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1
Khīr, Busṭāmī Muḥammad S'aīd Muḥammad. "The Islamic concept of sovereignty." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/19012.
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The purpose of this study is to analyse the modern trends among the Muslims concerning the problem of sovereignty. The question of sovereignty, which basically deals with political power, has become a matter of great concern to the Muslims since the nineteenth century especially those who are interested in the real principles of Islamic statehood as opposed to the western political concepts. There have been remarkable attempts by modern Muslim scholars to reconstruct early Islamic theories of rulership in cirumstances which have been entirely different to those in which the theories were born, chiefly due to the encounter between Islam and the West. These scholars have attempted to express these theories in modern terms amongst which the word sovereignty is in common use. Owing to the great impact of the Western notions of sovereignty, we shall also consider to what extent they have influenced the emergence of the new Muslim attitudes. It is advisable, therefore, to start the study with an examination of the origins of the Western theories in order to understand the Islamic concept of sovereignty as conceived by the modern Muslims. In Europe, sovereignty emerged as an important political concept after the religious wars of the sixteenth century and as a result of the creation of the territorial nation state. Though, it is generally an accepted working assumption up to the present time, yet it is an ambiguous term and lends itself to different interpretaions. In fact, it has been given a variety of forms in a number of theories which are all surrounded with much controversy. Nonetheless, all states of the modern world, including the Muslim countries, have been founded on the basis of these Western theories. After the Western sources the study looks into the early Islamic ideas of rulership from which the Muslims derive their inspirations. The survey of the modem Muslim views that follows covers the political thought of the Ottomans, the Arabs and the Muslims of the Indian sub-continent since the ninteenth century.
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Zimmermann, Claus D. "A contemporary concept of monetary sovereignty." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6ee49e71-ba23-4fe5-999c-ec0db325aaf4.
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This thesis analyses whether the concept of monetary sovereignty evolves under the impact of globalization and financial integration, and provides a framework for assessing what this implies. Thereby, this thesis contributes to a better understanding of both the contemporary exercise of sovereign powers in monetary and financial matters and of the driving forces behind the evolution of international law in this field. As elaborated in chapter 1, the contemporary concept of monetary sovereignty proposed by this thesis is not static but dynamic in nature. Due to the dual nature of sovereignty as a concept having not only positive but also important normative components, monetary sovereignty cannot become eroded under the impact of legal and economic constraints. Chapter 2 examines the ongoing hybridization of international monetary law arising from changes in the sources of this complex body of law, from the unsuitability of the categories of ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ law for characterizing all normative evolutions in this field, and from the rise of private and transnational monetary law. Chapter 3 scrutinizes the phenomenon of exchange rate misalignment under monetary and trade law. Intrinsically related, it assesses which aspects of the IMF’s legal framework should be reformed in order to tackle contemporary challenges to the stability of the international monetary system, such as global current account imbalances. Chapter 4 analyses the increasing regionalization of monetary sovereignty. It argues that, to the extent that transferring sovereign powers to a monetary union is what provides a state’s population with maximum monetary and financial stability, the underlying transfers are not a surrender of monetary sovereignty, but its effective exercise under the form of cooperative sovereignty. Finally, chapter 5 assesses the implications of the contemporary concept of monetary sovereignty proposed herein for the reorganization of the international financial architecture in the wake of the Great Recession.
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Zenkert, Georg. "Rousseau and the concept of popular sovereignty." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113091.
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This essay examines Rousseau's political philosophy from the view point of power. The social contractis not under the modern primacy of govemment. It rather sees the constitution of community as an autonomous form of power that, under democratic conditions, reaches its realization in popular sovereignty. The legislator's enigmatic figure manifests, although with restriction, a third form of power: authority or the power of action as a competence of political initiatives. The balance among these three forms of power constitutes the framework of the modern conception of politics.El presente ensayo investiga la filosofia política de Rousseau bajo la perspectiva de la problemática del poder. El contrato social no se orienta por el primado moderno del Gobierno, sino que concibe la constitución de la comunidad como un modo autónomo de poder que en condiciones democráticas alcanza su realización en la soberanía popular. La figura enigmática del legislador pone de manifiesto, aunque en forma restringida, una tercera forma de poder: la autoridad o el poder de acción en cuanto competencia de iniciativas políticas. El balance entre estos tres tipos de poder constituye el marco en que se inscribe la concepción moderna de la política.
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Sarigül, Gül. "The evolving concept of sovereignty in air law /." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81474.
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State sovereignty is the basic underlying principle of international law. Like all branches of international law, air law has developed under this principle of sovereignty, leaving the final decision to the consents and political wills of the governments for both their internal and external affairs. In the same vein, the international system is based on the juridical equality of all nations, which are free to participate in all forms of regional and international organizations. However, due to economic and political globalization and the demand for a more efficient international cooperation as well as the market forces and technical and economical constraints, the traditional concept of sovereignty has undergone transformation. Resulting from their inherently technical, economic and international characteristics, civil aviation and air transport are the leading fields of international affairs affected by these developments.This thesis first analyses the evolution of the principle of sovereignty in general international law and then traces the transformation of sovereignty in air law by examining the issue through the approach found in the Chicago Convention as well as the recent concepts and technologies in civil aviation from the sovereignty point of view.*
*The opinions expressed in this thesis are strictly those of the author.
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McIntyre, Michael David. "Why sovereignty matters : European populist-nationalist parties and the reconstruction of the concept of sovereignty." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/63271.
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In the recent decade or so, the western democracies have seen a rise in the fame and electoral success of populist-nationalist parties and candidates, particularly in Europe. For example, French Presidential Candidate Marine Le Pen made it to the second round of the presidential election in 2017. Often, these parties are extremely concerned about state sovereignty and mention it in electoral campaigns, documents and speeches. However, it is unclear as to what populist-nationalists mean when they use the word ‘sovereignty.’ I seek to answer this question in this work. In other words, what does sovereignty mean to populist-nationalist parties? I argue that sovereignty means something different to populist-nationalist parties than what previously conceived definitions of sovereignty can offer. Furthermore, I argue that populist-nationalist parties are reconstructing why sovereignty matters and what it means. In order to do this, I utilize a concept known as cultural sovereignty which, with some modification, accurately portrays what sovereignty means to populist-nationalists. I define cultural sovereignty, differently than previous conceptions, as the aim to benefit, protect or maintain the culture of a particular group, the nation or nation-state and retain control over this particular culture or nation-state. I accurately demonstrate this by examining previous research, party documents, interviews, statements and journalistic articles in order to discern a common narrative which I then use to prove that my version of cultural sovereignty encapsulates what these parties mean by sovereignty. My conclusions arise from four general policy areas: aversion supra-national governance (Euroscepticism mainly), anti-immigration, cultural promotion and protection policies and lastly economic nationalism. The insights put forth by this work help us understand what these parties mean and help us understand their conceptions of the world as well as governance in general.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Kurtulus, Ersun N. "State sovereignty : the concept, the referent and the ramifications /." Stockholm : Dep. of Political Science, Stockholm Univ, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/385721862.pdf.
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Abdel, Aziz Saad Olivia. "Tyranny or Divine Sovereignty : A content analysis on Sayyid Qutb´s concept of sovereignty in Milestones." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444025.
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This text examines the sovereignty concept in Sayyid Qutb´s final book Milelstones, with a focus on the political and non-political aspects of the concept. The analysis also examines potentially radical and extreme aspects in the concept. The findings show that Qutb´s sovereignty concept is a practical theology focused on what God´s sovereignty means for Muslims in belief and practice. God´s sovereignty is an encompassing concept to Qutb, which means that His exclusive right to sovereignty should permeate through the souls of Muslims and guide their actions in all spheres of life, including in politics. In a concrete form, this means that God´s law and principles should be implemented. Qutb´s sovereignty concept is not extreme, but radical because it challenges established secular orders and the hegemonic assumption in modern discourses that human beings have a right to sovereignty.
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Campbell, Jason J. "On the Concept of Evil: An Analysis of Genocide and State Sovereignty." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003027.
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Seperteladze, Saba. "The examination of the role of the concept of sovereignty in international system." Thesis, Vector, 2020. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/44277.
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The history of our world is certainly not devoid of disputes and conflicts that have shattered the ability to exercise control over a previously held territory by the state governments all across the globe. Such catastrophic losses for the defeated and grandiose achievements for the victors have defined and described
our world for so long with the cost of countless lives of the innocent, yet even today, when sovereignty has undeniably become one of the most frequently used terms in public discourse on international political events, it is surprisingly difficult to ascertain exactly when the sovereignty of the state gets violated or even should be violated.
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DeMairo, Christopher. "On the People and the "Pretended" State: The Concept of Sovereignty in Vermont, 1750-1791." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2017. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/722.
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This research project will examine the concept of sovereignty in Vermont for the years 1750-1791. As with most conceptual studies, it is necessary to first examine the history of the concept. I begin with René Descartes (1596-1650), and his re-conceptualization of Man in a natural state. It is my contention that his metaphysical and ontological findings in Meditations on First Philosophy (1641) were then adopted by Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) in Leviathan (1651), and John Locke (1632-1704) in Two Treatises of Government (1689). Basing their philosophies on Descartes's "revised" depiction of Man in nature, both Hobbes and Locke envisioned a Man who naturally made both rational and passionate decisions, as communities transitioned, via the process of government formation, from the state of nature into the state of "civil society," as they termed it. Contemporaneous with this theoretical evolution was the inclusion of "the people" in British governance through the rise of Parliament at the turn of the seventeenth century. Juxtaposed with real events, the philosophers' reconceptualization demonstrates an evolving concept of sovereignty in the British state. By the time of the American Revolution, the concept of popular sovereignty was born, and "the people" ascended in both political theory and political reality.
Because the eighteenth-century concept of sovereignty was based heavily on the metaphor of the state of nature, I chose the inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants as a case study. These residents believed they resided in something close to a literal state of nature from 1760-1777, and that they had lived the theoretical philosophies of Hobbes, Locke, and other contemporary theorists. Once the theoretical description of a natural state is juxtaposed with the socio-political history of the Grants region, it is clear that inhabitants believed the Colony of New York, the appendage of the British state which claimed authority in the region, did not provide efficient governance for the residents. After the American Revolution broke out, Grants residents claimed it was their natural right to erect a state and systematically replace New York. Once Vermont's constitution went into effect in 1778, the concept of sovereignty was expressed in response to two simultaneous processes: the first, the geo-political stabilization of the state in the midst of both war and constant challenges to the state's existence; the second, the Vermont people transforming from a blend of "Yorkers" and "Yankees" into Vermonters. Both of these processes were complete by the mid-1780s as surrounding states and former Yorkers grew to accept the legitimacy of Vermont. By the late 1780s, as the United States Constitutional Convention was underway, Vermont was no longer considered a "pretended state," and was able to face the convention on its own terms, representing its own sovereign people.
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Uzelman, Alexandra. "The transformation of the concept of the Westphalian sovereignty within the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-164218.
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The work overviews the formation process of the European integration after the end of the Cold war and also the evolution of the notion of 'the Westphalian sovereignty' in the framework of the maintenance of the EU CFSP. It is assumed that under the conditions of a political transformation of the category 'the Westphalian sovereignty' in the framework of the EU CFSP it is intensified and requires again as a special political and practical attention, as scientific elaboration in order to figure out the perspectives of the development of the EU as the whole. As the object of this work the category of 'the Westphalia sovereignty' and its evolution in the framework of the European integration processes are taken. The subject of the work is connected with the analysis of the phenomenon of the Westphalian sovereignty in the frames of building of common European defense and security policy of the EU. The main purpose of the work is closely entwined with the identification of significant peculiarities of the ongoing transformation of the CFSP and their influence on the category of 'the Westphalian sovereignty'.
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Lundberg, Hillary E. "Moscow, We Have a Problem: Russia's Inconsistent Approach to the Evolving Concept of Sovereignty in the 21st Century." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/821.
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The 1648 Peace of Westphalia created an understanding of state sovereignty free from external interference that remained largely unaltered until the last century. The horrors of the Holocaust and the significant humanitarian crises of the 20th century have presented the international community with a new type of threat to international peace and security and have sparked an ongoing conversation about the limitations of traditional sovereignty. Russia has positioned itself as a firm supporter of a strict adherence to the Westphalian concept of sovereignty, but my thesis argues that Russians do not value this interpretation as much as they claim to, and that in fact Moscow recognizes that this definition is a thing of the past. I examine Russian actions surrounding the 2011 UN-sanctioned intervention in Libya and the ongoing conflict in Syria, particularly focusing on the major differences between Russian decision-making in the two cases. I analyze transcripts of Security Council meetings in order to demonstrate that there is far more to Russian actions in Syria than Moscow’s public position suggests, and I subsequently offer a number of alternative explanations for Russian decision-making surrounding Syria. These alternative explanations demonstrate that even the Russians, who have portrayed themselves as the great defenders of traditional state sovereignty, recognize the modern limitations to strict Westphalian sovereignty and understand that this traditional definition is a thing of the past. This conclusion is significant because in demonstrating that traditional sovereignty’s greatest champion acknowledges the modern shift in the concept, I prove that the departure from strict Westphalian sovereignty is not merely a theory, but a reality.
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Demelemestre, Gaëlle. "Les métamorphoses du concept de souveraineté (XVI ème-XVIII ème siècles)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PEST1008/document.
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Aujourd’hui encore, notre vie politique est organisée autour de la relation de commandement à obéissance à laquelle nous oblige la souveraineté politique. Mais ce rapport d’obligation est une forme particulière du pouvoir politique, qui émerge au XVIe siècle à travers la pensée de Bodin, dans une conjoncture historique précise. Comment ce concept, renvoyant à l’obéissance absolue et inconditionnée des « francs sujets » à leur Souverain, a-t-il pu être conservé par les sociétés démocratiques modernes? L’indivisibilité et la transcendance de ce pouvoir peuvent-elles exprimer la souveraineté du peuple? C’est une première métamorphose de ce concept qui est requise pour traduire la forme républicaine instituée suite aux deux révolutions américaine et française du XVIIIe siècle. Se pose alors la question de savoir comment conjuguer la nécessaire obéissance aux pouvoirs publics avec la liberté humaine. L’obligation d’obéir à laquelle nous sommes tenus par l’autorité souveraine n’est-elle pas en effet assimilable à une limitation de cette liberté? Et tout pouvoir ne tend-il pas, par nature, à s’hypertrophier? Comment assurer les citoyens de la préservation de leurs droits subjectifs, tout en veillant à leur coexistence en communauté? L’étude la république fédérale américaine permet d’appréhender l’interaction particulière qui existe entre une certaine représentation des fonctions du pouvoir politique, et une dynamique sociale puissante et entreprenante. En divisant la souveraineté, les Américains en contredisent un des traits posés comme essentiels, provoquant ainsi sa deuxième métamorphose. Jusqu’où peut-on alors aller dans la remise en cause des attributs souverains, sans perdre la relation de pouvoir spécifique qu’elle inaugureEven today, our political life is built on an interaction between command and submission, to which we are bound by political Sovereignty. But it is a particular form of the political power, that raised in the 16th century with Bodin’s intellectual contribution, from a precise historical juncture. How this concept, referring to the absolute and unconditional submission from the « free subjects » to the Sovereign, also pertains to modern democratic societies? Are the indivisibility and transcendence of this power appropriate to express people’s sovereignty too? Identifying a first metamorphosis of this concept is necessary, while assessing its transcription into the republican form of government set up by the two American and French Revolutions in the 18th century. Then it became relevant to question how to combine the necessary obedience to public powers with human liberty. Isn’t the obligation to submit to which we are compelled by a sovereign autority, a limitation of this liberty? Isn’t it in the nature of every power to turn abnormally large and invasive? How to ensure both the preservation of the subjective rights of the citizens and the citizen’s coexistence in a society? The study of the American Federal Republic allows us to describe the particular interaction between a certain representation of the political power’s fonctions, and an efficient enterprising social dynamic. By dividing the sovereignty, the Americans contradict one of its essential presumed features, initiating its second metamorphosis. To what extend, then, can we challenge the attributes of sovereignty, without losing the specific relation of power that its inception inaugurated
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Aggar, Samia. "La responsabilité de proteger : un nouveau concept ?" Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0434/document.
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La responsabilité internationale est un ensemble de conséquences liées à laviolation des obligations internationales, soit le lien juridique par lequel un sujet de droitinternational est tenu, envers un ou plusieurs autres sujets, d’adopter un comportementdéterminé ou de s’en abstenir. S’il y a un comportement illicite, la Communautéinternationale peut intervenir, c’est ce que l’on dénomme souvent « droit d’ingérence ». Cedernier a évolué récemment vers une nouvelle terminologie introduite dans le rapport de laCIISE : « responsabilité de protéger ». C’est un concept selon lequel les Etats souverains ontl’obligation de protéger leurs propres populations contre des catastrophes de grande ampleur.Dans la dynamique du dépassement de l’antagonisme entre souveraineté et intervention, nousanalyserons le comportement de la Communauté internationale face à la « responsabilité deprotéger », le rôle qui lui incombe lorsque l’Etat faillit à ses obligations. Au-delà de cesauteurs, il reste encore à définir quels sont les bénéficiaires de cette protection, sa mise enœuvre et ses limites. Si la notion de « responsabilité de protéger » ne constitue pas seulementune nouvelle terminologie, garantit-t-elle un degré de protection plus élevé par rapport au« droit d’ingérence »International responsibility is a set of consequences connected to the violation ofinternational obligations, this being the legal ties which bind a subject of international law toadopt a defined way of behaving towards another or others or to abstain. If there is illicitconduct the International Community can intervene, which is often named “right ofintervention”. The latter hasrecently developeda new terminology introduced in the (ICISS)report: “responsibility to protect”. It is a concept according to which the sovereign states havethe obligation to protect their own populations against large-scale catastrophes.From theperspective of going beyond the opposition between sovereignty and intervention we willanalyse the behaviour of the International Community faced with the “responsibility toprotect”, its incumbent role when the state fails in its obligations.Aside from its creators itremains to be seen who will benefit from this protection, its implementation and its limits. Ifthe notion of the “responsibility to protect” not only constitutes new terminology, does itchange an issue already raised by the “right of intervention”: military deployment with aimswhich are not purely military?
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Yatiban, Aminurraasyid. "Muslim understandings of the concept of al-SiyaÌ?da (sovereignty) : an analytical study of Islamic Jerusalem from the first Muslim conquest until the end of the first Abbasid period (16-264 AH/637-877 CE)." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429453.
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Al-Siyāda (Sovereignty) is a very interesting topic that attracts the interest of many researchers and the political elite. The Muslim scholars have only approached the issues of sovereignty in the nineteenth century CE. However, their main discussions seem much more reflective than innovative. Accordingly, this study intends to reconstruct Muslim conceptualisation of al-siyāda based on an analysis of classical Muslim scholars’ views and enhanced with relevant discussions from the modern Muslim scholars. It aims to develop an alternative framework of sovereignty to enrich the existing researchers relating to this topic. Pertaining to the importance of examining the reliability and applicability of the theoretical framework, Islamicjerusalem since the first Muslim conquest up to the end of the first Abbasid period has been chosen as a historical case study. Indeed, Islamicjerusalem is a unique region which has a central frame of reference with its three principal intertwined elements, namely, geographical location, people and vision. Therefore, this study aims to investigate the establishment of Muslim conceptualisation of al-siyāda in Islamicjerusalem during the above specific period. Significant investigations have been conducted regarding the importance of vision and sovereignty, the attitudes of people of Islamicjerusalem towards Muslim sovereigns and the effects of changes and differences of Muslim background in implementing the conceptualisation of al-siyāda. This study employs inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary approaches to address the needs of the new field of enquiry, Islamicjerusalem Studies and the Study of Islām and Muslims.
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Okorodas, Anthony E. "The role of section 2(1) and (4) of the European Communities Act and section 3(1) of the Human Rights Act in the interpretation and application of primary legislation : impact on judicial attitudes to the traditional concept of parliamentary sovereignty." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2010. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/3160/.
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The main aim of this thesis is to examine, through an analysis of relevant case law, the way in which the courts interpret and apply primary legislation pursuant to the interpretative obligation contained in section 2(1) and (4) of the European Communities Act 1972 and section 3(1) of the Human Rights Act 1998, and to assess current judicial attitudes to the traditional concept of parliamentary sovereignty in the light of the judicial perception of the interpretative obligation in the above-mentioned provisions. As an essential prelude to the examination of the case law on the judicial treatment of the interpretative obligation in the 1972 and 1998 Acts, chapter 2 of the thesis discusses the traditional, Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. This is considered without the effects of the 1972 and 1998 Acts. This chapter demonstrates that the courts perceived it as their constitutional duty to obey and apply the latest will of Parliament without question. It is observed that no legal grounds could exist for challenging the validity or enforceability of primary legislation. Chapter 3 discusses conventional methods of statutory interpretation. It is observed that conventionally, the principal aim of statutory interpretation is the ascertainment of parliamentary intention in the statute under consideration. Where the intention of Parliament is clear and unambiguous and is not absurd in any way, the courts feel duty-bound to carry out the identified parliamentary intention in line with the rule, demanded by the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, that courts obey without question the latest will of Parliament. The rest of the thesis is devoted to an examination of the way in which the courts use their interpretative powers under section 2(1) and (4) of the 1972 Act and section 3(1) of the 1998 Act when interpreting and applying primary legislation coming within the purview of these enactments. It is argued that while the courts appear to continue to acknowledge the sovereignty or supremacy of Parliament, the case law reveals that in appropriate cases, section 2(1) and (4) of the 1972 Act and section 3(1) of the 1998 Act has enabled judges to interpret and apply primary legislation in a way that substantially challenges the traditional, Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. They feel able to ignore or otherwise modify the legal effects of unambiguous primary legislation in appropriate cases.
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Silva, Lucas Gieron Fonseca e. "O direito ao voto na Constituição Federal de 1988." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/6885.
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Previous issue date: 2015-09-21The right to vote is, in the Brazilian legal system, the main instrument of popular sovereignty and constitutional democracy. It is through this right that citizens express their opinion in a decision-making process. However, in order to the vote configure effectively a right, certain assumptions must be observed: obedience to popular sovereignty and a constitutional democracy. Not enough, the Constitution should provide - and ensure - that the vote has all its necessary elements, as the universality, immediacy, equality and secrecy. So, at first it will be analyzed the conditions for the development of the right to vote. Two distinct concepts of popular sovereignty will be presented, so we can build a current concept of it. Still, possible concepts of democracy will be analyzed, and especially of constitutional democracy. The second phase, will be dedicated to the study of conformation of the vote as a fundamental political right and its essential elements. Thus, it will be shown that vote, in the Brazilian legal system, is an instrument of popular sovereignty and, at the same time, fundamental right. With respect to its essential elements, the goal is to demonstrate that the Federal Constitution provides them (universality, immediacy, equality and secrecy) and at the same time, sets impediments to legislator, which should always act to prestigiate them
O direito ao voto é, no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, o principal instrumento da soberania popular e democracia constitucional. É através deste que os cidadãos manifestam sua opinião em um processo decisório. Contudo, para que o voto configure, efetivamente, um direito, algumas premissas devem ser observadas: a previsão de obediência à soberania popular e a constitucionalização da democracia. Não bastante, a Constituição deve prever e assegurar que o voto possua todos os seus elementos necessários, ou seja, universalidade, imediaticidade, igualdade e o sigilo. Assim, em um primeiro momento serão analisadas os pressupostos para o desenvolvimento do direito ao voto. Serão apresentados dois conceitos distintos de soberania popular, para que possamos construir um conceito atual desta. Ainda, serão analisados os possíveis conceitos de democracia e, especialmente, da democracia constitucional. Em um segundo momento, dedicar-se-á ao estudo da conformação do voto enquanto um direito político fundamental e de seus elementos essenciais. Assim, será demonstrado que o voto, no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, é instrumento da soberania popular e, ao mesmo tempo, direito fundamental. Com relação aos seus elementos essenciais, o objetivo é demonstrar que a Constituição Federal prevê todos (universalidade, imediaticidade, igualdade e sigilo) e, ao mesmo tempo, configura verdadeiros impedimentos ao legislador constituído, que deverá, sempre, atuar no sentido de prestigiá-los
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Damaskopoulos, Panagiotis. "European Economic and Monetary Union, global finance, states and strategic concepts of monetary sovereignty." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ59126.pdf.
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Larsson, Sebastian. "Guarding the gates : Reassessing the concept of borders in Tanzania." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för livsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-17178.
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Using discourse analysis, this study will apply a critical theoretical framework and discuss how perceptions of the Tanzanian national borders compares to problematized understandings of the socially constructed concepts of borders, sovereignty, and power. For example, the Tanzanian borders will be reassessed into something creating a safe ‘inside’ opposing an unsafe ‘outside, and into something dividing territories, thus, giving birth to the identities of ‘nationality’. Furthermore, the presence of biopolitical interventions will be discussed in order to see how biopower can help increase security in Tanzania. More substantially, the phenomena of roadblocks will be analysed as something potentially functioning as ‘extended arms’ of the national border. The analysis showed how the so called ‘geopolitical imaginary’, where borders are defined as the outer reaches of a sovereign state, is a well-established idea in Tanzania; the national borders were perceived as important and worthy of protection. However, they can also be seen as something ultimately creating non-coherent ‘insides’ and an ‘outsides’, where outside ‘threats’, often perceived as illegal immigrants, are dependent on the existence of territories. The analysis further showed that biopower in Tanzania is something which can create ‘social’ borders wherever there is authority. This form of exercised power does although suffer severely from corruption, and this leads to a conclusion that Tanzanian ‘security’, to a great extent, is being evaluated in terms of money.
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Rosa, Gabriela Rodrigues da Guia. "Soberania popular: um clássico conceito contemporâneo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-25042018-101557/.
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Esta dissertação investiga o conceito rousseauniano de soberania popular e a sua influência no debate contemporâneo sobre a democracia. Para isso, destacamos alguns elementos do conceito n\'O Contrato Social: a vontade geral, o papel da participação, o problema da representação e a ameaça dos interesses particulares. Mostramos que ao fundar a autoridade original e a responsabilidade pelo exercício do poder político no povo, Rousseau estabelece novas bases para a legitimidade política nos Estados modernos. Esta legitimidade assentada em um sujeito coletivo e universal é incorporada pelas democracias desde o surgimento dos governos representativos, mas não sem mediações e críticas. Com efeito, o universalismo subjacente ao modelo clássico foi e continua sendo criticado principalmente por obliterar a realidade plural, heterogênea e desigual das sociedades contemporâneas. Além disso, a suposição de que o povo se unifica em algum momento concreto é questionada como uma ficção que limita o seu potencial democrático. Ao identificarmos dois momentos da soberania do povo, um relativo a origem e outro ao exercício do poder político, apontamos como a teoria democrática de viés deliberativo tem se debruçado sobre as práticas políticas que asseguram a legitimidade democrática das decisões. Cientes das demandas substantivas das democracias contemporâneas, concordamos com Daniel Lee (2016), que mostra historicamente como o fato de ser popular não faz da soberania democrática. Segundo Lee, a soberania popular retrata a unificação de um agente coletivo e homogêneo, necessária porque a autoridade do Estado deriva do povo e porque a sua mera existência enquanto um ator coletivo (uma pessoa moral) depende da unidade anterior do povo. Por fim, analisamos a soberania do povo como forma de poder constituinte, convencidas de uma há tensão intrínseca entre a soberania, representação da autonomia do mundo político, e o soberano, poder constituinte que toma decisões sobre a natureza da política.This dissertation investigates the rousseaunian concept of popular sovereignty and its influence on contemporary debates about democracy. For that, we highlight aspects of this concept from the Social Contract: general will, the role of participation, the problem of representation and the threat of private interests. We show that by placing the original authority and the responsibility for exercising political power on the people, Rousseau establishes new bases for modern States political legitimacy. This new legitimacy is placed on an universal and collective subject and marks democracies since the consolidation of represnetative governments, but not withut criticism. Surely, the universalism underlying the classic model was and still is criticized as it obliterates the plural, heterogenous and unequal reality of contemporary societies. Also, the supposition that the people unifies at any concrete moment is questioned as a fiction limiting its democratic potential. By identifying two moments of popular sovereignty, one related to the origin and the other to the exercise of political power, we argue that deliberative democratic theory looks more towards the political practices that assure the democratic legitimacy of decisions. Aware of the contemporary democracies substantive demands, we agree with Daniel Lee (2016) who historically shows that being popular doesnt make sovereignty democratic. According to Lee, popular sovereignty reflects th unification of a homogenous and collective agent, necessary as the authority of the State derives from the people and its simple existence as a collective actor (a moral person) depends on the peoples previous unification. Finally, we annalyse popular sovereignty as a form of constituent power, convinced of an intrinsic tension between sovereignty, as a representation of the political worlds autonomy, and the sovereign, the constituent power deciding about the nature of politics.
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Brianas, Jason John. "NATO, Greece and the 2004 Summer Olympics." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBrianas.pdf.
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Vasconcelos, Rafael Baltar de Abreu. "Soberania e acumulação de capital: uma análise crítica de Hugo Grotius, Pasquale Mancini e Hans Kelsen." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=2653.
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A soberania já foi conceituada de diversos modos ao longo da história. Apesar disso, não deixou de ser a categoria mais elementar do direito internacional; expressando o fundamento de atuação dos Estados, foi através da soberania que o direito internacional se desenvolveu do Século XVII até os dias de hoje. Isso evidencia uma distinção entre o conteúdo da soberania, quer dizer, o seu modo de manifestação, o seu conceito, que se altera em cada período histórico, de um lado, e, do outro, a forma jurídica internacional expressa pela soberania, que se mantém intacta e que existe independentemente do conteúdo que lhe é dado, quer dizer, o lugar que ela ocupa no direito internacional. Através da análise do conceito de soberania fornecido por três autores clássicos de diferentes períodos históricos Hugo Grotius, Pasquale Mancini e Hans Kelsen o presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar o caráter ideológico de cada teoria e, conseqüentemente, sua inexatidão. Para fazê-lo, foi adotado o método materialista dialético, através do qual a produção de idéias por parte do homem deve ser observada nos limites das suas condições de existência e as idéias produzidas como um reflexo consciente do mundo real. Cuida-se, assim, de observar o direito de superioridade afirmado por Grotius nos limites das condições de existência humana que se alteravam com a transição do feudalismo para capitalismo, e extrai-se o seu sentido da luta entre a Igreja e os monarcas que iam centralizando sob si o poder. Da mesma forma, observa-se o direito de nacionalidade de Mancini sob as condições de existência propiciadas pelo amadurecimento das classes sociais do capitalismo na Europa Ocidental como fruto da Revolução Industrial, extraindo-se seu sentido das lutas revolucionárias por libertação nacional que ali se desenrolavam. O caráter essencialmente limitado da soberania de Kelsen, enfim, será observado no contexto da passagem do capitalismo para sua época imperialista, como um reflexo consciente dos desenvolvimentos experimentados pelo direito internacional no fim do Século XIX e início do Século XX, após a Primeira Guerra Mundial. Assim, além de demonstrar o caráter ideológico e a inexatidão dos conceitos mencionados, busca-se demonstrar que o conteúdo da soberania em cada período histórico analisado encontra sua razão de ser na correspondente fase de desenvolvimento do capitalismo e que a forma jurídica soberania, isto é, o lugar que ela ocupa no direito internacional, é determinado pela necessidade do capitalismo de um instrumento de força que assegure a acumulação de capital, o Estado soberano.Sovereignty has been conceptualized in various ways throughout history. Despite this, it remains the most basic category of international law; expressing the acting plea of States, it was through the sovereignty that international law has developed since 17th century until the present day. This shows a distinction between sovereigntys content, I mean, its mode of manifestation, its concept, that changes in each historical period, of the one part, and, the other, international legal form expressed by sovereignty, which remains intact and that exists independently of content given, I mean, the place it occupies in international law. Through the analysis of sovereignty concept provided by three classical authors from different historical periods Hugo Grotius, Pasquale Mancini and Hans Kelsen this work aims to demonstrate the ideological character of each theory and, consequently, its inaccuracy. To do so, it was adopted the materialistic dialectical method, through which the production of ideas by the man should be observed within the limits of his existences conditions and ideas produced as a conscious reflex of the real world. So, the right of superiority claimed by Grotius is observed within the limits of human existence conditions that was changing with the transition from feudalism to capitalism, and its meaning is extracted from the struggle between the Church and the monarchs who were centralizing power under themselves. Similarly, the nationality right of Mancini is observed under the existence conditions offered by the maturing of social classes of capitalism in Western Europe as a result of the Industrial Revolution, and its meaning is extracted from revolutionary struggles for national liberation that unfolded there. The essentially limited character of the sovereignty of Kelsen, in turn, is observed in the context of transition to imperialist era of capitalism, as a conscious reflex of developments experienced by international law in the late 19th and early 20th century, after the First World War. Thus, in addition to demonstrate the ideological character and the inaccuracy of the mentioned concepts, its aimed to demonstrate that the content of sovereignty in each historical period analyzed finds its reason for being on the corresponding stage of capitalism development and that sovereignty legal form, i.e. the place it occupies in international law, is determined by the need of capitalism for an instrument which ensures the accumulation of capital, the sovereign State.
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Liziero, Leonam Baesso da Silva. "O conceito de soberania no estado contemporâneo e suas implicações na dicotomia entre o direito interno e o direito internacional." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2013. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7102.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de JaneiroA soberania surge como uma categoria do Estado Moderno. Do início da modernidade aos tempos atuais, o presente trabalho demonstra como surgiu a soberania e como sofreu vicissitudes, de uma concepção absolutista, como um fundamento legitimador do direito positivo, passando pelo fenômeno constitucionalista e a emergência da ideia de Estado de Direito, o apogeu nos âmbitos interno e externo com o totalitarismo e sua relativização na segunda metade do Século XX. A soberania moderna, com a instituição das Nações Unidas inicia seu processo de transmutação, o que foi acelerado pela globalização contemporânea e atualmente é uma categoria que foi ressignificada para se adequar à concepção contemporânea de Estado, com novas funções internamente e externamente. Essa nova soberania implicou em transformações no direito internacional, que classicamente era baseado em um sistema de Westphalia. As tradicionais teorias que explicam as relações entre o direito interno e o direito internacional tornam-se insuficientes diante da nova configuração da sociedade internacional, baseada na nova soberania, que não se trata mais de uma categoria oposta ao direito, mas que permite uma integração entre as diversas ordens jurídicas estatais e a internacional em uma só, sem que haja uma relação de hierarquia entre elas.
The sovereignty emerges as a category of the Modern State. From modernity, this work demonstrates how emerged the sovereignty and as suffered vicissitudes , in a absolutist conception , as a legitimizing foundation of positive law , afterwards with constitutional phenomenon and the emergence of the idea of rule of law , the zenith in sphere internal and external to the totalitarianism and its relativity in the second half of the twentieth century . The modern sovereignty , with the institution of the United Nations begins its process of transmutation which was accelerated by the globalization process is a category that has been re-signified to suit the contemporary conception of the state, with new functions internally and externally . This new sovereignty implied changes in international law, which was classically based on a system of Westphalia. The traditional theories that explain the relationship between domestic law and international law become obsolete in the new configuration of international society , based on the new sovereignty , it is not more than one category opposite to the Law, but allows an integration between various States and international order , without a relationship of hierarchy between them.
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Camargo, Samira Gaiad Cibim de. "Análise do conceito de soberania alimentar no programa nacional de alimentação escolar no município de Piracicaba (SP)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/91/91131/tde-01082016-174655/.
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O conceito de soberania alimentar surgiu após outros conceitos acerca das questões alimentares. Um deles é o conceito de segurança alimentar que após a II Guerra Mundial já trazia à tona critérios ditos como essenciais para uma alimentação digna e correta. No entanto, ainda não se falava tanto da influência da liberdade e dos modelos de produção da agricultura, que vieram a fazer parte da pauta de discussões mundiais sobre alimentação, principalmente a partir da década de 1990, período em que a partir de inúmeras discussões e propostas de movimentos sociais, foi criado o conceito de soberania alimentar. Tal conceito foi baseado no fato de que todos os indivíduos, comunidades, povos e países possuem o direito de definir suas próprias políticas da agricultura, do trabalho, do alimento e da terra. Sendo assim, o conceito de soberania alimentar chamou atenção para outras questões além da qualidade dos alimentos e por este motivo o conceito ganhou e vem ganhando grandes conotações nas cúpulas de discussões mundiais sobre alimentação. Deste modo, a presente pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar e avaliar a tratativa do conceito de soberania alimentar e suas implicações no âmbito da gestão do programa de alimentação escolar do município de Piracicaba-PNAE (SP), analisar a existência (ou não) de articulação entre o programa de alimentação escolar do município e o Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF) e identificar e analisar as deliberações do Conselho de Alimentação Escolar (CAE) face ao conceito de soberania alimentar. Para isso, foram realizadas pesquisas bibliográficas, análise documental e entrevistas semi-estruturadas para atingir os objetivos da pesquisa. Com base nas metodologias desenvolvidas, foi possível verificar que o conceito de soberania alimentar é pouca explorado e inserido no PNAE, ainda que seja encontrado nas falas dos gestores e alguns documentos relacionados ao programa. Um grande desafio para a efetiva incorporação da soberania alimentar no PNAE é a diversidade de atores e setores que envolvem a sua gestão. Quanto ao PRONAF e o CAE pode-se concluir que para o CAE, visa-se a necessidade de projetos contínuos e mais atrelados às necessidades de gestão e operacionalização do PNAE e no que tange ao PRONAF observou-se que para aumento da parceria entre o PNAE e os agricultores familiares, constatou-se a necessidade de se realizar ajustes nas leis do PRONAF, que aproxime e promova as parcerias entre as duas políticas e consequentemente beneficie os beneficiários.The concept of food sovereignty came after other concepts about food issues. One is the concept of food security which have brought to be an essential criterion for a dignified and proper nutrition after World War II. However, still not talked so much the influence of freedom and agricultural production models, which became part of the agenda of global discussions on food, mainly from the 1990s, during which from numerous discussions and proposals of social movements, the concept of food sovereignty was created. The concept looked on the fact that all individuals, communities, peoples and countries have the right to set their own policies on agriculture, labor, food and land. Thus, the concept of food sovereignty has drawn attention to issues other than food quality and for this reason the concept won and still gaining great connotations in the summits of global discussions about food. Thus, this study aimed to analyze and evaluate the dealings of the concept of food sovereignty and its implications in the management of the school feeding program in the city of Piracicaba-PNAE (SP), analyze the existence (or not) of articulation between the school feeding program of the municipality and the National Program for Strengthening Family Agriculture (PRONAF) and identify and analyze the decisions of the School Feeding Council (CAE) to the concept of food sovereignty. For this, were realized literature searches, document analysis and semi-structured interviews to achieve the research objectives. Based on the methodologies developed, it found that the concept of food sovereignty is little explored and inserted in PNAE, although it is found in the statements of managers and some documents related to the program. The biggest challenge for the effective incorporation of food sovereignty in the PNAE is the diversity of actors and sectors involving management. As for the PRONAF and CAE can be concluded that for CAE, the objective is the need for continuous projects and more linked to the needs of management and operation of PNAE and in relation to PRONAF was observed that to increase the partnership between PNAE and family farmers, there was the need to make adjustments in the laws of PRONAF, that approach and promote partnerships between the two policies and consequently benefit the beneficiaries.
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Floss, Sidney. "Les critiques de la notion de souveraineté en Droit et Sciences Politiques : l'évolution sématique des concepts source de confusion." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015REN1G005/document.
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Cette thèse s’interroge sur les raisons de la crise actuelle de la notion de souveraineté. La plupart des critiques affirment dénoncer la souveraineté dans sa conception classique telle que formulée par Hobbes et Bodin. Il s’agira alors de montrer que ces critiques manquent leur objet. Elles ne concernent pas la souveraineté de Hobbes ou Bodin mais une reconstruction de celle-ci. La thèse soutenue est que les évolutions paradigmatiques au sein des différentes disciplines ayant à traiter de la souveraineté ont profondément modifié son sens, de même que le sens des termes la définissant. Les concepts de pouvoir, d’État, de droit, ont été transformés en fonction de l’évolution des États et des préoccupations de chercheurs appartenant à des champs différents. Ce travail s’attachera à préciser la diversité de sens accordée aux différentes notions pour ensuite montrer que les critiques actuelles de la souveraineté transposent leurs propres définitions aux termes utilisés par Bodin et Hobbes. Il apparaîtra alors qu’en reprenant la souveraineté dans son sens originel, il est impossible de la considérer comme limitéeThis doctoral thesis questions the reasons behind the current crisis of the concept of sovereignty. Most critics claim they denounce sovereignty in its classical sense, that is to say as expressed by Hobbes and Bodin. We will show that these critics fail to identify their object. They don’t aim at the notion of sovereignty as developed by Hobbes and Bodin, but rather a reconstruction of it. The idea defended here is that paradigmatic evolutions within the various disciplines dealing with sovereignty have deeply altered its meaning, as well as the meaning of the terms defining it. Concepts such as power, State, and Law have been changed according to the evolution of the States and the concerns of researchers in various fields. This work endeavors to clarify the plurality of meanings granted to these different concepts in order to show that the current critics of sovereignty are substituting their own definitions for the terms used by Bodin and Hobbes. Thus, it appears that by using sovereignty in its original sense, it cannot be regarded as limited
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Benetti, Fabiana de Jesus. "O conceito de stato de Maquiavel: elementos constitutivos da modernidade estatal." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2010. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/2113.
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Previous issue date: 2010-12-02Fundação Araucária
Machiavelli wrote his political works using the terms for which does not offer a conceptual systematization. Among them we highlight the word stato. The study about this word allows observing the conceptual diversity left by the author, a multiplicity of uses without a precise definition that allows completely understand the term. Given the research on the significance of stato and the number of times it appears in Prince, we can affirm that this work is the work of complex stato in Machiavelli. The word is found 116 times and the term is used in different meanings, in complex and polysemic meanings (this datum will not limit our search to the referred work, but it certainly will receive greater attention). The difficulty in finding a single and precise meaning of the word is understandable when it is considered that in the Renaissance the term was undergoing a transformation. The significance of stato, which previously corresponded to status and concerned a position or condition, transitioned to the Modern conception of the term, distinguished from all previously existing forms of elements, such as unity, the organization in accordance with a constitution and the sovereign power which gives it an own sphere of action, independent of any other power. It is because of this that we find in the writings of Machiavelli meanings may involve the notion of power, territory, government or even State in the modern sense. This thesis aims to demonstrate some evidence of this transition in the writings of the Florentine. From the confrontation of elements that characterize the term stato in Machiavelli and characteristic elements of the concept of the notion of the modern state, we will try to demonstrate that, although Machiavelli does not use the term in the full sense of the latter, in his political theory there are certain notions close to the Modern understanding of State.
Maquiavel escreve suas obras políticas utilizando-se de termos para os quais não oferece uma sistematização conceitual. Dentre eles destacamos o vocábulo stato. O estudo acerca deste vocábulo permite observar a diversidade conceitual deixada pelo autor, uma multiplicidade de usos sem uma definição precisa que permita compreender cabalmente o termo. Diante das pesquisas realizadas sobre o significado do stato e da quantidade de vezes que ele aparece no Príncipe, pode-se afirmar que este escrito é a obra do stato complexo em Maquiavel. A palavra é encontrada 116 vezes e o termo é utilizado em acepções diferentes, em sentidos complexos e polissêmicos (este dado não limitará nossa pesquisa à referida obra, mas certamente ela receberá uma atenção maior). A dificuldade em se encontrar um sentido preciso e único da palavra é compreensível quando se considera que no Renascimento o termo passava por uma transformação. A significação de stato, que antes correspondia a status e dizia respeito a uma posição ou condição, transitava para a concepção Moderna do termo, diferenciada de todas as formas existentes anteriormente por elementos como a unidade, a organização de acordo com uma constituição e o poder soberano que lhe confere uma esfera de atuação própria, independente de qualquer outro poder. É por conta disto que encontramos nos escritos de Maquiavel significações podendo envolver a noção de poder, território, governo ou até mesmo de Estado no sentido moderno. Este trabalho tem como objetivo demonstrar alguns indícios desta transição nos escritos do florentino. A partir do confronto de elementos que caracterizam o termo stato em Maquiavel e elementos característicos da noção de Estado moderno, procuraremos demonstrar que, embora Maquiavel não empregue o termo na plenitude de sentido deste último, em sua teoria política há determinadas noções próximas da compreensão Moderna de Estado.
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Machado, Marcelo Forneiro. "A evolução do conceito de soberania e a análise de suas problemáticas interna e externa." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/8485.
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Previous issue date: 2009-03-23Pontificia Universidade de São Paulo
The evolution of sovereignty s concept through works of several philosophers, lawyers, historians, who occupied themselves with this subject and made many politics doctrines and State theories, has had a big disagreement since its systematization by Jean Bodin and even before him, rooted in the late medieval thought. The sovereignty s concept analises facing the modern situation unveil to us that some countries are more sovereign than others, as they can defend their beliefs its sovereignty either by weapons or by finances. Therefore, sovereignty is more for a relative value, which would be connected to a strong international political condition. If in the outer level the concept of sovereignty find itself menaced by its inner level, that is national, it is no longer safe with the huge development of constitutional theory. The classic concept of sovereignty must be reviewed, once it is in no sense the idea of a power which does not find anything above itself, in the face of the problems showed, without the disregard to the profusion of the theoretic developments about its concept, which must be re-evaluated under a new point of view, measuring and comparing the importance of its maintenance, looking to the future of political-juridical relationships among the various bodies of international law. This study has as a goal to pass by such discussions, having basis on the analyses of several philosophical schools which dealt with the subject, contributing with the restructuration of this old concept, once its disregard seems to us undesirable, as we will conclude at the end
A evolução do conceito de soberania através das obras de diferentes filósofos, juristas, historiadores, que se ocuparam do tema e originaram diversas doutrinas políticas e teorias do Estado, tem causado grande descordo desde sua sistematização por Jean Bodin, e já antes dele, deitando raízes no pensamento tardo medieval. A análise do conceito de soberania, à luz dos acontecimentos históricos da contemporaneidade, nos revela que alguns países são mais soberanos que outros, na medida em que possam bem defender suas convicções sua soberania - seja pelas armas seja pelas finanças. A soberania seria, portanto, um conceito de valor relativo, atrelado à uma forte condição política internacional. E se no plano externo o conceito de soberania vê-se ameaçado por tamanha problemática, no seu plano interno, nacional, ela não se encontra mais segura, com o amplo desenvolvimento da teoria Constitucional. O clássico conceito de soberania, assim, deve ser revisto, visto não fazer mais sentido a idéia de um poder que não encontra nenhum outro acima de si , ante as problemáticas ora apresentadas sem, porém, que se despreze a profusão dos desdobramentos teóricos de sua conceituação, que devem ser reavaliados sob uma perspectiva contemporânea, aferindo-se a importância de sua manutenção, com vistas ao futuro das relações político-jurídicas entre os diversos sujeitos de direito internacional. Esse estudo perpassa por tais discussões, consubstanciado-se na análise das diversas escolas filosóficas que trataram do tema, vindo a contribuir com a reestruturação deste velho conceito, já que o seu simples descarte nos parece indesejável, como concluiremos no final
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Camargo, Maurício Roberto Ortiz de. "As Contradições do Conceito “cliente é o rei”: da construção social do termo até as práticas organizacionais o caso da Revista HSM Management." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19011.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The object of study of this thesis is the metaphoric concept “the costumer is king”, which aims to analyze the influence of the popular management, or the pop-management, on the social construction of the costumer. Sustained by this theoretical framework, this thesis assumes that the referred concept is current in the organization´s circulating speeches and the aspects related to the organizational practices and discourses need to be better understood in its limitations and contradictions. The researcher, therefore, identified as its data source the announced constructions in the HSM Management Magazine, due its editorial focus in producing exclusively contents to business management. The theoretical framework of this study is broadly influenced by the Business Administration perspective and Organization Discourse. The methodology of this research, first, comprehends data collection from public documents and, second, the analysis and the interpretation of the data based on the principles of Discourse Analysis approach, with the view in the everyday meaning production. The finding results allow inferring that the concept of “the costumer is king” is embedded in the speeches of HSM Management magazine, as it emerges sovereign costumer characteristics as: autonomy, rationality and power in the consumption relationships. However, to a lesser or greater extent, it is possible to observe that there are additional social representations that hang over the costumer and the consumer, which contradict the cited pillars that supports the image of the sovereign costumer
O objeto de estudo dessa tese de doutorado é o conceito metafórico “cliente é o rei”, por meio do qual buscou-se analisar a influência do pensamento do gerencialismo popular, ou pop-management, na construção social do consumidor. Parte-se do pressuposto, sustentado pela fundamentação teórica da pesquisa, de que o conceito referido está presente nos discursos circulantes das organizações e que seus aspectos relacionados às práticas organizacionais e discursivas precisam ser melhores compreendidos em suas limitações e contradições. O pesquisador, portanto, identificou, como fonte de dados, as construções enunciadas na Revista HSM Management, em virtude do foco editorial da revista ser de conteúdo exclusivamente voltado para gestão e negócios. A orientação teórica deste trabalho é largamente influenciada pela perspectiva da Administração e do Discurso Organizacional. Os métodos de pesquisa compreendem coleta de dados do tipo documentos públicos seriados e a análise e interpretação de dados por meio de Análise do Discurso, com o olhar na produção de sentido no cotidiano. Os resultados encontrados permitem inferir que o conceito “cliente é o rei” permeia os discursos na Revista HSM Management, aflorando características do consumidor soberano como: autonomia, racionalidade e poder nas relações de consumo. Entretanto, em maior ou menor grau, pode-se observar que há outras representações sociais que pairam sobre o cliente e o consumidor, as quais contradizem os pilares citados como suporte a imagem de soberano do consumidor
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Curraladas, Marilu Aparecida Dicher Vieira da Cunha Reimão. "Dignidade da pessoa humana e a (re) formulação do conceito de soberania estatal frente ao direito internacional dos refugiados: por uma cultura político-jurídica internacional de responsabilidade comum." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21002.
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The present research aims to reflect on the current scope of the concept of state sovereignty in relation to International Refugee Law and the possibility of pointing to the expansion and renewal of the means of protection offered by International Law as a necessary way to safeguard the person human being characterized by its intrinsic dignity, regardless of its State of origin or nationality. In order to do so, the analysis of the philosophical and juridical evolution of the concept of human dignity seeks to provide critical insights on the role played by international law in the face of the positivization of human rights and the philosophical basis of the dignity of the human person that permeates relations to defend the need to broaden the current scope of the concept of state sovereignty and, at the same time, limit its exercise, still based on an international society and its old paradigms. It is therefore proposed to establish a true international community, specifically with regard to refugees, to act in cooperation and with joint responsibility both in the reception of these people and in the search for and implementation of solutions of a global nature for this problem that affects the world as a whole. This sets the tone for the choice of theme and development of this research, since States, within the current international configuration, cannot be attributed the prerogative to evade this common responsibility under the claim of sovereignty. To that end, it is proposed to reformulate the conception of sovereignty of the State which, by adding the solid limit of respect for the dignity of the human person and establishing within the sphere of competence and responsibility of each State the first function of guardianship of human rights, has the necessary configuration that contemporaneity demands in the construction of the human person as an effective subject of law in the international scope
A presente pesquisa tem por escopo trazer uma reflexão acerca do atual alcance do conceito de soberania estatal frente ao Direito Internacional dos Refugiados e da possibilidade de se apontar para a expansão e renovação dos meios de proteção oferecidos pelo Direito Internacional como via necessária à salvaguarda da pessoa humana caracterizada por sua intrínseca dignidade, independentemente de seu Estado de origem ou nacionalidade. Para tanto, partindo da análise da evolução filosófica e jurídica do conceito de dignidade da pessoa humana, busca-se subsídios críticos acerca do papel desempenhado pelo Direito Internacional diante da positivação dos direitos humanos e da base filosófica da dignidade da pessoa humana que permeia as relações internacionais para se defender a necessidade de ampliar o atual alcance do conceito soberania estatal, e, concomitantemente, limitar o seu exercício, ainda baseado em uma sociedade internacional e seus antigos paradigmas. Propõem-se, assim, o estabelecimento de uma verdadeira comunidade internacional, especificamente no que diz respeito aos refugiados, a atuar em cooperação e com responsabilidade comum tanto no acolhimento dessas pessoas quanto na busca e efetivação de soluções de caráter global para essa problemática que afeta o mundo como um todo. Esta reflexão configura o mote para a escolha do tema e desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, uma vez que aos Estados, dentro da atual configuração internacional, não se pode atribuir a prerrogativa de se esvair dessa responsabilidade comum sob a alegação de exercício da soberania. Nesse intuito, propugna-se pela reformulação da concepção de soberania do Estado que, ao agregar o sólido limite do respeito à dignidade da pessoa humana e ao estabelecer dentro da esfera da competência e da responsabilidade de cada Estado a função primeira de tutela dos direitos humanos, passa a ter a necessária configuração que a contemporaneidade demanda na construção da pessoa humana como um efetivo sujeito de direito no âmbito internacional
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Chang, Tung-Jia, and 張桐嘉. "On Thomas Hobbes''s Concept of Sovereignty." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/09727714671278011622.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
法律學研究所
96
My goal is to analyze the connection between three major parts of Hobbes’s political and legal theory, those are: (1) the social covenant (2) the theory of representation and person (3) theological arguments on God and the Church. On the social covenant, I think the social covenant in Hobbes’ theory is made by the subjects, but not by the sovereign and subjects. Thus the sovereign is not under the obligation from the social covenant. However, there are two major difficulties on the making of social covenant. First is the prisoners’ dilemma that can’t be overcome by reason. Thus Hobbes has to make theological arguments to support his arguments on the nature condition of mankind and the social covenant. Second is how can one recognize the Leviathan as “One Person” under a world view of empiricism. Thus Hobbes must articulate a theory of person and representation. On the theory of representation, I think there are two different representations in the making of Leviathan: (1) the subjects (the multitude) authorize the commonwealth (the Leviathan) to represent themselves, and (2) the subjects authorize the sovereign to represent the commonwealth. In those two relations of representation, the subjects become the “body” of Leviathan, and the sovereign become the “mind” of Leviathan. On the theological argument, Hobbes has a very secularized view of Christian theology: The Heaven will be on earth, and Jesus will be the sovereign king of Christian, just as the king of England is the sovereign of his subjects. The secularized theological argument and the relation of representation in Hobbes’ theory may be pantheistic or even atheistic (according to the political theological analysis of Carl Schmitt). But on one hand, Hobbes insists that the multitude have no will, and only the sovereign (which is a man or an assembly of men) has will. And Hobbes denies the pantheistic view of commonwealth as the Lord himself. On the other hand, Hobbes keeps the motto “Jesus is the Christ”, which means no king on earth can rightfully claim to have right over life and death. Hobbes’ political theology is very secularized, but the motto keeps him away from atheism. However, some successors of social contract theory ignore or deny Hobbes’s objection to political pantheism or atheism. The trend of political atheism is an aspect of secularization of modern world. How to live a meaningful political life under political atheism is an unsolved Weberian problem.
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Wang, Ching-An, and 王清安. "Exploring PRC's Concept of Cyber Sovereignty (2011～2017)." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/wz62m2.
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碩士國防大學
戰略研究所
106
With increased threats of cyberspace, the security in many fields, such as politics, economy, military and social infrastructure, may be damaged in a certain level. It may also create a great impact on the matter of national and individual security. Cyberspace has been seen as the 5th space followed by the spaces of land, sea, air, and outer space. Therefore, it becomes a vital factor for to compete for one another in such potential cyberspace. However, though the term of “cyber sovereignty[網路主權]” was mentioned at the first time in a China’s white paper in 2011, it has not been clearly defined yet. In 2016, Chinese government proposed to establish so-called China’s cyber sovereignty. The proposal was merely aimed on strengthening cyber security to consolidate the position of Chinese leadership. However, it is also arguable that China is likely to establish the cyber superpower through claiming the cyber sovereignty under Xi Jinping’s ruling. Thus, China’s governmental reports have been collected as empirical data for the research in order to argue how Xi’s administration carries the real sovereignty into virtual cyberspace. In other words, as the research investigates, the strategic implication of establishing cyber sovereignty for China is not only to confident the interest and security in cyberspace, but also to create a legitimacy for the state to conduct counter-attacks as defensive measures, since the cyber sovereignty can be perceived as being violated once if the cyberspace were attacked.
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Sieffert, Bruce. "Respecting sovereignties: Indigenous/state agreements in British Columbia and their alignment with a dual sovereignty concept." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/12483.
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This thesis explores a conception of dual sovereignty, consisting of Indigenous and state sovereignties existing and operating within the same territorial space. A dual sovereignty construct, standing in distinct contrast with the common settler-held presumption of Canadian state sovereignty and hegemony, provides a superior frame for articulating just relations between Indigenous peoples, the Canadian state, and that state’s citizens. The thesis examines the role of agreement-making in defining relations between sovereign Indigenous peoples and the state, both in treaty and non-treaty form. Focused on non-treaty agreements that pertain to land and resources in the province of British Columbia, a case study approach reveals a congruence of several such agreements with elements of a dual sovereignty construct. Some of the agreements exhibit substantial compatibility with a dual sovereignty concept, with dialogical forms of recognition and a well-articulated Indigenous land-use vision and worldview built into the agreement-making process. Those agreements centered on land-use planning seem particularly well equipped to embrace a more dialogical process that creates space for an Indigenous vision, and allows Indigenous Nations to expand their institutional and structural power meaningfully in relation to the state. Agreements designed primarily to help manage the state-driven consultation processes that are required under Canadian state law seem inherently monological by contrast, providing only a restricted space for increased institutional or structural power of Indigenous peoples.Graduate
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洪正吉. "From Satellite Discourse a Change of the Sovereignty Concept--Example of the Cross-Strait Relation." Thesis, 1998. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/30877927357555212599.
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碩士東海大學
政治研究所
86
Although sovereignty brings up stable relation of the international society. But the original use to solve the porint of contention abstract totem.Now it is often the main factor of human conflict,and it retain many disputes about sovereignty. But it follow the development of technology progress and information prosper, and start to arise a sign of change. Due to Satellite communication internet et al. general globalization information technology. The world gradually from the post-industrization society confused conditiono to the information society. It's characteristic to integrate commnication,computer and electric technology et al. produces, and change communication style between people to people.It even more break barrier of space. Besides, in the traditional communication model, people just only message receiver. They don't right to choice the message contents. So the way don't break barrier of the national boundaries. This politcal means is the control of sovereighty. But in the information soceity, the sovereignty concept appeared a revolutionary lash. Everybody can through high-technology communication tools to fast and free communication messages. The is a talk with each other's communication model. In the way, the role of state is indistinct,the conscious of people is free and concept of the sovereignty was challenged. So this paper presents a brief analysis of the change of sovereignty. At last, this study too seeks to explain the hypothesis with the cross-strait relation.-1 -aFrom Satellite Discourse a Change of the Sovereignty Concept--Example of the Cross-Strait Relation-zeng
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Huang, I.-pe, and 黃宜佩. "Exploring the Concept of Good and Beauty on the Sovereignty of Good Written by Iris Murdoch." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/97687907570660528012.
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碩士國立臺東大學
教育研究所
95
This study will explore Iris Murdoch’s concept of good and beauty on the Sovereignty of Good by the method of Documents Analysis and Hermeneutics. At last, the researcher inducts 3 points as following: first, goodness is a kind of intellectual ability to perceive what is true. Second, beauty is the most educational of all human activities and a place in which the nature of morality can be seen.In brief, goodness and beauty inspire love in the highest part of the soul. Besides, the good art can develop our feeling for the outside world.
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Castro, Francisco Jardim de Faria e. "Using the case of Sudan to understand how countries are still able, through the concept of State Sovereignty, to protect themselves from their human rights obligations." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/100267.
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As contínuas alterações sofridas pelo conceito de Soberania de Estado em sintonia com o crescimento da interdependência, levam a uma maior preocupação por parte dos Estados - como atores globais - nos assuntos internos de terceiros, sobretudo no que diz respeito a casos em que são violados os direitos humanos dos seus cidadãos. No entanto, o caso da crise humanitária do Darfur, expõe, para além da impiedade do Estado do Sudão – responsável máximo pelos acontecimentos -, a fragilidade de um sistema internacional focado numa organização anárquica, em que a soberania é ainda fator derradeiro de decisão sobre intervenção, mesmo em casos de atrocidade extrema.
Esta dissertação propõe-se fazer uma análise crítica ao conceito de Soberania de Estado, tentando concluir porque é que existem ainda países que se protegem por detrás desta noção, expondo, mais concretamente, as consequências que a sua aplicação autoritária, por parte do governo do Sudão, gerou na região. Por esta razão, é proposto um conceito teórico, mas de abordagem executiva, o R2P, como recurso à impunidade que vem persistindo globalmente na defesa contra violações de direitos humanos.The continuous changes suffered by the concept of State Sovereignty in line with the growth of interdependence, lead to a greater concern on the part of States - as global actors - in the internal affairs of third parties, especially with regard to cases in which human rights are violated. However, the case of the Darfur humanitarian crisis, exposes, in addition to the wickedness of the State of Sudan – the main responsible for the events - the weakness of an international system focused on an anarchic organization, in which sovereignty is still the ultimate factor in deciding on intervention, even in cases of extreme atrocity. This dissertation proposes to make a critical analysis to the concept of State Sovereignty, trying to conclude why there are still countries that protect themselves behind this notion, exposing, more concretely, the consequences that its authoritarian application, by the government of Sudan, spawned in the region. For this reason, a theoretical concept, but with an executive approach, the R2P, is proposed as a resource for impunity that has persisted globally in the defense against human rights violations.
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Brassard, Gaétan. "Évolution narrative du concept théologique de royauté dans les récits du livre canonique de Daniel." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/13811.
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L’avènement récent des approches littéraires en études bibliques a suscité un regain d’intérêt pour le livre de Daniel, et attiré l’attention autant sur ses qualités littéraires que sur sa véritable fonction sociale. Le livre de Daniel comprend deux sections : six récits (Daniel 1-6) et quatre visions (Daniel 7-12). Les récits racontent la confrontation entre la royauté divine céleste et la royauté humaine terrestre, au travers l’histoire de Daniel et ses amis, jeunes israélites exilés à la cour babylonienne. La méthode narrative explore comment se concrétise la narrativité dans un texte en procédant à l’inventaire des caractéristiques fondamentales d’un récit : l’intrigue, les personnages, le cadre, la temporalité et la voix narrative. Ce mémoire propose une analyse narrative systématique des récits du livre canonique de Daniel afin d’examiner l’évolution narrative du concept théologique de royauté. Cette approche permet d’accéder à un niveau textuel où l’intertextualité, l’ironie, le symbolisme et la polysémie imprègnent fortement ces récits subversifs.The recent introduction of literary approaches into the field of biblical studies has generated a renewal of interest for the book of Daniel, and has drawn attention both on its literary qualities, and its true social function. The book of Daniel contains two sections: six stories (Daniel 1-6) and four visions (Daniel 7-12). The narratives tell the confrontation between the heavenly divine sovereignty and the earthly human sovereignty, through the story of Daniel and his friends, young Israelites exiled in the Babylonian court. The narrative method explores the narratology of the text by performing an inventory of the fundamental characteristic of a story: plot, characters, setting, temporality, and narrative voice. This study offers a systematic narrative criticism of the stories of the canonical book of Daniel, as a way to examine the narrative evolution of the theological concept of sovereignty. This approach provides access to a textual level where intertextuality, irony, symbolism and polysemy permeate these highly subversive narratives.
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Dongmeza, Cyriaque Grégoire. "Extrême pauvreté et justice globale : une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de responsabilité dans une perspective cosmopolitique." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9872.
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Le problème de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde n’est pas d’abord une question économique. Il est avant tout politique parce qu’il est la conséquence directe des choix de société et de l’organisation du pouvoir au niveau des États et des diverses instances de la communauté internationale. Le politique a pour objet la conquête du pouvoir et la répartition des richesses à grande échelle. Il s’agit aussi d’un problème moral parce que les options prises collectivement par les peuples et le concert des nations ne s’orientent pas toujours vers la vertu de justice et l’égalité de chances pour tous. Extrême pauvreté et justice globale forment un binôme qui nous ramène donc au cœur de la philosophie politique et morale. Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, la philosophie politique a élargi ses horizons. Elle réfléchit davantage à l’exercice du pouvoir sur la scène internationale et la distribution des richesses au niveau mondial. Le phénomène de la mondialisation économique crée une dépendance mutuelle et d’importantes influences multilatérales entre les États. Plus que par le passé, l’autarcie n’est guère envisageable. Le dogme de la souveraineté intangible des États, issu du Traité de Westphalie au XVIIe siècle, s’avère de plus en plus caduque au regard des enjeux communs auxquels l’humanité fait actuellement face. D’où la nécessité d’une redéfinition du sens des souverainetés nationales et d’une fondation des droits cosmopolitiques pour chaque individu de la planète.
Voilà pourquoi le binôme extrême pauvreté/justice globale nécessite une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de la responsabilité qui s’étend non seulement sur la sphère nationale, mais aussi sur une large amplitude cosmopolitique. L’expression « pays du Tiers-monde » peut sembler archaïque, péjorative et humiliante. Cependant, mieux que celles de « pays sous-développés » ou « pays en voie de développement », elle rend compte, sans euphémisme, de la réalité crue, brute et peu élégante de la misère politique et économique qui y sévit. Bien qu’elle semble désuète, elle délimite assez clairement le domaine de définition conceptuel et géographique de notre champ d’investigation philosophique. Elle désigne l’ensemble des pays qui sont exclus de la richesse économique répartie entre les nations. Étant donné que le pouvoir économique va généralement avec le pouvoir politique, cet ensemble est aussi écarté des centres décisionnels majeurs. Caractérisée par une pauvreté extrême, la réalité tiers-mondiste nécessité une analyse minutieuse des causes de cette marginalisation économique et politique à outrance.
Une typologie de la notion de responsabilité en offre une figure conceptuelle avec une géométrie de six angles : la causalité, la moralité, la capacité, la communauté, le résultat et la solidarité, comme fondements de la réparation. Ces aspects sous lesquels la responsabilité est étudiée, sont chapeautés par des doctrines philosophiques de types conséquentialiste, utilitariste, déontologique et téléologique. La typologie de la responsabilité donne lieu à plusieurs solutions : aider par philanthropie à sauver des vies humaines ; établir et assigner des responsabilités afin que les torts passés et présents soient réparés aussi bien au niveau national qu’international ; promouvoir l’obligation de protéger dans un contexte international sain qui prenne en considération le devoir négatif de ne pas nuire aux plus défavorisés de la planète ; institutionnaliser des règles transfrontalières de justice ainsi que des droits cosmopolitiques. Enfin, nous entendrons par omniresponsabilité la responsabilité de tous vis-à-vis de ceux qui subissent les affres de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde. Loin d’être un concept-valise fourre-tout, c’est un ensemble de responsabilités partagées par des acteurs identifiables de la scène mondiale, en vue de la coréparation due aux victimes de l’injustice globale. Elle vise un telos : l’épanouissement du bien-être du citoyen du monde.The problem of extreme poverty in the Third World is not first and foremost a question of economy. It is above all a political one because it is the direct consequence of choices made by societies and of the organization of power at the level of the State and of various instances of the international community. Its object is the conquest of power and the distribution of wealth on a large scale. It is also a moral problem because the options taken collectively by nations and the society of nations tend towards or against justice and equality of opportunities for everyone. Extreme poverty and global justice form a binomial that therefore brings us back to the heart of political and moral theory. After the Second World War, political theory broadened its horizons. Since then, it also reflects on the exercise of power at the international level and the distribution of wealth at the world level. The phenomenon of economic globalisation creates a mutual dependency and important multilateral influences between the States. More than in the past, autarky is no longer something to consider. The dogma of the untouchable sovereignty of the States, that came forth from the Treaty of Westphalia in the XVIIth century, appears to be more and more obsolete in view of the common stakes that presently confront humanity. From which came forth the need for a remolding of the meaning of national sovereignties and for the founding of cosmopolitical rights for every individual on the planet. That is why the binomial in question provokes more of a philosophical reflection on the concept of responsibility that extends not only to the national sphere, but to a wide cosmopolitical amplitude. The expression “countries of the Third World” may seem archaic, pejorative and humiliating. However, more so than those of "under developed countries” or "developing countries" it accounts for, without embellishment, the raw, brutal, and far from elegant reality of the political and economical misery that exists there. Though it may be obsolete, it quite clearly delimits the area of conceptual and geographical definition of our field of philosophical investigation. It designates the grouping of countries that are excluded from the economical wealth distributed among the nations. Given that economic power generally goes together with political power, this grouping is also kept away from the major decisional centers. Characterized by an extreme poverty, the Third World reality requires a meticulous analysis of the causes of this extreme economical and political marginalization. A typology of the notion of responsibility offers a conceptual figure of this reality with a geometry of six angles: causality, morality, capacity, community, result and solidarity, as foundations for reparation. These aspects, under which responsibility is studied, are overseen by philosophical doctrines of consequentialist, utilitarian, deontological and teleogical type. The typology of responsibility gives rise to many solutions: bringing aid through philanthropy in helping to save lives; establishing and assigning responsibilities so that the mistakes of the past and the present be repaired both at the national and international levels; promoting the obligation to protect in a healthy international context that takes into consideration the negative duty not to harm the most disadvantaged of the planet; institutionalizing the transboundary rules of justice as well as of cosmopolitical rights. Finally, by omniresponsibility we will understand this as the responsibility of all towards those who endure the throes of extreme poverty in the Third World. Far from being a catch-all concept, it is an ensemble of shared responsibilities for identifiable actors on the world scene, with the view of coreparation due to the victims of global injustice. It aims at a telos: the blossoming of the welfare of the citizen of the world.
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Lopes, Jaime Fernando da Silva. "O poder : estudo do conceito segundo a escala de valores." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/20666.
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Com a importância atual que os valores têm — por excesso, marcando ruturas que impedem a síntese civilizacional; por defeito, permitindo o relativismo e a indiferença —, este trabalho teve o objetivo de construir uma hipótese de estudo para compreender melhor as dinâmicas e as relações políticas com a sociedade. Num contexto com a diversidade de poderes foi enunciado um conceito de poder valorado, que se aproximasse do ambiente de valores, da sua produção, dos seus efeitos, e do seu controlo. Obtive a escala de valores como resultado da interpretação feita à cultura política, e ao cruzamento entre as vontades e a razão para a organização do povo. Com a escala como resultado foi possível interpretar a democracia plural, observando casos exemplares de construção, defesa e alteração da escala. Foi ainda possível enquadrar neste contexto a solução da esfera do poder, entre o seu conceito e a forma que vai atribuindo à substância dos valores: a soberania.With the current importance of the values - by excess, marking disruptions that prevent the civilizational synthesis; by default, allowing the relativism and the indifference - this paper aimed to build a case study to understand the dynamics and political relations with society. In a context of diversity of powers it was enunciated a concept of valued power, approaching of the environment of values, its production, its effects, and its control. I got the scale of values as a result of the interpretation of political culture, and the intersection between the will and the reason for the social and political organization. With the scale as a result, it was possible to interpret plural democracy, watching exemplary cases of construction, defense and alterations of the scale. It was also possible to frame, in this context, the solution of the sphere of power, between the concept and the shape that will assign to the substance of the values: sovereignty.
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"Ending Sexual Violence Against American Indian Women: A Diné Woman's Perspective on Renewing Concepts of Justice on Tribal Lands." Master's thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.36527.
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abstract: In Indian Country, the investigation and prosecution of sexual assault crimes have been described as arduous task. More so, determining whether the federal, state, or tribal government has criminal jurisdiction is perplexing. The various U.S. Supreme Court decisions and Federal Indian policies that influence tribal sovereignty restrict tribal government's authority over violent crimes that occur on tribal lands. In my thesis, I discuss U.S. Supreme Court decisions and federal Indian policies create a framework for colonial management and federal paternalism in Indian Country, which restrict tribal sovereignty and sentencing authority in criminal cases that occur on tribal lands and against their citizens. I introduce the Indigenous Woman's Justice Paradigm as a conceptual framework for Indian nations to develop an alternate system for responding to sexual assault crimes on tribal lands. The purpose of my research is to promote the cultural renewal of Indigenous justice practices to develop sexual assault jurisprudence or reform tribal rape law that are victim-centered and community controlled.Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis American Indian Studies 2015
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Bradley, Martha Magdalena. "Drones and the Chicago convention : an examination of the concepts of aerial sovereignty, the war on terror and the notion of self-defence in relation to the Chicago convention." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/43677.
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From 2004 to the present the United States Government has employed drones for cross-border law enforcement purposes in the sovereign territory of Pakistan. Various opinions exist as to whether the US is justified in its intrusion into the territory of another sovereign state.
Matters regarding to both the integrity of territorial sovereignty and the use of force by a foreign country within the sovereign domain of another state are confirmed by both customary and treaty law. The United States and Pakistan are both parties to the two treaties that enshrine the principle of sovereignty - the UN Charter and the Chicago Convention of 1944.
Drones are being used increasingly by governments and private individuals for a host of reasons, ranging from military aggression to aerial recreation. They fulfil various military and useful other tasks, with the result that they are becoming increasingly indispensable. But, as with all technological innovations, the beneficial aspects of these inventions are counterbalanced by the aggressive and destructive use that can be made of them.
Some see the employment of drones for military purposes, such as the elimination of terrorist leaders linked to Al Qaeda in Pakistan, as preferable to whole scale destructive warfare. By the same token though, the argument can be made that the reasoning offered to justify intrusions into the sovereign territory of another state is insubstantial to the point of being dispensable and that the abuse of drones as weapons on these insubstantial grounds thereby becomes a real threat to civilised society and to international peace and security.
The purpose - and burden - of this study are to debate the legality and the justifications for the use of drones for law enforcement (seemingly military) purposes by the United States in the sovereign territory of Pakistan. A clear view of the permissibility and legality of this campaign in Pakistan is of considerable consequence to other countries that could find their sovereignty compromised.
Two essential ‘tools’ used to establish legal clarity in this matter are the Chicago Convention of 1944 and the UN Charter of 1945. The relevant provisions of these international agreements will therefore be studied in detail. Both these
conventions were signed by Pakistan and the United States, and both contain provisions protecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of states. Reference will additionally be made to the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties in order to interpret the provisions of the Chicago Convention which is viewed by some as appropriate to regulate drone warfare. The writer intends to use this Convention to show that the applicability of the Chicago Convention may be open to dispute and that, instead, cross-border drone operations and the protection of aerial sovereignty depend on the purport of article 2(4) of the UN Charter and the customary principle of aerial sovereignty.
Therefore, the need to thoroughly examine and understand the concepts of the so-called ‘war on terror’ and the principle of preemptive self-defence is considered critical for the purpose in hand, as the United States uses these elements as justification for their infringement of Pakistani sovereign territory and their cross-border use of force in drone operations. These matters will, therefore, receive appropriate attention by reference to the relevant provisions in the UN Charter as well as the principles set out in international case law dealing with the subject matter.Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014.
gm2015
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Unrestricted
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Osei-Abankwah, Charles. "Humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect: questions of abuse and proportionality." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22321.
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The aim of this thesis is to discuss the concepts of humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect (R2P), and; to investigate how best to apply the concepts in the face of humanitarian crises, in order to address concerns about their implementation. The failure of the Security Council to react to grave human rights abuses committed in the humanitarian crises of the 1990s, including Iraq (1991), Somalia (1992), Rwanda (1994), Bosnia (1993-1995) Haiti (1994-1997), and Kosovo (1999),triggered international debatesabout: how the international community should react when the fundamental human rights of populations are grossly and systematically violated within the boundaries of sovereign states, and; the need for a reappraisal of armed humanitarian intervention. Central to the debate was whether the international community should continue to adhere unconditionally to the principle of non-intervention enshrined in Article 2(7) of the UN Charter, or take a different course in the interest of human rights. The debate culminated in the establishment of the Canadian International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) in 2000, with the mandate to find a balance between respect for sovereignty and intervention, for purposes of protecting human rights.
Much of the scholarly literature on military intervention for human protection purposes deals with the legality and legitimacy of the military dimension of the concepts. The significance of the thesis is that: it focusesthe investigation on the potential abuse of the use of force for human protection purposes, when moral arguments are used to justify an intervention that is primarily motivated by the interests of the intervener, and; the propensity to use disproportionate force in the attainment of the stated objective of human protection, by powerful intervening states. The central argument of the thesis is that there are double standards, selectivity, abuses, andindiscriminate and disproportionate use of force in the implementation of R2P by powerful countries, and; that, whether a military intervention is unilateral, or sanctioned by the UN Security Council, there is the potential for abuse, and in addition, disproportionate force may be used.The thesis makes recommendations to address these concerns, in order to ensure the survival of the concept.Public, Constitutional and International Law
LL.D.
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Leiding, Benjamin. "The M2X Economy – Concepts for Business Interactions, Transactions and Collaborations Among Autonomous Smart Devices." Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/21.11130/00-1735-0000-0005-12E4-5.
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