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Journal articles on the topic 'Compellence'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2025

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1

Sechser, Todd S., and Matthew Fuhrmann. "Crisis Bargaining and Nuclear Blackmail." International Organization 67, no. 1 (2013): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000392.

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AbstractDo nuclear weapons offer coercive advantages in international crisis bargaining? Almost seventy years into the nuclear age, we still lack a complete answer to this question. While scholars have devoted significant attention to questions about nuclear deterrence, we know comparatively little about whether nuclear weapons can help compel states to change their behavior. This study argues that, despite their extraordinary power, nuclear weapons are uniquely poor instruments of compellence. Compellent threats are more likely to be effective under two conditions: first, if a challenger can

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2

Fowler, Michael. "Comparing compellence strategies." Comparative Strategy 40, no. 3 (2021): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2021.1912506.

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3

Kim, Taehyun. "North Korea’s aggressive Nuclear Strategy and General Nuclear Compellence." Korea Research Institute for Strategy 31, no. 3 (2024): 107–51. https://doi.org/10.46226/jss.2024.11.31.3.107.

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This paper aims to explain North Korea's aggressive nuclear strategy from the perspective of “general nuclear compellence.” “General nuclear compellence” refers to the signaling of “the risk of nuclear escalation” in non-crisis situations to create a favorable environment for “changing the status quo” by securing political concessions from both adversaries and allies. This concept is useful for understanding how nuclear-armed states seek to reduce their security dependence on allies, enhance their external autonomy over the long term, increase military deterrence against adversaries, and expan

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4

Schaub, Gary. "Deterrence, Compellence, and Prospect Theory." Political Psychology 25, no. 3 (2004): 389–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2004.00377.x.

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5

Klein, Yitzhak. "Long defensives: Victory without compellence." Comparative Strategy 15, no. 3 (1996): 233–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939608403074.

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6

Altindag, Duha T., Naci Mocan, and Jie Zhang. "Deterrence and Compellence in Parliament." Journal of Law and Economics 66, no. 2 (2023): 333–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/722634.

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7

Volpe, Tristan A. "Atomic Leverage: Compellence with Nuclear Latency." Security Studies 26, no. 3 (2017): 517–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2017.1306398.

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8

Dorussen, Han, Emil J. Kirchner, and James Sperling. "Sharing the Burden of Collective Security in the European Union." International Organization 63, no. 4 (2009): 789–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818309990105.

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AbstractThis article compares European Union (EU) burden-sharing in security governance distinguishing between assurance, prevention, protection, and compellence policies. We employ joint-product models and examine the variation in the level of publicness, the asymmetry of the distribution of costs and benefits, and aggregation technologies in each policy domain. Joint-product models predict equal burden-sharing for protection and assurance because of their respective weakest-link and summation aggregation technologies with symmetric costs. Prevention is also characterized by the technology of

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9

Carter, David B. "The Compellence Dilemma: International Disputes with Violent Groups." International Studies Quarterly 59, no. 3 (2015): 461–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12192.

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10

Petersen, Walter J. "Deterrence and Compellence: A Critical Assessment of Conventional Wisdom." International Studies Quarterly 30, no. 3 (1986): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600418.

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11

Art, Robert J., and Kelly M. Greenhill. "The Power and Limits of Compellence: A Research Note." Political Science Quarterly 133, no. 1 (2018): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.12738.

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12

Cortright, David. "Appeasement in International Politics. By Stephen R. Rock. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2000. 237p. $29.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 271–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402234346.

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Since Neville Chamberlain's concessions to Adolph Hitler in Munich in 1938, appeasement has become a term of disrepute. The word is almost an epithet, denoting weakness in the face of aggression. Generations of scholars and policymakers have learned the lesson that appeasement emboldens the aggressor and makes war more likely. Academic attention has focused instead on deterrence theory and the role of coercion and compellence as key elements of international politics.

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13

Tanner, Fred. "Weapons control in semi‐permissive environments: A case for compellence." International Peacekeeping 3, no. 4 (1996): 126–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533319608413643.

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14

Dekker, Willem Martijn. "The Complexity of Compellence: Revisiting the Causal Logic of Denial." Comparative Strategy 29, no. 5 (2010): 450–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2010.510371.

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15

Shultz, Richard H. "Compellence and the role of airpower as a political instrument." Comparative Strategy 11, no. 1 (1992): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939208402860.

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16

Harkavy, Robert E. "Triangular or indirect deterrence/compellence: Something new in deterrence theory?" Comparative Strategy 17, no. 1 (1998): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939808403132.

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17

Überbacher, Florian, and Andreas Georg Scherer. "Indirect Compellence and Institutional Change: U.S. Extraterritorial Law Enforcement and the Erosion of Swiss Banking Secrecy." Administrative Science Quarterly 65, no. 3 (2019): 565–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001839219855033.

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Based on an in-depth, qualitative case study about a conflict between governmental authorities from the United States and Switzerland over the regulation of Swiss banks, we introduce indirect compellence as a novel triadic and indirect mechanism through which coercion leads to institutional change. Hostage-taking being a prototypical example, indirect compellence is typified by a coercive actor who takes a third party hostage to gain influence over a targeted actor. In our case, it meant that U.S. authorities (coercers) compelled Swiss policy makers (targets) to erode the famed Swiss banking s

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18

THIES, WALLACE. "Compellence Failure or Coercive Success? The Case of NATO and Yugoslavia." Comparative Strategy 22, no. 3 (2003): 243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495930390215171.

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19

Bratton, Patrick. "Signals and Orchestration: India's Use of Compellence in the 2001–02 Crisis." Strategic Analysis 34, no. 4 (2010): 594–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161003802786.

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20

Smetana, Michal, and Jan Ludvik. "Theorising indirect coercion: The logic of triangular strategies." International Relations 33, no. 3 (2019): 455–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819836691.

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This article deals with the concept of indirect coercion as a distinct type of coercive strategy involving three actors. We introduce a taxonomy of triangular strategies commonly employed in international politics: ‘hostage-taking’, ‘patron-client’ and ‘composite’ strategies. These three types of indirect coercion cover different ways in how the coercer draws the intermediary actor in the process of coercive bargaining to enhance his leverage over the target. For each type, we conduct a plausibility probe to study these dynamics on short empirical case studies. We argue that our conceptualisat

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21

Stein, Janice Gross. "Deterrence and Compellence in the Gulf, 1990-91: A Failed or Impossible Task?" International Security 17, no. 2 (1992): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2539171.

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22

SPERANDEI, MARIA. "Bridging Deterrence and Compellence: An Alternative Approach to the Study of Coercive Diplomacy." International Studies Review 8, no. 2 (2006): 253–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2006.00573.x.

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23

Ludvík, Jan. "Deterrence and Nuclear Strategy." Czech Journal of International Relations 49, no. 1 (2014): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.301.

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The text explores various theoretical approaches to the concept ofdeterrence. It links deterrence with other strategies that utilize a threat ofmilitary action to achieve political goals. Furthermore, the di!erencebetween deterrence by punishment and deterrence by denial is highlightedin the article. To develop the debate further, the various roles of nuclearweapons in deterrence are examined, while four types of nucleardeterrence strategies – namely nuclear primacy, maximum assureddestruction, minimum assured destruction, and automatic deterrence – aredistinguished. The text shows the unique

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24

SEHITOGLU, Recep, and Onur BALCI. "AN ANALYSIS ON THE 2015 TÜRKİYE AND RUSSIA AIRCRAFT CRISIS: COMPELLENCE, DETERRENCE AND BALANCING." Eurasian Research Journal 6, no. 4 (2024): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.53277/2519-2442-2024.4-03.

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It is possible to state that as a discipline, international security studies have developed within the framework of the realist paradigm and during the period of the Cold War. It is established that the field of security studies, which places a particular emphasis on the role of military power and states in international politics, is consequently designated as strategic studies. In this context, studies on coercion strategies have been implemented focusing on states’ power. On the other hand, power distribution and balance of power in the system along with the ascend of neorealism have been un

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25

Wilén, Nina, and Paul D. Williams. "The African Union and coercive diplomacy: the case of Burundi." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 4 (2018): 673–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000459.

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AbstractIn December 2015, the African Union (AU) took the unprecedented step of threatening to use military force against the government of Burundi's wishes in order to protect civilians caught up in the country's intensifying domestic crisis. This article traces the background to this decision and analyses the effectiveness and credibility of the AU's use of coercive diplomacy as a tool of conflict management. After its usual range of conflict management tools failed to stem the Burundian crisis, the AU Commission and Peace and Security Council tried a new type of military compellence by invo

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26

Ueberbacher, Florian, and Andreas Georg Scherer. "Indirect Compellence and Institutional Change: A Case Study On The Demise Of Swiss Banking Secrecy." Academy of Management Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (2017): 13833. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2017.13833abstract.

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27

KIM, SUNG CHULL. "China and Its Neighbors: Asymmetrical Economies and Vulnerability to Coercion." Issues & Studies 55, no. 04 (2019): 1950007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119500073.

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With respect to China and its neighbors, what are the political implications when a great power advances economically into small states? This paper presents an asymmetry–coercion linkage to explain the relationship between a great power and small states by reconceptualizing Albert Hirschman’s theory of trade dependency. This reconceptualization involves two tasks. First, the paper explicates vulnerability to coercion as a consequence of economic asymmetry, whereby a small state becomes susceptible to a great power’s compellence or co-optation to take a certain path preferred by the latter. Sec

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28

Post, Abigail. "Flying to Fail: Costly Signals and Air Power in Crisis Bargaining." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 4 (2018): 869–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718777043.

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Theories of crisis bargaining suggest that military mobilizations act as costly signals of resolve, increasing the credibility of coercive threats. In this article, I argue that air mobilizations, as a subset of military signals, demonstrate a lack of resolve during coercive bargaining for four reasons: they cost less in terms of human and financial resources (sunk costs), generate lower political costs (hand-tying), do not raise the risks of engagement (manipulation of risk), and do not significantly shift the balance of power—all compared with other military signals. Using new data that disa

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29

Dancy, Geoff. "Searching for Deterrence at the International Criminal Court." International Criminal Law Review 17, no. 4 (2017): 625–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01704007.

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Does the International Criminal Court (icc) deter acts of violence in the world? To answer this question, this article first distinguishes between three phenomena that are often confusingly grouped together under the heading of ‘deterrence’. These include the termination of ongoing civil wars (compellence), the prevention of atrocity crime recidivism (specific deterrence), and the overall prevention of war and atrocity crimes (general deterrence). The article then assesses whether state commitments to the Rome Statute and icc intervention in specific contexts can promote these three aims. It p

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30

Kumar, Amit. "Defining Strategic and Critical Vulnerabilities in Asymmetrical Trade Interdependence." Indian Public Policy Review 4, no. 4 (Jul-Aug) (2023): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.55763/ippr.2023.04.04.003.

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 As the world becomes more economically integrated, a complex web of asymmetric interdependences has emerged, allowing some states to wield disproportionate economic power. Consequently, recourse to economic coercion as a tool for compellence, deterrence, or co-optation has become much more frequent in current times. Debates around dependence-induced strategic and critical vulnerabilities have thus gained traction with an end objective to reduce or mitigate them. But a lack of conceptual framework underpinning the ideas of dependence, vulnerabilities, and strategic and critical vulnerabi

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31

Reichberg, Gregory M., and Henrik Syse. "Threats and Coercive Diplomacy: An Ethical Analysis." Ethics & International Affairs 32, no. 2 (2018): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679418000138.

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AbstractThreats of armed force are frequently employed in international affairs, yet they have received little ethical scrutiny in their own right. This article addresses that deficit by examining how threats, taken as a speech act, require a moral assessment that is distinctive vis-à-vis the actual use of armed force. This is done first by classifying threats within the framework of speech act theory. Then, applying standard just war criteria, we analyze conditional threats of harm under Thomas Schelling's twofold distinction of compellence and deterrence. We aim to show how threats of armed

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32

Mendeloff, David. "Punish or Persuade? The Compellence Logic of International Criminal Court Intervention in Cases of Ongoing Civilian Violence." International Studies Review 20, no. 3 (2017): 395–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/vix042.

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33

Khalil, Tanzeela. "Current Trends in Global Nuclear Arms Race and its Implications for South Asia." Journal of Security & Strategic Analyses 10, no. 2 (2024): 79–96. https://doi.org/10.57169/jssa.0010.02.0337.

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The global nuclear order is undergoing significant shifts, driven primarily by strategic modernisation, deteriorating arms control frameworks, the potential resumption of nuclear testing, and the growing importance of nuclear weapons in national security policies. Major Powers, the US, Russia, and China, are notably engaged in intense competition and simultaneously investing heavily in their nuclear modernisation programs. The breakdown of bilateral arms control agreements, such as the New START and INF treaty, have increased uncertainties regarding the future of arms control. Furthermore, the

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34

Drezner, Daniel W. "Bad Debts: Assessing China's Financial Influence in Great Power Politics." International Security 34, no. 2 (2009): 7–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.34.2.7.

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Commentators and policymakers have articulated growing concerns about U.S. dependence on China and other authoritarian capitalist states as a source of credit to fund the United States' trade and budget deficits. What are the security implications of China's creditor status? If Beijing or another sovereign creditor were to flex its financial muscles, would Washington buckle? The answer can be drawn from the existing literature on economic statecraft. An appraisal of the ability of creditor states to convert their financial power into political power suggests that the power of credit has been m

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35

Pejić, Igor. "The development of the modern Chinese concept of conventional deterrence." Vojno delo 74, no. 4 (2022): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2204015p.

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Deterrence strategy has always been an interesting topic for many international relations scholars. The concept was the hallmark of the USSoviet politics during the Cold War and rightly became an important aspect of other countries' politics, as well. The Chinese idea of deterrence is somewhat unique compared to the "standard" model of deterrence, which is often seen in the Western literature. In the Chinese case deterring the enemy from attacking you is a part of the strategy, while the other part can be focused on accomplishing political goals using coercive approaches. In other words, deter

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36

Bowen, Wyn, Jeffrey W. Knopf, and Matthew Moran. "The Obama Administration and Syrian Chemical Weapons: Deterrence, Compellence, and the Limits of the “Resolve plus Bombs” Formula." Security Studies 29, no. 5 (2020): 797–831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2020.1859130.

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37

Rosselló Calafell, Gabriel. "Disceptatores Romani fuerunt. “Compellence diplomacy” y arbitraje romano sobre el norte de África en el segundo período de entreguerras (201-149 a. C.)." Habis, no. 54 (2023): 87–108. https://doi.org/10.12795/habis.2023.i54.06.

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El presente trabajo analiza el desarrollo de la diplomacia entre Roma y los Estados norteafricanos desde el final de la Guerra de Aníbal hasta el inicio de la Tercera Guerra Púnica. Con este objetivo se examinarán los mecanismos utilizados por los romanos en relación con las demandas de mediación, entregas de tributos y de regalos, y conservación e intercambio de rehenes y prisioneros. Indagaremos, asimismo, sobre los objetivos verdaderos del modus operandi senatorial a propósito de su política exterior, y también sobre las características del arbitrio.

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38

MANANTAN, MARK BRYAN. "The People’s Republic of China’s Cyber Coercion: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea." Issues & Studies 56, no. 03 (2020): 2040013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400135.

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This paper investigates the increasing use of cyber coercion by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) among its core interests: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea. It argues that the PRC’s deployment of sophisticated attacks in the form of cyber coercion continues to be part of its geostrategic playbook to exert its influence and prosecute its wider interests as a rising power in the Indo-Pacific region. However, it observes that cyber coercion will be employed by the PRC in concert with all the other tools — diplomatic, economic, and the political — across the spectrum. The paper has t

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39

Lin, Tianran. "Building Legitimacy in the Global Political Economic Order: China’s Efforts and Its Legitimacy Challenges." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 11 (April 20, 2023): 251–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v11i.7672.

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This article conducts a discussion on the questions: how does global political economic order generate legitimacy? Of which, this article wishes to shed some lights on the mechanism of legitimacy construction at the international level and provides theoretical explanation of how newly growing powers participate in the current construction of the global political economic order and establish legitimacy of the global order they advocate. This article uses "legitimacy" and "global order" or "world order" or "international order" as the keywords and conducts search on datasets of Google Scholar, J

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40

Korostelev, S. V. "On Qualification of the Phenomenon of Hybridism of the Use of Force and the Problem of Interference in Internal Affairs of a State." Administrative Consulting, no. 12 (January 12, 2022): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2021-12-33-47.

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The purpose of this article is to eliminate methodological discrepancies in the definition of the problem of “hybrid” use of force and the possibility of using this construct when interfering in the internal affairs of states. In any conflict situation, the behavior of states in moving towards their national goals can be explained through how they do combine and synchronize (as it is often defined at the present time — «hybrid») the use of means of compellence and coercion available to them. In general, conceptually «hybrid war» can be described as “the synchronized use of multiple instruments

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Korostelev, Stanislav V. "On Qualification of the Phenomenon of Hybridism of the Use of Force and the Problem of Interference in Internal Affairs of a State." Administrative consulting, no. 12 (156) (June 7, 2021): 33–47. https://doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2021-12-33-47.

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The purpose of this article is to eliminate methodological discrepancies in the definition of the problem of “hybrid” use of force and the possibility of using this construct when interfering in the internal affairs of states. In any conflict situation, the behavior of states in moving towards their national goals can be explained through how they do combine and synchronize (as it is often defined at the present time — «hybrid») the use of means of compellence and coercion available to them. In general, conceptually «hybrid war» can be described as &ld

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42

Sechser, Todd S. "Goliath's Curse: Coercive Threats and Asymmetric Power." International Organization 64, no. 4 (2010): 627–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818310000214.

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AbstractStates typically issue compellent threats against considerably weaker adversaries, yet their threats often fail. Why? Expanding on a standard model of international crisis bargaining, I argue that a theory of reputation-building can help shed light on this puzzle. The model casts reputation as a strategic problem, showing that challengers issuing compellent threats have incentives to anticipate the reputation costs that target states incur when appeasing aggressors. If challengers can recognize these costs and offset them with side payments or smaller demands, then even reputation-cons

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43

Sechser, Todd S. "Militarized Compellent Threats, 1918–2001." Conflict Management and Peace Science 28, no. 4 (2011): 377–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894211413066.

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44

Lengyel, Rita. "Heredes Seiae signum ponere compellendi sunt." Jogtörténeti Szemle 22, no. 1 (2025): 59–68. https://doi.org/10.55051/jtsz2024-1p59.

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Tanulmányom, egy, a Digesta által megőrzött ókori római jogesetet dolgoz fel. A Scaev. D. 34, 2, 38, 2 szemelvény arról számol be, hogy Seia, egy vagyonos nő végrendeletében arra utasította örököseit, hogy állítsanak egy általa kiválasztott szentélyben, annak istenségének egy szobrot. Azonban egy kérdés tisztázatlan maradt, mégpedig hogy milyen fémből: aranyból, ezüstből, vagy bronzból készüljön a szobor? Quintus Cervidius Scaevola jogtudós meglátása szerint ezüstből. Tanulmányomban összefoglalom, hogy milyen jogi és nem jogi érvek vezethettek az ezüst, mint szoboranyag melletti állásfoglalásh

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45

Fenenko, A. "An Asymmetric Model of Nuclear Deterrence." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2021): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-3-13-29.

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The article explores the concept of an asymmetric model of nuclear deterrence. The issue of asymmetric nuclear relations is one of the most productive in the theory of nuclear deterrence. By asymmetry we mean disparity in military power between the subjects of deterrence, when the weaker subject deters the stronger one. All of the official nuclear states have tried the components of such a policy, France and China exercising its fuller capacity. In the bipolar period, nuclear deterrence was relatively simple. The two superpowers sought to deter the opponent from taking certain actions by means

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46

Alvim, Breno Ganns Chaves, Renato Jose Pires Machado, and Tiago Kütter Krolow. "Mantidflies (Neuroptera, Mantispidae) from Tocantins state (Brazil): distribution and identification key." Check List 15, no. 2 (2019): 275–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15560/15.2.275.

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This study focused on Mantispidae species (Neuroptera) from Tocantins state in Brazil. Herein we provide nine new records to this state, increasing the total number of mantidflies from Tocantins to 12. New records are as following: Anchieta fumosella (Westwood, 1867); Dicromantispa moulti (Navás, 1909); Entanoneura batesella (Westwood, 1867); Haematomantispa sp.; Leptomantispa chaos Hoffman, 2002; Plega hagenella (Westwood, 1867); Trichoscelia varia (Walker, 1853); Zeugomantispa compellens (Walker, 1860); Z. virescens (Rambur, 1842). We also provide the first list of Mantispidae species from T

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47

Viskupic, Filip, and Douglas B. Atkinson. "When States Resist: Regime Type, Relative Power, and Militarized Compellent Threats." Journal of Global Security Studies 3, no. 4 (2018): 431–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogy023.

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48

Benson, Brett V. "Unpacking Alliances: Deterrent and Compellent Alliances and Their Relationship with Conflict, 1816–2000." Journal of Politics 73, no. 4 (2011): 1111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381611000867.

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49

Downes, Alexander B., and Todd S. Sechser. "The Illusion of Democratic Credibility." International Organization 66, no. 3 (2012): 457–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000161.

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AbstractDo democracies make more effective coercive threats? An influential literature in international relations argues that democratic institutions allow leaders to credibly signal their resolve in crises, thereby making their threats more likely to work than threats by nondemocracies. This article revisits the quantitative evidence for this proposition, which we call the “democratic credibility hypothesis,” and finds that it is surprisingly weak. Close examination of the data sets most commonly used to test this hypothesis reveals that they contain few successful democratic threats, or inde

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50

Dancy, Geoff, and Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm. "The impact of criminal prosecutions during intrastate conflict." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 1 (2017): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317732614.

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The International Criminal Court’s interventions have prompted debate about the wisdom of criminally prosecuting combatants while attempting to build peace in conflict-ridden societies. Previous research fails to distinguish between different types of trials. Using a large-N dataset of three types of criminal trials undertaken during internal conflict – domestic security trials of rebels, domestic human rights trials of state agents, and international war crimes trials of both – this article tests a theory of the compellent effect of criminal prosecution on conflict termination. We find that,

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