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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Comparative federalism'
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1
Dorondo, D. R. "A comparative study of Bavarian federalism 1918-1933, 1945-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384066.
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Fiseha, Assefa. "Federalism and the accommodation of diversity in Ethiopia : a comparative study /." Nijmegen : Wolf Legal Publ, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/515209775.pdf.
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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.
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Gebreegziabher, Yosef Alemu. "Ethiopia’s environmental federalism: problems and prospects an analysis in comparative perspective." University of Western Cape, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3277.
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Magister Legum - LLMEthiopia is a federal state located in the horn of Africa. The Constitution has assignedlegislative, executive and judicial powers to the federal and regional Governments.1The main objective of this study is, therefore, to find out whether the decentralization of governmental powers between the national and the state governments of Ethiopia is also reflected in the decentralization of functional competences concerning environment related matters. In other words, this study attempts to determine whether Ethiopia is environmentally federal state, the extent and the possible shortcomings of the environmental federal structure. With this basic aim or objective in mind, in the study attempts will be made to see how the Constitution allocates the powers regarding environment among the federal, state, and local governments. To that effect, the role of the federal, the State and the local governments regarding the setting of environmental standards, pollution control and EIA will critically be analyzed. The match or the mismatch of the role of the federal as well as the state governments with their capacity will be investigated. Comparisons with selected legal systems will also be made for the purpose of identifying the practice of other systems in specific environmental matters selected for comparisons.
5
Luther, Kurt Richard. "Federalism and federation in Europe : a comparative study of the Germanic tradition." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1284.
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This thesis defines "federation" as a set of structures and techniques, by means of which the constituent members of a union are given guaranteed access to and are accommodated within the decision-procedure of the centre. Meanwhile, "federalism" is taken to signify the philosophical, or ideological prescription, or promotion, of such a union. The thesis commences by identifying the major shortcomings of the Anglo-Saxon academic literature on federation for a comparative analysis of federalism and federation in Austria, Switzerland and Germany. The two main aims of the thesis are then outlined. These are first, to identify the nature of the tradition of federalism in Austria, Switzerland and Germany. The second is to illustrate, by reference to the period immediately preceding the crystallisation of the party systems of those countries, the use of federalism as a political ideology. These aims are fulfiled in Parts 2 & 3 of the thesis. By means of its systematic, comparative analysis of federalism in Austria, Switzerland and Germany from the early sixteenth century until 1850, the thesis develops a typology of federalism, which permits it to identify the six “dimensions" of a distinctive, "Germanic”, tradition of federalism. Second, the detailed analysis in the thesis of the use of federalism during the first half of the nineteenth century shows how, within existing federations, a wide range of political groupings constituting the antecedents of modern political parties availed themselves of federalism for the promotion of their political aims. Amongst the conclusions of Part 4 of the thesis is that more attention should be devoted to the study of the interaction of federalism and federation and in particular, to how federalism is utilised by politial parties, both to legitimate and to reform federations.
6
Braband, G. "Federalism and higher education policy : a comparative study of Canada and Germany." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403314.
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Baier, Gerald John. "In defence of doctrine, the judicial review of Canadian federalism in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0018/NQ49243.pdf.
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Yalcin, Deniz. "Federal Bargaining In Post-soviet Russia: A Comparative Study On Moscow'." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606062/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine the nature of federal bargaining in post-Soviet Russia by comparing Moscow&rsquos negotiations with Russia&rsquo
s two oil-rich republics in the Middle Volga: Tatarstan and Bashkortostan. In particular, the thesis attempts to explain how Bashkortostan was able to gain autonomy from Moscow that is very close to the level of autonomy enjoyed by Tatarstan, despite the fact that Bashkortostan is clearly in a disadvantageous position when compared to Tatarstan and the Bashkorts form only the third largest ethnic group in the Republic after the Russians and the Tatars. The central hypothesis of this thesis is that sometimes the relatively disadvantageous party in federal bargaining might be given more autonomy not because of its bargaining power, but because of the general bargaining strategy of the federal center. Therefore this thesis is an attempt to understand how Moscow, fearing that Tatarstan might emerge as the hegemonic power in the Middle Volga, sought to strengthen the position of Bashkortostan against Tatarstan, and how the success of the Bashkort political elite to manipulate the weaknesses of Moscow in the post-Soviet arena provided Bashkortostan with more or less same degree of autonomy compared to that of Tatarstan&rsquo
s.
9
Duba, G. U. "Federalism and conflict management in multi ethnic societies : The case of Cyprus in comparative Perspective." Thesis, University of Kent, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509656.
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Sanjaume, Calvet Marc. "Moral and political legitimacy of secession : a theoretical and comparative analysis." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/130899.
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This doctoral thesis examines the legitimacy of secession in the context of liberal democracies.
This is a recent debate in political theory since secession has been an excluded issue by liberal
theories of democracy. The thesis defends the necessity of incorporating principles and criteria to
analyze the legitimacy of secession from a liberal-democratic perspective. The first article is a
critical review of the theories of secession through a typology. The review outlines the
shortcomings and normative basis of existing theories. The second paper examines three cases of
secession legitimisation (Quebec, Scotland and Catalonia) through the discourse of political
parties. It concludes that these parties advocate for secession from a moderate and pluralistic
approach, a spirit of consensus and a modern conception of the state. The third article discusses
recent developments in Catalan politics in relation to the theories of secession. This suggests a
lack of accommodation and recognition as a key element. It also concludes that Catalan
secessionist discourse is based on diverse normative basis beyond liberal-nationalism. Finally, the
fourth article establishes the basis for including the legitimacy of secession within the theory of
liberal democracy: plurinational recognition, setting criteria for defining political units and a
consent-based legitimacy of the state.Aquesta tesi doctoral analitza la legitimitat de la secessió en el context de les democràcies liberals. Aquest és un debat recent a la teoria política ja que ha estat un tema exclòs per les teories liberals de la democràcia. La tesi defensa la necessitat d’incorporar principis i criteris que permetin analitzar la legitimitat de la secessió des de la democràcia liberal. El primer article fa una revisió crítica de les teories de la secessió mitjançant una tipologia normativa. La revisió apunta les mancances i les bases normatives de les teories existents. El segon article analitza tres casos de legitimació de la secessió: Quebec, Escòcia i Catalunya, a través del discurs dels partits polítics. Conclou que aquests defensen la secessió de manera moderada i plural, des del nacionalisme liberal, amb voluntat de consens i amb una concepció moderna de l’estat. El tercer article analitza els darrers esdeveniments de la política catalana en relació a les teories de la secessió. Aquest apunta la manca d’acomodació i reconeixement com un element clau. També conclou que el discurs secessionista català troba la legitimitat des de diversos pols normatius més enllà del nacionalisme liberal. Finalment, en el quart article s’estableixen les bases per incorporar la legitimitat de la secessió a la teoria de la democràcia liberal. Es considera que aquesta ha d’incorporar el reconeixement de la plurinacionalitat, criteris per definir les unitats polítiques i una concepció de la legitimitat de l’estat basada en el consentiment.
11
Yemisi, Okunbolande A. "Comparative analysis of the role of sub-national parliaments in international human rights law in Nigeria and South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16759.
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Foreign policy has generally speaking been the traditional ‘responsibility of national governments’. This is
particularly true of states with unitary systems of governments but is less true in federalist states.Federalist states are states which have adopted a system of government whereby ‘powers are divided and
shared between constituent governments and a general government having certain nation-wide’
responsibilities’. Federalism is often adopted by pluralistic societies to ensure a system of uniformity
while accommodating differences and to maintain national security and economic unity. By their nature,
federalist states share responsibilities and powers between the central and constituent units.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nico Steytler, Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa. 2010
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
12
Thorlakson, Lori Jean. "Federalism and party competition : a comparative analysis of Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Austria, Germany and the United States." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270489.
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Zgaga, Tiziano. "The fiscal regime of the European Union and its autonomy from the Member States: a comparative federal analysis." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/203205.
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Beyond theories of EU integration: a new model to analyse the fiscal regime?. The fiscal regime of the European Union. The fiscal regime of the Federal Republic of Germany. The fiscal regime of the Swiss Confederation. The fiscal regime of the European Union and its autonomy from the Member States: a comparative federal analysis
14
Sharifi, Sirwa. "The possible implementation of a federalist model and the Kurdish claims to self-determination : a comparative study of Iran and Turkey." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96122.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Kurds, numbering somewhat 40 million, are the largest stateless nation worldwide. As smaller minorities, they are mainly spread in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey in the Middle East. The Kurdish claims for self-determination have been a century-long struggle, and at the moment only the Kurds in north-Iraq have achieved the establishment of the semi-autonomous territory of Kurdistan, and the Kurds in Syria have autonomous control over the Kurdish region. Iran and Turkey with their significant Kurdish communities have not been successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of selfdetermination in an efficient and structural manner. This thesis assessed the possibilities of a successful implementation of a federal model in Iran and Turkey in order to address the Kurdish claims for self-determination. The main finding of this thesis is that the current political atmosphere in each country is not ready to make the necessary accommodations, as the transition to a federal system requires, and consequently will not be successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. In Iran, it is found that the union between religion and politics, and consequently, the controlled nature of the theocratic system, will not accommodate for a society along federalist principles in which rule is divided amongst groups in society. In Turkey, it is found that while the political rule in Turkey is different from that in Iran, it is however believed that not even a possible transition to a direct Presidential system will change the governments fears of separatism, or the constitutional constraints which further hinders a federal transition. As seen from the assessment of the case studies, a federal implementation is not foreseen in Iran and Turkey within the nearest future, and will subsequently fail in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. A transition of this manner requires dedication and willingness, and this research presents recommendations for the road towards a federalist political arrangement and greater Kurdish self-determination in order to reach a peaceful solution to the century-long Kurdish issue.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Koerde wat 40 miljoen lede het is die grootste staatlose nasie in die wêreld. Hulle word hoofsaaklik in Iran, Irak, Sirië en Turkye in die Midde-Ooste aangetref. Die Koerde se aanspraak vir selfbeskikking is ‘n eeue-lange stryd: op die oomblik het slegs die Koerde in Noord-Irak die vestiging van die semi-outonome gebied van Kurdistan terwyl die Koerde in Sirië outonome beheer het oor die Koerdiese gebied. Beide Iran en Turkye het aansienlike Koerdiese gemeenskappe, maar was onsuksesvol om die Koerdiese se aanspraak op selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Hierdie tesis assesseer die moontlikheid vir die suksesvolle implimentering van ‘n federale model in Iran en Irak om die Koerdiese aanspraak vir selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Die hoof bevinding van hierdie tesis is dat die huidige politieke klimaat in elkeen van hierdie lande ongunstig is: hierdie lande is nie gereed om die oorgang tot ‘n federale sisteem te maak nie, en sal gevolglik onsuksesvol wees in die aanspreek van Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. In Iran is daar geen onderskeid tussen godsdiens en politiek nie: die streng beheerde teokratiese sisteem sal nie die ontwikkeling van ‘n samelewing langs federale beginsels toelaat waar mag tussen verskillende groepe in die samelewing verdeel is nie. In Turkye waar die politieke sisteem verskil van dié van Iran, sal ‘n moontlike oorgang na ‘n Presidensiële sisteem nie die vrese van separatisme verander of die grondwetlike beperkings verander wat ‘n federale oorgang verhinder nie. Soos uit die gevallestudies blyk kan ‘n federale sisteem nie in die nabye toekoms in Turkye en Iran voorsien word nie en sal hierdie lande gevolglik misluk in die aanspreek van die Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. ‘n Politieke oorgang van hierdie soort benodig toewyding en bereidwilligheid, en hierdie navorsing stel aanbevelings voor vir die pad na ‘n federale politiese ooreenkoms en groter Koerdiese selfbeskikking. Dit is nodig indien ‘n vreedsame oplossing vir die eeuelange Koerdiese kwessie gevind moet word.
15
Tortola, Pier Domenico. "Federalism, the state and the city : explaining urban policy institutions in the United States and in the European Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c7fc59b8-474d-45db-b5ae-e1c95f2e44fc.
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This thesis contributes to the growing EU-US literature by comparing and explaining the evolution of urban policy in these two federal systems. The thesis begins with a puzzle: after introducing two similar and equally short-lived regeneration schemes—Model Cities (MC) (1967) and URBAN (1994)—the US and the EU followed different paths: the former replaced MC with the durable Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) in 1974, while the latter ended urban policy by ‘mainstreaming’ URBAN in its regional policy in 2006. To solve the puzzle I formulate a two-part argument: first, I explain the similarities between MC and URBAN as resulting from three factors: a favourable political context, holistic urban policy ideas, and centre-periphery mistrust. I then explain subsequent trajectories by looking at the interplay of policy and politico-constitutional institutions. While both MC and URBAN were unable to ‘stick’ because of their inherent weaknesses, the result of their demise depended on the existence of a federal ‘city welfare’ state. In the US, the Housing and Urban Development Department (HUD) embodied this state, and channelled Nixon’s attacks on MC into the creation of the structurally stronger CDBG. In the EU, conversely, DG Regio could not provide a comparable anchor for urban policy: when URBAN was attacked by regions and cities, the DG just reverted to its ‘business as usual’ by mainstreaming the programme. I test my argument with a macro-historical comparison of the two cases and four in-depth city studies—Arlington, VA and Baltimore, MD on the US side, and Bristol, UK and Pescara, Italy on the EU side—aimed at analysing micro-level institutional dynamics. In both parts of the study I use a wide range of sources: secondary and grey literature, statistical sources and, especially, archival material and elite interviews. At both levels of analysis the test confirms my argument.
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Côrtes, Lara Barbosa Quadros. "Estado Federal e igualdade na educação básica pública." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-05022014-114705/.
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O Estado Federal brasileiro é marcado por desigualdades econômicas e sociais entre as suas regiões, assim como por desigualdades dentro dessas regiões, que estabelecem uma relação de causa e efeito com as condições da educação fornecida aos seus habitantes. Um dos objetivos fundamentais da República federativa brasileira é a redução das desigualdades geográficas. Nesse cenário, medidas voltadas à garantia de igualdade de acesso e qualidade na educação básica pública entre os entes federativos de um determinado Estado Federal são fundamentais, com implicações a um só tempo sociais e econômicas. Nesta tese, analisamos os contornos normativos específicos do Estado Federal brasileiro em matéria de educação básica pública, examinando-os sob a ótica da contribuição que possam trazer para a promoção da igualdade na educação entre os seus entes federativos. A promoção do equilíbrio do desenvolvimento e do bem-estar em âmbito nacional é o objetivo das normas para a cooperação entre os entes federativos em relação às matérias de competência material comum da União, dos Estados-membros, do Distrito Federal e dos Municípios, entre as quais está a educação. Essas normas, que deveriam ter sido fixadas por lei complementar específica para o setor educacional, ainda se encontram pendentes de regulamentação. Diante dessa indefinição, a crescente referência, na legislação, ao regime de colaboração, o qual deveria orientar os diferentes entes federativos na organização dos seus sistemas de ensino e pautar a articulação do sistema nacional da educação, parece ter a função de apoiar práticas informais erráticas, em lugar de institucionalizar formalmente o modo como os entes federativos devem colaborar entre si, dando ao federalismo cooperativo brasileiro um alcance limitado, em comparação às possibilidades abertas pela Constituição Federal. Com o objetivo de melhor compreender os contornos do federalismo cooperativo brasileiro, com respeito a essa temática, fazemos uma análise comparativa entre Brasil e México, Estado que também se organiza sob a forma federativa, buscando compreender, em ambos os países, qual é a proteção constitucional conferida ao direito à educação básica pública, de que igualdade na educação básica pública falam as Constituições brasileira e mexicana, como estão distribuídas as competências legislativas e materiais, na área da educação básica pública, procurando identificar, ainda, a aplicação mínima de receitas em educação básica pública em cada país, assim como os mecanismos de compensação e colaboração existentes nos ordenamentos jurídicos brasileiro e mexicano, no que concerne à matéria. A comparação nos permite afirmar que cada um desses Estados Federais protege o direito à educação de forma distinta, traz preocupações específicas quanto ao problema das desigualdades geográficas, distribui de modo particular as competências legislativas e materiais, no que concerne à educação básica pública, apresentando diferentes formas de compensação e colaboração entre seus entes federativos. As semelhanças e diferenças levantadas lançam luzes sobre o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, permitindo sua melhor compreensão dentro do modelo de federalismo cooperativo.The Brazilian Federal State is marked by economic and social inequalities between its regions, as well as by inequalities within the regions themselves. These inequalities are reflected in the education provided to its citizens in a relation of cause and effect. Among the fundamental goals of the Brazilian federal republic is the reduction of such geographic inequalities. In this scenario, it is fundamental to incorporate means, with both social and economic implications, that are directed towards guaranteeing equal access to and quality of public basic education, which in turn means to determine the roles of the various constitutive units of the federal state in achieving this goal. In this thesis, we analyze the specific normative features of the Brazilian Federal State in the area of public basic education. These features are examined with the view to identify the relative contributions of the federal constitutive units (federal union, member state, municipality) for the promotion of equality in education. On the national level, the norms for the cooperation between the federal units on matters concerning areas where they share executive responsibility have the expressed objective to promote a balance on the levels of development and well-fare among the countrys regions. One of these areas of shared executive responsibility is education. However, the norms mentioned, which should have been fixed by a complementary law specific to the area of education, are still pending ordinance. Faced with this lack of definition, the increasing reference in the legislation to the concept regime of collaboration, i.e. the rules that are to guide the federal units (i.e. the member states and municipalities) in the organization of their systems of education, as well as determine the articulation of the national system of education, appears to have the effect of supporting informal and erratic practices instead of formally institutionalizing the way in which the federal units ought to cooperate. This state of being serves only to limit the reach of Brazilian cooperative federalism compared to the possibilities opened for by the Federal Constitution. With the objective of gaining a better understanding of the features of Brazilian cooperative federalism in regard to this subject matter, we offer a comparative analysis of Brazil and another federal state, Mexico. For both countries the analysis aims to comprehend and map the extent of constitutional protection that is granted to the right to public basic education, which kind of equality the Constitutions of Brazil and Mexico mention concerning public basic education, and how the legislative and executive competences are distributed in the area of public basic education. Moreover, the analysis seeks to identify the declared minimum revenue to be spent on public basic education in each country, as well as to trace the existing mechanisms of compensation and collaboration concerning public basic education in the legal systems of Brazil and Mexico. The comparison allows us to affirm that both these federal states protect the right to education in a distinct manner, that they include specific concerns regarding the problem of geographic inequalities, that they distribute legislative and executive competences in the area of public basic education in a particular manner, and present different forms of compensation and collaboration among their federal units. The similarities and differences brought forth shed light on and permit a better understanding of the Brazilian legal system as part of the cooperative federalism model.
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Cunningham, Gideon C. "The State and Cannabis: What is Success? A Comparative Analysis of Cannabis Policy in The United States of America, Uruguay, and Canada." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1630448479473519.
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Sharapova-Hang, Olga. "L'autonomie fiscale des collectivités locales : l'analyse comparative de la France et de la Russie." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. https://wo.app.u-paris.fr/cgi-bin/WebObjects/TheseWeb.woa/wa/show?t=1037&f=14705.
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La présente thèse s'intéresse à l'autonomie fiscale des collectivités territoriales françaises et russes, autrement dit, à leur maîtrise d'une fiscalité propre à travers la possibilité de d'établir des impôts locaux représentant une part significative dans les budgets locaux. Deux modèles différents de l'autonomie fiscale locale « à la française » et « à la russe » sont replacés dans un contexte de décentralisation d'ampleur variable pour les pays étudiés depuis les années 1990, mais avec une tendance paradoxale à l'élargissement des attributions des collectivités locales sans qu'il y ait corollairement un accroissement égal de leurs ressources financières. Cette thèse ne se limite pas à un état des lieux contemporain puisqu'elle a pour ambition une étude approfondie de l'évolution des pouvoirs fiscaux locaux dans le temps, à savoir depuis 1789 en France et 1861 en Russie. En effet, les enjeux principaux de cette étude sont de clarifier la définition, voire la signification de l'autonomie fiscale des échelons locaux en France et en Russie, d'analyser la situation dans les deux pays afin de dégager des ressemblances et divergences, mais encore de s'attacher à la mise en oeuvre pratique de cette notion et d'apprécier son impact tant pour l'État que pour les collectivités territoriales. Ces objectifs n'auraient pas pu être atteints sans analyser les origines et les prémices de l'autonomie fiscale locale. En reprenant l'image d'un bâtiment, la présente thèse tente de démontrer comment les États français et russe avec leurs collectivités locales ont établi les fondations et érigé les murs avant de se consacrer à bâtir une partie plus moderne de l'édifice qu'incarnerait l'autonomie des échelons locaux en matière fiscale. Au cours de la recherche, trois hypothèses principales se dégagent. Ainsi, pour la période jusqu'en 1917, on tente d'établir que contrairement aux départements français et zemstva russes nés par la volonté politique de l'État, le caractère « premier » des échelons communaux par rapport à l'État, ainsi que leur pérennité dans le temps, devaient les amener à une vraie autonomie fiscale, dont l'existence serait incontestable. Puis, on suggère que cette différence en termes de degrés d'autonomie s'est estompée face au poids socio-économique croissant des échelons supra-communaux dans les deux pays au XX siècle et à l'apparition d'une autonomie fiscale importante des collectivités territoriales sans distinction de catégories. Enfin, on relève qu'à partir des années 1980/90, compte tenu du nouveau rôle des échelons locaux en leur ensemble, les États russe et français ont dû évoluer vers une autonomie fiscale plus importante des collectivités territoriales. Cette recherche souligne le caractère utopique d'un modèle idéal de l'autonomie fiscale locale pourtant recherché (en vain) depuis longtemps par des différents gouvernements et régimes politiques en France et en Russie. Dès lors, le présente ouvrage n'a pas pour ambition d'élaborer une recette « magique » et universelle, pour trouver un juste milieu entre l'absorption complète de la fiscalité locale par celle de l'État et la liberté complète, voir anarchique, des collectivités territoriales en matière d'impositions. L'analyse peut enfin favoriser l'émergence de pistes de réflexion pour l'amélioration de la situation financière des collectivités territoriales dans les deux pays étudiésThe present thesis stresses on the tax autonomy of local self-government in France and in Russia; in other words, it focuses on their control of own taxation through the possibility of establishing local taxes representing a significant part of local budgets. Two different models of local tax autonomy "à la française" and "à la russe" are placed in a context of decentralization with variable extent for the countries under study since 1990s, but with a paradoxical tendency to the enlargement of the attributions of local authorities without equal growth of their financial resources. This thesis is not limited to a contemporary state because it also aims for a scrutiny of the evolution of local tax powers over time, namely since 1789 in France and 1861 in Russia. Indeed, the main goals of this study are to clarify the definition, or even the meaning of the tax autonomy of local self-government in France and in Russia, to analyze the situation in both countries in order not only to figure out similarities and divergences, but also to focus on the practical implementation of this notion and to assess its impact both for the State and for local authorities. These targets could not have been achieved without analyzing the origins and the premises of local tax autonomy. Using the picture of a building, the present thesis attempts to demonstrate how the French and Russian States with their local authorities established the foundations and erected the walls before devoting themselves to construct a more modern part of the building that would embody the autonomy of local self-government in issues of taxation. During the research, three main hypotheses emerge. So, for the period until 1917, this study tries to establish that contrary to the French departments and Russians zemstva born by the political will of the State, the primary character of municipalities in comparison with the State, as well as their durability in time, have to bring them to a real tax autonomy, the existence of which would be incontestable. Then, it suggests that this difference in terms of degrees of autonomy trailed off face to a growing socioeconomic weight of supra-municipal levels in both countries in the XX century and leaded to the appearance of significant tax autonomy of local authorities independently of their categories. Finally, the thesis suggests that starting from the 1980s/90s, in view of the new role of local self-government as a whole, the Russian and French States had to evolve towards a larger tax autonomy of local authorities. This research underlines the utopian character of any ideal model of local tax autonomy however searched (in vain) for a long time by various governments and political regimes in France and in Russia. Therefore, it has no ambition to elaborate an universal and "magical" recipe, to find a golden mean between the full absorption of local taxation by that one of the State and the complete, see anarchic, freedom of local self-government in issues of taxation. The analysis may finally encourage the emergence of ideas for improving the financial situation of local authorities in both studied countries
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Souza, Celso Florêncio de. "Relações federativas de poder: uma análise histórico-comparativa do Brasil." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/18947.
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This thesis follows the three-article model, having as its background power relations within the federations. The first article talks to the literature on federalism from the perspective of vertical power relations, with a view to understanding the relations between various levels of power. Although there is already a large body of literature on the theme, the theoretical gap of the first article consists of power rearrangements (centralization and decentralization), considering all players and not just this relation between central government and subnational governments. The second article is a reflection on horizontal power relations at the state level, with the following guiding question: “What are the causal conditions that lead some states to have increased political power before their peers?” To do this, two empirical cases of great representativeness were selected: Brazil and the United States of America (USA), analyzed since their independence having the path dependence literature as a basis, considering only causal conditions at the macro level. The third article is also inserted in the horizontal power relations, nevertheless, its analysis field consists in the Brazilian municipalities. The latter have great contemporary relevance, due to their key role in the execution of public policies.
Esta tese segue o modelo de três artigos, tendo como plano de fundo as relações de poder dentro das federações. O primeiro artigo dialoga com a literatura acerca do federalismo pela ótica das relações verticais de poder, com vistas a compreender as relações entre diferentes níveis de poder. Embora já exista ampla literatura relativa ao tema, a lacuna teórica do primeiro artigo consiste nos rearranjos de poder (centralização e descentralização), considerando todos os atores e não apenas essa relação entre governo central e governos subnacionais. O segundo artigo constitui uma reflexão sobre as relações horizontais de poder no plano estadual, com a seguinte questão norteadora: “Quais são as condições causais que levam alguns estados a ter um aumento de poder político perante seus pares?”. Para tanto, foram selecionados dois casos empíricos de grande representatividade: Brasil e Estados Unidos da América (EUA), analisados desde sua independência com base na literatura de rota dependência, considerando apenas condições causais no nível macro. O terceiro artigo também está inserido nas relações horizontais de poder, no entanto, seu campo de análise consiste nos municípios brasileiros. Estes apresentam grande relevância contemporânea, devido ao seu papel fundamental na execução de políticas públicas.
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Souza, Everton de. "Análise comparativa do impacto das transferências intergovernamentais no esforço fiscal de municípios gaúchos." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/109281.
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O objetivo central deste trabalho é verificar a existência ou não de esforço fiscal por parte dos sete municípios selecionados para o estudo - Porto Alegre, Canoas, Caxias do Sul, Capão da Canoa, Charqueadas, Marau, Três Forquilhas -, no sentido de maximizar a receita tributária própria independentemente do nível das transferências intergovermamentais no período compreendido entre 2001 e 2010. Aponta o esforço fiscal como medida do esforço realizado pela administração tributária com o objetivo de potencializar a arrecadação dos tributos da sua base tributária disponível. Aborda divergências sobre o tema, apontando efeitos positivos e negativos das tranferências sobre arrecadação local. Apresenta a base teórica do federalismo como uma forma de organização do estado na qual haja compartilhamento de poder entre os diferentes níveis de governo. Mostra que as bases teóricas do federalismo fiscal foram lançadas por Paul Samuelson, que introduziu o conceito de bem público na teoria econômica do bem-estar. O estudo do federalismo fiscal se dá sob dois prismas: um que trata da construção de modelos ideais e outro que investiga as experiências reais. Oferece uma visão a partir de Tiebout, Stiglitz e Oates. Com relação às externalidades envolvidas no processo centralização e descentralização levantadas pelo estudo de Oates, foi apresentada a visão de Gordon. Aborda a prática federativa no Brasil onde trata a questão da divisão dos recursos públicos entre os entes da federação desde a Constituição de 1891 até a Constituição de 1988. Divide em três períodos a história da tributação no Brasil: o período compreendido entre 1891 e 1965; a reforma da década de 60 e a evolução do sistema tributário até 1988; e a reforma tributária de 1988 e os ajustes posteriores. Busca esclarecer quem arrecada este ou aquele tributo, como se distribuem os recursos obtidos por esta arrecadação, quem é responsável pela oferta de determinado serviço público e como são financiados os programas e projetos públicos. Tabula informações que mostram como ficam as competências tributárias e como foram definidas as funções de cada ente federativo e os recursos arrecadados a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988, os percentuais das principais receitas municipais, em anos selecionados, e a distribuição das funções públicas por esfera de governo. Apresenta como são formadas as receitas municipais, mostrando a metodologia de distribuição das transferências intergovernamentais. Analisa quali- e quantitativamente o comportamento das receitas municipais. Compara o esforço fiscal realizado pelos municípios escolhidos em arrecadar os impostos de competência própria e sua relação com as transferências intergovernamentais que, por ser uma fonte de receita que não traz o ônus político da cobrança para os gestores locais, desestimularia o esforço fiscal dos municípios. Analisa, ainda, a existência ou não de cadastros atualizados, legislação tributária adequada à realidade local e a eventual insuficiência de fiscalização que permitam aos municípios a exploração do seu potencial tributário e que pode levar à ineficiência da arrecadação tributária municipal.The central objective of this work is to verify the existence of tax effort by seven municipalities selected for the study: Porto Alegre, Canoas, Caxias do Sul, Capão da Canoa, Charqueadas, Marau, três Forquilhas, in order to maximize the own tax revenue regardless of the level of intergovermamentais transfers in the period between 2001 and 2010. It points the fiscal effort as a measure of the effort made by the tax administration with the aim of enhancing the collection of taxes from its tax base available. It broaches disagreements on the subject, pointing the positive and negative transfers on local revenue effects. It Presents the theoretical basis of federalism as a form of state organization in which there is power sharing among different levels of power. It shows that the foundations of fiscal federalism were launched with Paul Samuelson, who introduced the concept of public good in the economic theory of welfare. How the study of fiscal federalism has two angles: one that deals with the construction of ideal models and another that investigates the actual experiences. Offers an insight from Tiebout, Stiglitz and Oates, regarding the externalities involved in the process of centralization / decentralization raised by the study of Oates's vision Gordon’s vision was presented. Addresses the federal practice in Brazil where comes the question of the division of public resources in Brazil between federal entities from the 1891 Constitution to the 1988 Constitution divides in three periods of the history of taxation in Brazil, through a brief history taxation in Brazil in the period between 1891 and 1965, the reform of the 60s and the evolution of the tax system until 1988 and the tax reform of 1988 the subsequent adjustments. Seeks to clarify: those who receive this or that tribute? How are distribute the proceeds from this collection? Who is responsible for the provision of a certain public service? How are programs funded and public projects? Spending on health or education, for example, is a responsibility of which competencies level of government? Charts information that shows how the tax powers are and how the functions of each federative entity and the funds raised from the 1988 Federal Constitution, what are the percentages of the main municipal revenues in selected years, the distribution of public functions by sphere of government. Shows how methodology municipal revenues are formed, showing the distribution of intergovernmental transfers. Analyzes qualitatively and quantitatively the behavior of municipal revenues. Compares the tax effort of the chosen municipalities to levy taxes of its competence and its relationship with intergovernmental transfers that by being a source of revenue that does not bring the political burden of charges for local managers discourage tax effort of the municipalities. It also analyzes the lack of updated records, proper tax laws sustable to local realities and the lack of supervision that allow municipalities to exploit their tax potential and that can lead to inefficiency of municipal tax collection.
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Garza, Casado Miguel Maria. "The Political Economy of Pre-Electoral Coalitions." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1583759580393628.
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Young, David C. "The federalist and separatist sentiments of Quebec nationalism, a comparative perspective of evidence and assumptions." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23706.pdf.
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Scyner, L. A. "The development of mental health policy : A comparative study of a federalist and unitary system." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379352.
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BRAHIM, C. B. "A ESCOLARIZAÇÃO OBRIGATÓRIA EM CONTEXTOS FEDERATIVOS: UM ESTUDO COMPARATIVO ENTRE BRASIL E ARGENTINA." Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2016. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/8591.
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Previous issue date: 2016-07-28O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar as políticas públicas que orientam a escolarização obrigatória nos contextos federativos do Brasil e da Argentina, com base em seus pressupostos legais. Para tanto, a temática foi abordada numa perspectiva comparada, utilizando a pesquisa bibliográfica, que inclui autores como Araujo (2005a, 2010, 2011), Cury (2000, 2002a, 2002b, 2007), Rivas (2004, 2007, 2009) e Feldfeber (2009, 2011, 2014). Além disso, foi realizada pesquisa documental, abarcando as legislações dos dois países. Do Brasil, analisamos a Lei de Diretrizes e Base da Educação (LDB) 9.394/1996; a Lei 11.114/2005; a Lei 11.274/2006 e a Emenda Constitucional nº. 59/2009. Em relação à Argentina, foram analisadas a Lei Federal 24.195/1993 e a Lei de Educação Nacional (LEN) 26.206/2006. A análise possibilitou constatarmos que, no âmbito da legislação, os dois países avançaram no que se refere à escolarização obrigatória, que foi ampliada para 13 anos, na Argentina, e para 14 anos, no Brasil. Identificamos também que, embora em sua origem esses Estados tenham sido formados em cenários sociais, políticos e econômicos díspares e que esses aspectos contribuíram para evidenciar as discrepâncias educacionais com as quais ambos chegaram à década de 1990, o que se observa atualmente é uma certa semelhança em seus quadros educacionais. Atribuímos isso às políticas educacionais de homogeneização implementadas na América Latina pelas reformas educacionais idealizadas dentro de uma visão neoliberal, sob a influência de organismos internacionais. Por fim, ainda que muitos passos tenham sido dados no caminho em direção à escolarização obrigatória, muitos outros ainda são necessários.
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Tomio, Fabricio Ricardo de Limas. "Instituições, processo decisorio e relações executivo-legislativo nos Estados : estudo comparativo sobre o processo de criação de municipios apos a Constituição de 1988." [s.n.], 2002. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280180.
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Orientador: Argelina Cheibub FigueiredoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: estadual no processo de emancipação municipal posterior à Constituição de 1988. A abordagem enfatiza o papel dos mecanismos institucionais na orientação das estratégias dos atores e na determinação dos resultados políticos. O estudo possui quatro objetivos. Primeiro, a identificação dos mecanismos institucionais que, enquanto variáveis independentes, determinaram o contexto de decisão política que gerou, entre 198812000, 1.438 novos municípios no Brasil. Segundo, a descrição e interpretação do processo histórico de mudança nas instituições políticas que definiu o ritmo e a amplitude da criação de municípios. Terceiro, a compreensão de: 1) como a percepção das conseqüências desse fenômeno estimulou alguns atores políticos a alterar os mecanismos que determinaram as condições favoráveis à criação de municípios; e 2) quais os motivos do sucesso ou fracasso dessas tentativas. Quarto, a identificação da lógica de interação política entre os atores, os membros dos executivos e legislativos estaduais, no processo de decisão política da criação de municípios. A pesquisa empírica fundamentou as seguintes hipóteses: 1) o processo emancipacionista é resultante do arranjo institucional que moldou um contexto favorável às decisões que criaram os municípios; e 2) a variação estadual resultou: (a) de como a regulamentação alterou a disponibilidade de localidades emancipáveis, (b) da natureza da interação executivollegislativo, (c) do tamanho/tipo da coalizão govemista e (d) da existência de dispositivos legais que ampliaram a autonomia do legislativo estadual nesse processo decisório
Abstract: the state variation in municipal emancipation process later the 1988 Constitution. The approach emphasizes: the role of institutional mechanisms in guiding the actors' strategies and in the determination of politics outcomes. The study owns four objectives. First, the identification of institutional mechanisms which, while independent variables, determined the political decision context that produced between 1988/2000 1,438 new municipalities in Brazil. Second, the description and the interpretation at historical process of alteration in the political institutions that determined the meter and the amplitude of municipalities' creation. Third, the understanding as: 1) how perceptíon on results from that events stimulated some actors to modify the mechanisms which determined the favorable condítions to municipalities creatíon; and 2) which determined the success or failure from that attempts. Fourth, the identification in the logic of political interaction between the actors, memberships of executive and legislatíve of the state govemmental levei, into polítical decision process of munícipalities' creation. The empirical research produced the following hypothesis: 1) emancipationist process is a resultant of the institutional arrangement that shaped a favorable context to the decisions that had created the municipalities; and 2) the state variation had resulted: (a) as how the regulation modified the availability of the emancipated localities, (b) of the nature of the executivellegislative interaction, (c) of the size/type of the govem mentalist coalition in state parliament and (d) of the existence of legal devices that would extend the autonomy of state parliament in this decisive process
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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Diba, Ricardo David. "Regiões metropolitanas paulistas e coordenação intergovernamental: um estudo comparativo." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/2447.
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Previous issue date: 2004-12-16T00:00:00ZThis study portrays the history of the creation of the Metropolitans Regions in São Paulo state, in its formation and trajectory, as well as the construction of its institutions of development. It analyzes the impact of intergovernmental cooperation in the metropolitan management through the participation of the state-level government. The questions that lead this discussion are the impacts of the federative variable and the absence of politics seeking solutions for common problems concerning the various government agencies on a metropolitan region, which discourages intergovernmental cooperation amongst the federative units in these regions. The importance of the intergovernmental coordination is the central point of the analysis. Although coordination and intergovernmental cooperation present technical and political restrictions, they represent and appear to be a solution for collective action problems.
Retrata, em sua formação e trajetória, a história da criação das Regiões Metropolitanas paulistas, bem como da criação de suas instituições de desenvolvimento, analisando o impacto da cooperação intergovernamental na gestão metropolitana, através da participação do governo estadual. As questões que conduzem a discussão são os impactos da variável federativa e a ausência de políticas de solução de problemas comuns das várias unidades de governo de uma Região Metropolitana, que desestimulam a cooperação entre os entes federativos nessas regiões. A importância da cooperação intergovernamental é o ponto central da análise. Embora a cooperação intergovernamental apresente limitações, tanto em aspectos técnicos, como políticos, representa e aparece como solução para os problemas da ação coletiva.
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Furtado, Renata de Souza. "O Estado fragmentado e o Layer Cake : um estudo comparativo entre Brasil e Estados Unidos da América sobre o controle da aquisição de terras por estrangeiros." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2016. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/21107.
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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Centro de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação sobre as Américas, 2016.Submitted by Albânia Cézar de Melo (albania@bce.unb.br) on 2016-07-01T13:51:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_RenataSouzaFurtado.pdf: 9397500 bytes, checksum: 0be95cca02a99c3d6aad307f1c8e3db4 (MD5)
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O presente trabalho explora as relações existentes entre o tipo de federalismo e o controle da aquisição de terras por estrangeiros com o objetivo de identificar a centralidade de poder dentro da máquina estatal e possíveis interferências nesse controle. Para tanto, analisa o Estado sob a perspectiva burocrática e foca o estudo no arranjo institucional americano e brasileiro de controle da aquisição de terras por estrangeiros. A pesquisa destaca discussões políticas relativas à formulação do marco regulatório no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos da América e identifica a centralidade de poder na esfera federal baseada, especialmente, na segurança nacional. A investigação busca contribuir ao debate sobre o tipo de federalismo layer cake nas Américas na medida em que indica a exclusividade da esfera federal na condução do sistema regulatório e não identifica cooperação ou parceria entre entes federativos nesse campo de atuação governamental. O estudo explora também o background de negociação de terras, haja vista que o arranjo burocrático federal não é suficiente para garantir o efetivo controle do Estado em relação à aquisição, considerando as habilidades do particular, por meio do jeito e do know-how, em lidar com as exigências legais em um ambiente de política open-door ao investimento estrangeiro. Chama-se atenção, ainda, à limitação da máquina burocrática federal, nos dois países, em conhecer o real titular de terras, quando a propriedade pertence à empresa doméstica sob comando estrangeiro. Conclui-se que o tipo layer cake não garante o controle do Estado, uma vez que o jeito e o know-how são instrumentos que possibilitam um bypass à lei e, desse modo, configuram um drible ao próprio Estado, diante da velocidade proporcionada pela política open-door nas negociações com terra. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
This study explores the existing relations between types of federalism and the control over the acquisition of land by foreigners. The objective is to identify the locus of power in the state machinery as well as possible sources of interference in this control. To this end, the State is analyzed from a perspective of being a bureaucracy, with a focus on the study of the American and Brazilian institutional arrangements for controlling acquisition of land by foreigners. The research emphasizes political debates regarding regulatory policy making in Brazil and the USA, underlining the centrality of power within the federal sphere, especially regarding national security. The analysis seeks to contribute to the debate on layer cake federalism in the Americas insofar as it indicates an exclusivity of the federal sphere in the management of the regulatory system. It also points to the non-cooperation or absence of partnerships between federal entities involved in this area of government activity. The research explores the background of land negotiations, given that the federal bureaucratic apparatus is not sufficient for guaranteeing State control over the acquisition of land by foreigners given the practical skills and know-how of individuals dealing with the legal exigencies in a political context of an open-door to foreign investment in land. The limitations of the federal bureaucratic machinery are examined, in both countries, regarding its ability to discover the real land owner when a given property pertains to a domestic company under the command of a foreign interest. The conclusion is that the layer cake type of federalism does not allow State control over the acquisition of land by foreigners as their skills or jeito and know-how are instruments that make possible the bypassing of the law. In this sense, such skills amount to a ―work around‖ of the State itself, given the velocity of land negotiations within the context of an open-door land acquisition policy.
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Nilson, Chad. "Handcuffs or Stethoscopes: A Cross-National Examination of the Influence that Political Institutions and Bureaucracy have on Public Policies Concerning Illegal Drugs." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2008. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/661.
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This dissertation attempts to explain why cross-national variation exists in government approaches to dealing with illegal drugs. As other scholars have shown, several domestic and international political factors do account for some of this variance. However less is known of the effect that bureaucratic dominance and political institutions may have on drug policy. This research argues that bureaucrats define problems in ways that make their services the best possible solution to policymakers. Mediating the ability of bureaucrats to influence drug policy outcomes are political institutions. Certain institutional structures foster a competitive policymaking environment while others foster a more cooperative policymaking environment. In the former of these, law enforcement approaches to the drug problem are often retained as the status quo because competition between policy actors prevents consideration of alternatives. In the latter environment however, prevention, treatment, and harm reduction approaches to the drug problem are developed because cooperation between policymakers allows other actors. namely public health bureaucrats.to influence drug policy decision making. To test this argument, I constructed an original dataset that includes over 4,000 observations of drug policy in 101 democracies. Institutional data on intergovernmental relations, regime type, political bargaining, electoral design, and cameralism were regressed on 6 different drug policy indices: law enforcement, deterrence-based prevention, abstinence-based treatment, educationbased prevention, substitution-based treatment, and harm reduction. While controlling for government resource capacity, severity of the drug problem, international pressure, and political ideology, I found that institutions explain a portion of the variance in drug policy outcomes. Providing in-depth information about these phenomena is a large amount of field data I collected while interviewing 155 politicians, bureaucrats, interest group leaders, and service providers. Respondents from all four of the case countries examined in this research.including United States, Canada, Austria, and Netherlands.report that bureaucrats play a major role in the formation of drug policy. Which bureaucrats have the most influence on policymakers is largely a function of domestic political conditions, international political factors, and political institutions.
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Kumar, Suresh. "Federalism of South Africa and India; A comparative study." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/5658.
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CASANAS, ADAM Elisenda. "Judicial federalism from a comparative perspective : Spain, the United States and the United Kingdom." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12988.
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Defence date: 16/11/2009Examining Board: Profs. Xavier Arbos Marin (Universitat de Girona); Chris Himsworth (University of Edinburgh); Ruth Rubio Marin (EUI); Jacques Ziller (Supervisor, former EUI, Università di Pavia)
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This thesis aims to highlight the importance of the organisation and functioning of the judicial power in complex or composite polities and its relevance as a determinative element of the complex or composite nature of the polity itself. For this, it carries out a comparative analysis of the organisation and functioning of the judicial power in three models which - whilst all sharing the duality in the executive and legislative powers - present very a very different structure: Spain, the United States and the United Kingdom. This comparison requires the construction of a theoretical framework for the analysis of judicial federalism, which in current literature has still not been fully developed. On the basis of the existing theoretical instruments for the analysis of political federalism, a concept of "judicial federalism" is constructed, characterised by two main features: the geographical distribution of judicial power, and the granting of a sphere of judicial autonomy (understood as a combination of institutional autonomy, jurisdictional autonomy and governmental autonomy) to both the federation and the component units. An initial overview of these issues highlights the minimum or common element in all models of judicial federalism is the existence of a "supreme court" at both levels. The main part of the study focuses, then, on the higher courts of the component units and their relations with the higher jurisdictional body of the federation. In addition, a final chapter is included which compares the interrelation between constitutional review and judicial federalism in the selected models.
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Basta, Karlo. "Accommodative Capacity of Multinational States." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/32661.
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This dissertation explains the extent and durability of the institutions of territorial autonomy in multinational states. Its main argument is that the viability of territorial autonomy hinges on the relative economic importance of the minority-inhabited region for the central government. If the fiscal resources of the minority-inhabited region are critical for the funding of the central government’s policy objectives, autonomy is likely to be limited and short lived. If those resources are not as crucial for the governability of the entire state, autonomy is likely to be more extensive and durable. The importance of the minority-inhabited region depends on two sets of factors. The first is the relative level of economic development of majority and minority-inhabited areas. The second is the strategy of governance adopted by the central state elites. Strategies of governance determine the extent of the fiscal burden that the central government will place on the population of the state, thereby exerting significant influence on accommodative outcomes. The theoretical framework developed in this dissertation refers to statist (high spending) and laissez-faire (low spending) strategies of governance. The framework is tested in four multinational states: the former Yugoslavia, the former Czechoslovakia, Canada and Spain. The empirical chapters combine structured-focused comparison with longitudinal case study analysis. The cases largely bear out the hypotheses presented in the dissertation. However, analysis of the cases also demonstrates the importance of minority-group influence at the central state level in accounting for accommodative outcomes. In cases where minority elites have extensive influence at the centre, attempts at limiting the autonomy of minority-inhabited regions tend to be unsuccessful. This thesis contributes to a greater understanding of the design and durability of the institutions of territorial autonomy, which have important consequences for the stability and viability of multinational states.
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Annett, Dr Iona. "Federal governance in the European Union." 2007. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/2189.
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Since the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1951, the European Union has emerged from a limited economic confederation to a supranational federal polity. There is, however, little work based in federal theory that seeks to understand the European Union as a federation nor the process by which that was achieved. Federal theory gives us two means of understanding federal government – federalism as techne and as telos. Federalism as techne informs us of the institutions and structures involved in federal governance. Federalism as telos provides the ideas, norms and values of federalism. Thus it is possible to speak of the federal idea (telos) and the institutions that embody it (techne).The process of federalisation of the European Union has seen the separation of these strands. Federal ideas do not necessarily lead to federal governance regimes; federal governance outcomes are not necessarily based on federal ideas. The European Union has adopted, over time, federal governance structures due to pragmatic concerns with institutional efficiency, bargain implementation, defection from agreement, and the equality of member states. The institutions created by the member states have themselves contributed to the federalisation process. Rarely has the federalisation process moved forward due to a belief in the value of federation itself.
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MENDEZ, Fernando. "The Governance and Regulation of the Internet in the European Union, the United States and Switzerland: A comparative federalism approach." Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7034.
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Defence date: 23 March 2007Examining board: Prof. Martin Rhodes (EUI/Denver University)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Andreas Auer (University of Geneva) ; Prof. David McKay (University of Essex) ; Prof. Alexander Trechsel (EUI)
This dissertation analyses the dynamics of EU policy making through a structured and focused comparison with two other federal polities: the United States and Switzerland. To this end, it draws on the wider comparative federalism literature to examine how basic federal political institutions structure the development of policy outcomes. The empirical focus is on the regulatory challenge posed by the internet's spectacular proliferation during the period of 1995-2005. Two hypotheses are formulated as to how basic federal political institutions shape the development of policy outcomes in the three polities under investigation. First, given the cross-border nature of the policy challenge, we expect to find similar interactions among the different levels of government in all three units of analysis. In particular, federal level political actors should be similarly mobilised into offering centralising solutions to problems with cross-border effects. Furthermore, this could provoke allocational shifts in authority towards the centre in the three units of analysis. Second, it is expected that differences in the policy process and the ‘power capabilities’ of the centre help to explain the variance in policy outcomes. The main findings of the empirical investigation suggest that the dynamics of policymaking in the realm of internet regulation exhibit similarities that make EU comparison with other federal polities across these dimensions especially revealing. This is particularly the case when comparing the EU with polities characterised by an extremely decentralised federal configuration, institutionally weak centres, consensual modes of decision-making, and decentralised modes of policy implementation such as Switzerland.
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Ammirato, Marialaura. "Federalismo tra ricentralizzazione e indipendenza in tempo di crisi: un'analisi comparativa: il caso catalano e il caso veneto." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10955/1756.
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Questa tesi presenta i risultati di una di ricerca comparativa che ha come oggetto di studio i processi di federalizzazione nello stato unitario, focalizzando sia gli aspetti di crescente autonomia che quelli di indipendentismo separatista in un contesto di capitalismo d’Occidente.
Sono stati presi in considerazione due sistemi regionali, in due stati diversi: la Cataluña in Spagna e il Veneto in Italia.
Questa tesi di dottorato nasce all’interno di una ricerca PRIN che ha analizzato i processi di federalizzazione e le nuove forme di centralizzazione dei poteri dello Stato in Italia.
Questo lavoro, pur essendo nato all’interno di un progetto nazionale ha cercato di studiare in chiave comparativa le trasformazioni istituzionali al fine di cogliere aspetti comuni e specificità sia in riferimento agli stati nazionali considerati che ai due casi regionali.
L’obiettivo è stato quello di cercare di individuare il senso della crescente volontà indipendentistica/ autonomistica da parte dei territori.
Altro aspetto centrale dell’indagine è stato quello di studiare le spinte a favore di una ricentralizzazione dei poteri e delle competenze da parte dei Governi centrali.
La grave crisi economica mondiale e la particolare situazione di fragilità in cui si trova l’Europa in questi ultimi anni costituiscono il contesto dove si sono sviluppate le fenomenologie istituzionali oggetto di studio di questa tesi.
In particolare, abbiamo cercato di individuare quali meccanismi sociali, economici e politico-istituzionali, hanno portato ad aumentare la domanda secessionistica.
La ricerca è iniziata in un momento nel quale iniziavano a manifestarsi gli effetti della gestione della crisi da parte delle élites di governo sulla struttura territoriale degli Stati composti, vale a dire Stati nei quali si sono verificati processi di federalizzazione, e si è conclusa durante il periodo di maggior sviluppo delle rivendicazioni indipendentistiche/ autonomistiche culminate con la celebrazione di un referendum per l’indipendenza in Cataluña e di un referendum per l’autonomia in Veneto i cui effetti sono ancora in itinere.
L’obiettivo di questo lavoro è, dunque, quello di analizzare, nei due territori di riferimento, le modalità di gestione della crisi da parte delle élite politiche ed economiche.
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Queste ultime sono ritenute responsabili, secondo la nostra ipotesi, della contrapposizione tra nuove forme di centralità dello stato e dei processi di rivendicazione “autonomico-soberanista” in Cataluña e in Veneto.
L’ipotesi di questo lavoro è che vi sia stata una contrapposizione tra le élites di governo nazionale e le élites territoriali.
Le prime hanno gestito la crisi economico-finanziaria del 2008 con l’applicazione di politiche di austerity che hanno permesso loro di riaccentrare poteri e funzioni prima delegate ai territori.
Le seconde, hanno reagito alla ricentralizzazione, chiedendo un’autonomia finanziaria e politica e minacciando l’indizione di un referendum sull’indipendenza.
La componente identitaria dei territori (Veneto e Cataluña), come vedremo, viene trasformata in un mero “contenitore” di rivendicazioni di natura economica e politica.
La crisi, dunque, secondo il nostro lavoro ha reso più simili l’Italia e la Spagna, pur nella profonda differenza nei due contesti, perché ha fatto vivere in entrambi i due paesi una profonda tensione tra centralizzazione e indipendenza.
2. Il progetto di ricerca
La dialettica tra centralismo e indipendenza è stata studiata in Spagna e in Italia e in Cataluña e Veneto.
L’individuazione di questi due casi di studio, nazionali e territoriali, è avvenuta sulla base della conformazione degli Stati e delle forme di federalizzazione e di regionalizzazione che avevano da lungo da tempo.1
Questa dialettica che è stata oggetto della nostra indagine, ha subito un processo di radicalizzazione in seguito alla crisi economica in quanto le misure anticrisi, previste a livello europeo e nazionale, essendo volte a ridurre i costi e a contenere le spese, hanno dato vita ad un processo di ricentralizzazione delle decisioni e della spesa e ad una conseguente compressione dell’autonomia territoriale.
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Chapados, Maude. "Nations sans état autre que social ? : l'impact du nationalisme subétatique dans la transformation de l'état social au Canada et en Espagne (1980-2004)." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/6492.
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Dobson, Toby. "Mitigation of political risk in the IT sector in Panama." 2008. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/50731.
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