entre passé et présent, pensable et possible : de l’inventaire des problèmes par les pionniers chrétiens, de l’hybridation des luttes dans l’après 68 radicalisant la cause des « travailleurs immigrés » à gauche, à son éclatement actuel en autant d’engagements particuliers – socioculturel et de cité, pour une mémoire positive de l’immigration ou la diversité en politique, en soutien aux étrangers ou au pays d’émigration. S’y éclaire un changement majeur du répertoire militant : la déradicalisation et l’ascension associative, qui croisent au début des années 1980, le dédoublement entre soutien aux immigrés (enracinés) et défense des étrangers (fraichement arrivés). Moment où, paradoxalement, les enfants d’immigrés prennent en main leur défense pour en finir avec les derniers vestiges du « ghetto français » dans lequel on les a placés : les cités de transitEnd of the 50's. Nanterre, communist stronghold and immigration land. Land of struggles. The politicized workers and communist activists encounter the Algerian conflict and the slums where thousands of migrants from Algeria, Morocco and Portugal are living. In response to the marginalization of these "Nanterriens" from abroad and the special status imposed upon them, a cause des étrangers emerges.This dissertation explores the various "stages" of that cause, linking them to the handling of the issue by the municipal authorities. Social history and the long term collective action review those often forgotten struggles of the immigration, from the slums to the involvement in today's cités, and question the relationship between the political domain and the social movement. Sociohistory shifts the focus to the gap between past and present, from the pioneering assessment of problems by christian activists, through the post-68 leftist radicalization of the cause of migrant workers, to the present day fragmentation into specific engagements: in the socio-cultural field, at the cité level, promoting a positive memory of immigration or diversité in politics, in support of the étrangers or their country of origin. It highlights a major change in the activist arena: the unradicalization and the growth of grassroots initiatives, which echo at the beginning of the 80's the de-coupling of support to the immigrés (already settled) and defence of the étrangers (newly arrived). This is also the time when the children of immigrés take things in their own hands to put an end to the last remnants of the "French ghetto" where they have been relegated: the cités de transit
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LIAO, PEI-LING, and 廖培伶. "Observing the Community Mobilization from the Small Oyster Rock." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50531155063482793205.
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碩士國立中正大學
傳播學系電訊傳播研究所
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Taking Kaohsiung’s “Small Oyster Rock,” a music festival that is initiated and planned all by the community residents, as the subject, this study is aimed to know the dynamic processes of the event and to understand how the Small Oyster Rock could be supported by rock bands, loved by rock fans and combined with local characteristics. In this study, the participant-observation method and interviews are used to understand the dynamic processes of involving the local residents, participating bands and out-town audience in the event from the inside to the outside. Furthermore, through the comparison with the official Mullet Festival and other Taiwan’s music festivals, this study explores how this non-local industry-related event triggers the participation and recognition of local residents, as well as what cultural significance it demonstrates. This study found that multi-field actor Brother Tsai not only collects the funds from the owners in the local industry, but also mobilizes the volunteer groups from local schools. Since the curators are all local residents, the event is full of local characteristics in every aspect, including the visible imagery of fishing boat, the decision-making method of throwing divination blocks, and the stage performance by local students. The on-site manpower is mainly the school volunteer groups and their family. With a significantly broad spectrum of age and interest, the festival has a special atmosphere unlike any other music festivals, which is more open and suitable for local residents to participate. The organization process of the Small Oyster Rock is consistent with the authenticity and do-it-yourself spirit of rock music. Moreover, the Small Oyster Rock is also a cultural interpretation mechanism between out-town bands and local residents. The two sides communicate with each other through the Small Oyster Rock and further influence and change one another mutually. On the one hand, it deepens the cultural significance of the event; on the other hand, it even provides as the nutrients for the creation and performance. The Small Oyster Rock is an event developed from daily life, and it is still a part of community activities with no tourism purposes despite its grand scale. They do not treat the rock bands only the performers they pay and invite, but they also hope that these performers can use the opportunity to know and make friends with each other. Therefore, the event not only has a people-oriented nature but also the local characteristics that cannot be copied.
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Lougheed, Green Elizabeth. "The role of leadership in the "spotlight campaign's" community mobilization." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/341.
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Shen, Yu-Pin, and 沈又斌. "Mobilization of community and change of urban meaning ─the formation of " Chingcheng community " in Taipei." Thesis, 1994. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/55108976523598811002.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
建築與城鄉研究所
82
This is not only a research about scocial movement but also a research about social change. After 40-years we have got a high economic development -wealth, modernity, urbanization- in Taiwan. This we-called Taiwan miracle also makes many social problems, especially in 1987, civil power from grassroots to challenge state, capital and established. People care about social equality, social justice and the interaction between state and society. In the Third World, there are 3 dimensions of Taiwan''''s social change: 1. physical environment- urban speculation, worsened quality of living environment, non- efficient zoning, fast-growing metropolitan 2. people- alienation, reorganized social relation, unclear public sphere 3. institution- uncertain urban policy, claim of civil participation, non-efficient system of public administration In fact, society cannot reformed by these impacts immediately. The factors, processes and effects of social change are very important issues to social praxis of urban planning. The land rent of "Chingcheng community" is one of the most expensive locations in Taipei. Through mobilization, struggle and territorial identification to against state policy, residents have constructed a new social relation based on collective consumption. The relation between state and society has regulated toward the process of social accumulation, and urban social movement has promoted "migrants" to "citizen". There are three points in th process of re-defining urban meaning we should argue: 1. The formation of community and construction of new social relation. 2. The relation between state and society changed by urban social movement. 3. The reflection of planning process.
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Mun, Sang-sŏk. "Mechanism of mass mobilization and creating state citizens during the economic development period." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/17885.
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This research deals with the discordance between the national state and the nation state in the formation of the Republic of Korea (ROK). Charles Tilly (1992) distinguishes between the concept of the national state and that of the nation state, even though many scholars use the nation state. According to Charles Tilly (1975;1985;1992), a national state is simply state that rules demarcated territories, has a differentiated administration, and centralized autonomous structures, while the nation state is a state that comprises one single nation, in other words, a nation is the basis of the nation state. Tilly defines the nation as one community in which people share a strong linguistic, ethnic, religious1and symbolic, historical identity. Based on this national state theory, national subject and identity of the new Korean nation are keys to understand this research. The ROK has been a very strong state in terms of despotic power, which means physical violent means of the state. The ROK has reemerged as a strong state after the Korean War. The regime based on this characteristic tries to mobilize people and their resources. People should answer the state’s call and participate in national development projects. But even the strongest regime cannot rely on its superiority or monopolized means of physical violence to mobilize people and their resources. Therefore, as in fascist states, the regime created a variety of Administered Mass Organization (AMOs). There are two big purposes in mobilizing people of the ROK: one is de-politicization; the other is enforced cooperation in the name of nationalism, which means “state-formed nationalism.” The Saemaul Undong (New Village Movement), the Hankooknochong (Federation of Korea Trade Unions), and the Hakdohokookdan (Student National Defense Corps) were the main AMOs under Park’s rule. De-politicization played a role in making Koreans participants in the AMOs by avoiding being labeled as Uhyong, meaning collaborator with the dictator. Under surf of various ideologies to encourage South Koreans’ participation in development projects or AMOs, South Koreans began to identify themselves with a new ideology as state citizens of the ROK. A new Korean nation emerged through the experiences that Koreans had participated in. This thesis investigates the process of the creation of the new Korean nation during the economic development period. The salvation of a struggle between the nation state vs the national state in Korea emerged as an economic development and the creation a new Korean nation within the boundary of demilitarized zone the ROK. National subject discourse becomes a key factor of the process of emergence of a new Korean nation.text
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WANG, YUNG-SHAN, and 王詠珊. "The research of crowd funding and fan community fundraising mobilization – A case study of K-pop fan community." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/10029881068840653128.
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碩士南臺科技大學
資訊傳播系
105
In recent years, new mass media development funding trends, changing personal online participation as well as the mode of production of goods. Presence of crowd financing mechanism, allows community members to join the process of media production and distribution of goods, trigger different fundraising may mobilization and business models. Crowd financing using the network path has a long experience, traditionally because of some factors making it easier for fund raising is not easy to reach the goal fail, however, community media development gradually replaced the traditional funding model, formed interactive crowd funding, fundraising online virtual community mobilization. Therefore, this research platform to raise money for community mobilization is the most active fan of k-pop (K-pop fans) as the object of study, try fan community for discussion of fund-raising experience, in-depth understanding of this highly interactive fan community fundraising mobilization condensed-type behavior and differences between general public funds. This study used the semi-structured interviews to collect data, through the compilation and analysis of fund-raising experience, findings, fundraising mobilization to create a virtual community on traditional mass raising different value and significance of developing proactive and productive, organization, affective four characters. Summary of fundraising online virtual community mobilization are "highly interactive condensed-type" crowd funding, it changes the traditional mass fund-raising operation, easy to raise money and build loyal communities, promote funding success rate of the project plan.
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Gainforth, Heather Louise. "THE ROLE OF COMMUNICATION CHANNELS FOR KNOWLEDGE MOBILIZATION IN A COMMUNITY-BASED ORGANIZATION." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/8230.
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Knowledge mobilization has been described as putting research in the hands of research users. Few studies have examined knowledge mobilization within community-based organizations (CBOs). To address this research gap, this dissertation examines knowledge mobilization within a CBO that supports people with spinal cord injury (SCI). Research suggests that communication channels, or the means by which a message is delivered, may affect knowledge mobilization. This dissertation presents four manuscripts examining how communication channels were used by the CBO to disseminate physical activity guidelines and intervention strategies to people with SCI.
Manuscript 1 investigated reach and effectiveness of an event-based knowledge mobilization initiative delivered by the CBO using interpersonal communication channels to disseminate the guidelines to people with SCI. Results indicated that the event-based knowledge mobilization initiative was effective for initial dissemination of the guidelines. However, further long-term efforts are needed.
Manuscript 2 describes how the event-based knowledge mobilization initiative was implemented by the CBO. Recognizing that support personnel are important messengers, the reach and effectiveness of the initiative for persuading support personnel to disseminate the guidelines was examined. Results indicated that an event-based knowledge mobilization initiative can be implemented by a CBO and may be an effective strategy for CBOs to disseminate information to support personnel.
Manuscript 3 further examined the role of communication channels in the process of knowledge mobilization within the CBO using network analysis. Results indicated that CBO staff and volunteers’ integration within interpersonal communication channels was associated with greater knowledge of evidence-based physical activity resources and engagement in physical activity promotion behaviours.
Manuscript 4 examined the feasibility of training peers with SCI to learn an evidence-based approach to physical activity promotion called Brief Action Planning. Findings indicated that Brief Action Planning is a tool that can be feasibly learned and potentially used by peers to promote physical activity to their mentees through interpersonal communication channels.
Overall this dissertation contributes to a small but emerging body of literature examining knowledge mobilization in CBOs. Findings indicate that through a community-university multidisciplinary partnership and appropriate communication channels, a CBO can effectively and feasibly disseminate evidence-based physical activity information.Thesis (Ph.D, Kinesiology & Health Studies) -- Queen's University, 2013-08-28 17:27:32.841
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YANG, PEI-RU, and 楊沛儒. "Participatory design studies : professional intervention : the identity, mobilization & production of community space." Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/35338592513472278570.
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Yang, Pei-ju, and 楊沛儒. "PARTICIPATORY DESIGN STUDIES --PROFESSIONAL INTERVENTION: THE IDENTITY, MOBILIZATION & PRODUCTION OF COMMUNITY SPACE." Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/68044614367714309176.
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Yu, Tao-Ling, and 郁道玲. "A Study of the Mobilization Process in Community Controversies: Three Cases in Taipei." Thesis, 1994. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/75728523293684824646.
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Schneider, Colleen. "Creating a community mobilization guide for Employment and Immigration Canada's "Stay in school initiative"." 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/22587.
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"Anti-Sexual Harassment Activism in Egypt: Transnationalism and the Cultural Politics of Community Mobilization." Doctoral diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.38500.
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abstract: Sexual harassment has emerged as a widespread problem facing women in public space in Egypt. Activism to combat sexual harassment began in 2005. However, just prior to and in the years following the January 25, 2011 Egyptian Revolution, which witnessed an increase in the collective sexual harassment, assault and rape of women, this activism has increased. Subsequently, scholarly attention to sexual harassment and public sexual violence has also expanded. Much of the attention in scholarly analyses has been directed toward politically motivated sexual violence, focused on understanding the state commissioning of sexual violence against female protestors to drive them from protest participation. There is an emerging critique of activist approaches that seems to ignore the politicalized nature of sexual harassment to focus instead on “cultural” targets. The early work of the Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights (ECWR) and current work of HarassMap have been criticized for depoliticizing sexual harassment by failing to include an analysis of state-commissioned sexual violence in their work. Similarly, both have been accused of expanding the scope of the security state by calling for increased policing of public space to protect women from “culturally-bad” men.
With data collected through one year of participant observation with HarassMap, interviews with activists from eleven anti-sexual harassment initiatives and advocacy NGOs, and community-level surveys with non-activist individuals, this dissertation argues that “cultural” work undertaken through the community-based approaches by entities like ECWR and HarassMap is, in fact, an inherently political process, in which political engagement represents both an attempt to change political culture and state practice and a negotiative process involving changing patriarchal gender norms that underpin sexual harassment at a society-wide level. New conceptualizations of sexual harassment promoted by anti-sexual harassment initiatives and NGOs in Egypt frame it as a form of violence against women, and attempt to make sexual harassment an offense that may be criminalized. Yet, this dissertation contends there is a tension between activist and widespread public understandings of sexual harassment, predicated on the incomplete framing of sexual harassment as a form of violence.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Anthropology 2016
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HSU, CHIH WEI, and 徐智偉. "Social Network and Community Mobilization: A case Study on“dragon-bombing”Culture in Miaoli City." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/95258875168420885509.
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碩士國立聯合大學
資訊與社會研究所
100
Abstract Among all the local folk activities in Taiwan, “dragon bombing” is one of the most exquisite festivities with profound Hakka cultural meanings. In recent years, a variety of dragon dance and costume troupe competitions were held in Miaoli. The ritual of the dragon bombing event has the fundamental function to lay the foundation for the religious society. Most importantly, dragon bombing is a local athletics event based on highly specialized division of labor and cultural institutions. That is why only the extricate Hakka social network can give birth to such a festivity rich in profound culture contents. In fact, the key factors in deciding whether the dragon bombing culture can be passed down are the collective emotional needs and the division of labor as well as the organization of the community members who participate in the festivities. Accordingly, this thesis hopes to provide new insights into the problems of Hakka social reproduction through analyzing the aforementioned factors. The findings indicate that the recruitment of dragon bombing troupes relies heavily on trust network. Hence, the teams are formed through social networks with overlapping communities and can be characterized as groups of strong ties. The dragon dance troupes obtain resources through competitions. The rankings will decide their chances to get sponsorship and therefore more resources. There is an unspoken rule among the leaders of dragon dance troupes. That is, they usually discuss how their teams will confront each other in advance. This kind of rule somehow helps them mark their own festival territory. Among the various contextual factors that influence the organization and mobilization of dragon bombing, the attitude of the family of troupe members is significant. Their family members have to thoroughly understand the festivities so as to support them. Nevertheless, the policies made by education competent authorities conflict the promotion of dragon bombing. In addition, if any dragon dance troupe fails to follow the traditional ritual activities, the masses are likely to voice objection.
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Lindvall, Erik. ""They're coming for our games" : A study of far-right social mobilization in the gaming community." Thesis, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352336.
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The aim of this is thesis is to study and understand the development within the gaming community in the latter half of 2014, where a harassment campaign against the female developer Zoe Quinn led to an industry-spanning controversy that divided large sections of the gaming community, and how this fed into a far-right radicalization of certain groups of young male gamers. This thesis focuses on the idea that the controversy in question helped mobilize these games into an online social movement that aimed to “take back our games” from the perceived outside threats of feminism and political correctness, and how they through that process became an easy target for assimilation within large far-right and white supremacist movements. To prove this, data have been collected from two points: from the comment section on YouTube of the pre-controversy 2013 trailer of the video game Wolfenstein: The New Order, and from the YouTube comment section of the post-controversy 2017 trailer of the sequel, Wolfenstein II: The New Colossus. These points have been chosen to interpret the difference in reaction between the two games, and whether or not the controversy had a mobilization and radicalizing influence. To study social movements, Sidney G. Tarrow’s definition of what a social movement is and contentious collective action will be the main theoretical thread of the thesis, but it will be supplemented with theories from W. Lance Bennet and Alexandra Segerberg’s study of online collective action, Cass R. Sunstein’s work on in-group radicalization, along with further theories.
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Homrich, Caitlin B. "The Process to Political Mobilization in Five College Capitalism: Forms of Antiracism, Personal Reflection and Community-Building." 2017. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/467.
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The town of Amherst, Massachusetts is home to the flagship campus of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst College, and Hampshire College, institutions that have greatly influenced the town’s prolific history of political activism as well as the high educational attainment and economic status of the majority of its residents. Often hailed as a liberal utopia, research on the political mobilization occurring in this town provides insight into the process and limitations of ally politics: when most of the residents of Amherst are White, how do they engage in racial justice activism? When most of the residents are wealthy and/or highly educated, how do they engage in challenges to capitalism’s structural inequalities?
In this thesis, I approach these questions by examining the political mobilization process of myself and others in three organizations: Coming Together, Re-Evaluation Counseling (RC), and the student organization, UMass Alliance for Community Transformation (UACT). I explore how Coming Together focused on antiracism in a process of focused personal reflection about racial identity and personal antiracism practices, and how that process silenced the people of color in the organization, was vii detrimental to my own mental health, and demobilized many potential-activists. In an effort to understand this organization better, I explore the practices of personal reflection and the vision of social change in RC, an organization which greatly influenced Coming Together. I argue that the more holistic and rigorous personal reflection in RC was more empowering, although taxing of energy. Finally, I contrast these experiences with the political mobilization I experienced in the UACT introductory course, Grassroots Community Organizing (GCO). I argue that the ongoing facilitation in critical personal reflection, relationship- and community-building, and practice in activism work in GCO was politically mobilizing and simultaneously produced a community culture of anti oppression. Ultimately, this thesis argues that effective activism against racism requires activism against capitalism, and vice-versa, and that highly intentional anti-oppression community-building can denaturalize, and mobilize participants against, the capitalist ideologies of alienation and competition. In order to do this comparative work, I rely heavily on the methods of participation observation and, rooted in Black feminist anthropology, autoethnography.
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Lenz, Michael. "The Business Community and the Forging of Political Consensus Against the Clinton Healthcare Security Act of 1994." 2010. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/213.
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My research provides an insider's view of how political consensus is formed within the business community. More specifically, my research sheds light on the sociological processes of political mobilization within the business community against the Clinton Health Security Act of 1994. In this study, I build off Jill Quadagno's stakeholder thesis which largely attributes the defeat of the healthcare reform effort to the political mobilization of anti-healthcare business forces. I probe Quadagno's thesis a bit deeper in this study by exploring how conflicting business forces resolved policy disagreements on the merits of healthcare reform in order to arrive at the position of unity necessary for its political mobilization against the effort.