Relevant bibliographies by topics / Concept of suffrage

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Concept of suffrage'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Concept of suffrage"

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Neri, Filippo, and Lorenza Saitta. "An Analysis of the “Universal Suffrage” Selection Operator." Evolutionary Computation 4, no. 1 (March 1996): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/evco.1996.4.1.87.

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The “universal suffrage” selection operator, designed primarily for concept learning inside the system REGAL, is discussed for both overlapping and nonoverlapping populations. Analysis of its behavior is performed by using the “virtual average population” method, a new tool for investigating asymptotic properties of convergence of macroscopic quantities related to the population of a genetic algorithm.
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Prescott, Heather Munro, and Lauren MacIvor Thompson. "A Right to Ourselves: Women's Suffrage and the Birth Control Movement." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 3, 2020): 542–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000304.

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AbstractThe suffrage and birth control movements are often treated separately in historical scholarship. This essay brings together new research to demonstrate their close connections. Many suffragists became active in the birth control movement just before and after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. The roots of suffrage arguments were deeply embedded in the same ideas that were foundational to the birth control movement: bodily freedom and notions of what constituted full and participatory citizenship. Beginning in the 1840s, women's rights reformers directly connected the vote to a broad range of economic and political issues, including the concept of self-ownership. Wide-ranging debates about individual autonomy remained present in women's rights rhetoric and were then repeated in the earliest arguments for legalizing birth control. The twentieth-century birth control movement, like the suffrage movement before it (which had largely focused only on achieving the vote for white women), would then grapple with competing goals of restrictive racist and eugenic arguments for contraception alongside the emphasis on achieving emancipation for all women.
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Selanders, Louise C. "Florence Nightingale." Journal of Holistic Nursing 28, no. 1 (March 2010): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0898010109360256.

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Although generally recognized as the founder of modern nursing, Florence Nightingale has been criticized for her apparent lack of support of women’s issues, including suffrage. This article examines the primary and supporting literature surrounding this topic. Findings indicate that Nightingale developed a complex set of beliefs that supported women as individuals rather than from a gender perspective. She did, in fact, support the concept of women’s suffrage but did not give it priority. Victorian women suffered from lack of legal status, education, financial independence, and support from either the family or church as social institutions. Therefore, Nightingale’s conception of nursing as a secular, educated profession cannot be overemphasized as a benchmark in the developing importance of women in the social system.
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Giordana, Attilio, and Filippo Neri. "Search-Intensive Concept Induction." Evolutionary Computation 3, no. 4 (December 1995): 375–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/evco.1995.3.4.375.

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This paper describes REGAL, a distributed genetic algorithm-based system, designed for learning first-order logic concept descriptions from examples. The system is a hybrid of the Pittsburgh and the Michigan approaches, as the population constitutes a redundant set of partial concept descriptions, each evolved separately. In order to increase effectiveness, REGAL is specifically tailored to the concept learning task; hence, REGAL is task-dependent, but, on the other hand, domain-independent. The system proved particularly robust with respect to parameter setting across a variety of different application domains. REGAL is based on a selection operator, called Universal Suffrage operator, provably allowing the population to asymptotically converge, on the average, to an equilibrium state in which several species coexist. The system is presented in both a serial and a parallel version, and a new distributed computational model is proposed and discussed. The system has been tested on a simple artificial domain for the sake of illustration, and on several complex real-world and artificial domains in order to show its power and to analyze its behavior under various conditions. The results obtained so far suggest that genetic search may be a valuable alternative to logic-based approaches to learning concepts, when no (or little) a priori knowledge is available and a very large hypothesis space has to be explored.
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CHEN, Albert H. Y. "The Law and Politics of the Struggle for Universal Suffrage in Hong Kong, 2013–15." Asian Journal of Law and Society 3, no. 1 (January 22, 2016): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2015.21.

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AbstractPost-1997 Hong Kong under the constitutional framework of “One Country Two Systems” has a political system that may be characterized as a “semi-democracy.” Hong Kong’s constitutional instrument—the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China—provides that the ultimate goal of the evolution of Hong Kong’s political system is the election of its Chief Executive by universal suffrage. Since 2003, a democracy movement has developed in Hong Kong that campaigned for the speedy introduction of such universal suffrage. In 2007, the Chinese government announced that universal suffrage for the election of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong may be introduced in 2017. In 2014, the Chinese government announced further details of the electoral model. The model was rejected by Hong Kong’s Legislative Council in 2015, with the result that the election of the Chief Executive in 2017 would not materialize. This article seeks to tell this story of Hong Kong’s quest for democratization, focusing particularly on the context and background of the “Occupy Central” Movement that emerged in 2013 and its aftermath. It suggests that the struggle for universal suffrage in the election of Hong Kong’s Chief Executive in 2017 and the obstacles it faced reveal the underlying tensions behind, and the contradictions inherent in, the concept and practice of “One Country, Two Systems,” particularly the conflict between the Communist Party-led socialist political system in mainland China and the aspirations towards Western-style liberal democracy on the part of “pan-democrats” and their supporters in Hong Kong.
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Finck, Michèle. "Towards an Ever Closer Union Between Residents and Citizens?" European Constitutional Law Review 11, no. 01 (May 2015): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019615000061.

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Alien suffrage in Luxembourg – The traditional concept of the electorate – Link between nationality and voting rights – From the national to the resident worker? – The decoupling of nationality and citizenship – The transformation of the state as a consequence of European integration – Comparison to other EU member states – Consequences for EU law of domestic reform – The intertwinement of constitutional spheres in the EU
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Alfano, Vincenzo. "Is Democracy Possible Without a Restriction of the Suffrage?" Studia Humana 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sh-2014-0009.

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Abstract Today, the concept of democracy seems inextricably linked with that of universal suffrage. But is it true? To let that anyone with a given age has the right to vote is a very good democratic practice, or would prefer to question the criteria for access to this right, perhaps to develop new systems? The current crisis of democracy in the Western world is symptomatic of a detriment of the political consciousness of the people? And yet it is very likely to be admissible and that only from the mass, the large numbers, rises the better choices? In this paper I try to answer these questions, drawing from personal opinions and thoughts, which I hope will inspire questions and curiosity in those who, like me, believes that any system is always perfectible, and that its aim should be to that perfection, without fear of asking uncomfortable questions. Personally, in fact, I can accept democracy as “the worst form of government except all the others that have been tried”, to quote a famous statement by Winston Churchill. But not for that I give up, and I try other ways. Ways that are more satisfying, more fair and keep us away from the horrors that only an angry mob can do.
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Friberg, Anna. "Democracy in the Plural?" Contributions to the History of Concepts 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 12–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2012.070102.

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The article explores some of the composite concepts of democracy that were used in Sweden, primarily by the Social Democrats during the interwar years. Should these be seen as pluralizations of the collective singular democracy or as something qualitatively new? By showing how these concepts relate to each other and to democracy as a whole, the article argues that they should be considered statements about democracy as one entity, that democracy did not only concern the political sphere, but was generally important throughout the whole of society. The article also examines the Swedish parliamentarians' attitudes toward democracy after the realization of universal suffrage, and argues that democracy was eventually perceived as such a positive concept that opponents of what was labeled democratic reforms had to reformulate the political issues into different words in order to avoid coming across as undemocratic.
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Yandra, Alexsander. "FISIBILITAS PILKADA SERENTAK TAHAP II KOTA PEKANBARU PASCA PERMENDAGRI NO 18 TAHUN 2015." Jurnal Niara 9, no. 2 (January 4, 2017): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/nia.v9i2.2101.

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Feasibility Phase II simultaneous elections in the city of Pekanbaru post-Regulation No. 18 in 2015 affect the population administration and the right to vote of citizens, could be implicated cause some residents do not get a voter card. The Regulation boundary change Pekanbaru and Kampar namely RW 15,16 and 18 villages of three districts of the hill highway intersection that previously pekanbaru region into an area of Kampar. Thus, the Election Commission Pekanbaru as election organizers make an effort assessment mapping and data collection forms of suffrage of citizens in the disputed area in order to participate in the elections. Using descriptive qualitative method with theoretical concept of political interest in the election and Elections To Local as well as data analysis through interpretation of ethics and EMIC is further elaborated in the study of electoral governance in accordance with the discussion of the study. The results of this study demonstrate the efforts made by the Election Commission of Pekanbaru in data collection and mapping of suffrage of citizens in the border area of Pekanbaru and Kampar walk is not optimal for a long period of time but has shown improvement on the sustainability of suffrage in the interests of the election. Furthermore, citizens residence status does not match the expectations of citizens citizens in the response resulted in three RW at the intersection of three villages regarding the status of permanent voters list (DPT) on the elections, simultaneous phase II have a tendency not to vote.
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Jorgić Stepanović, Kristina. "Milica Đurić Topalović i žensko pitanje u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.1.jor.85-108.

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This paper discusses the views of Milica Đurić Topalović, one of the most prominent female socialists in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, on the woman question. Her unjustly neglected works Woman and Politics and Woman through Centuries have been taken as examples of characteristic socialist discourses on women’s emancipation. Milica Đurić Topalović’s views greatly advance our knowledge about the relations between various women’s organizations in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the similarities and differences between their interpretations of the concept of emancipation and the solutions to the pressing issue of women’s suffrage.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Concept of suffrage"

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Hall, Bo G. "Perspektiv på Patron : Bruksägaren och statsministern Christian Lundeberg (1842–1911)." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-113399.

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The dissertation is a biography of the industrialist and statesman Christian Lundeberg, a leading and stongly pronounced conservative actor in Swedish political life during the decades around1900, but nowadays almost forgotten. The purpose is to identify the main forces – convictions as well as external factors – behind his actions. He was very influential within  a range of important sectors, i.a. compulsory national service, repeated interventions to keep the iron ore of Norrland under Swedish ownership,  establishment of a regular conservative party and the decision on the vote to right (for men) in 1907. His most well-known action was as Swedish Prime Minister and head architect behind the peaceful dissolution in 1905 of the union with Norway. However for a long time biographies have not been regarded as ”real” scientific work within the concerned academic Swedish circles. For this reason the introductory chapter analyses these discussions  and  concludes that time now is ready for the genre to come in from the cold , enumerating six criteria regarded to be of paramount importance. These are being observed in the consecutive parts of the study. The following chapter studies the concept of paternalism as defined within Swedish professional circles, forming a background to the remaining parts of the dissertation. In their turn these present thorough reviews both of Lundeberg’s activities as a paternalistic foundry proprietor in the local family owned community of Forsbacka and of his contributions on the central political level. The final chapter summarizes the driving forces behind Lundeberg’s activities in stating that he was not an ultraconservative person, a priori opposing all progress.  Instead as the years passed he developed a clear readiness for compromise solutions. Three key concepts are said to be central to the understanding of his person: “Fatherland”, ”Responsibility” and “Duty”.  Throughout all his life he adhered to many of the paternalistic principles and values he learnt at an early age in Forsbacka. His present anonymity is explained  by the fact that he in a retrospective very often is considered as being defeated in a number of political convictions now regarded as important.
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Gelnarová, Jitka. "Právo i dobro Argumentace a diskurs českých aktivistek za volební právo pro ženy." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-327219.

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Right and good : Argumentation and Discourse of Czech Activists for Women's Suffrage Jitka Gelnarová Abstract The dissertation deals with the concept of suffrage within the discourse of Czech women's suffrage activists between 1897 and 1914. The aim is to define how the concept of suffrage was constructed by Czech suffragists within the context they lived in, how their notion of the suffrage was influenced by the fact that different women were positioned differently within the system of hierarchies based on gender, class and nation. The dissertation focuses on the hierarchies present in the discourse; the relation of "public" and private" in the discourse; the notion of "political representation" in the discourse; positions the suffragists spoke from and their representation of the enemy ("us/them"); the functions the concept of "Czechness" fulfilled in relation to the demand of female suffrage in the discourse; and the relation of "universality" and "particularity" to the demand of female suffrage in the discourse.
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Books on the topic "Concept of suffrage"

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Steiner, Linda, Carolyn Kitch, and Brooke Kroeger, eds. Front Pages, Front Lines. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043109.001.0001.

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This book addresses the role of media, particularly periodicals, in the American women’s suffrage movement, and in public understandings of the campaign for a Constitutional amendment enfranchising women. Chapters deal with the rhetoric of pro- and antisuffrage activists as covered in the mainstream regional and national press; several chapters deal with suffragists’ own periodicals, as well as with other non-mainstream periodicals, including the black press and socialist and radical periodicals. These new studies offer fresh perspectives on relatively familiar suffrage narratives while exploring lesser-known aspects of the roles of journalism, publicity, visual communication, and external alliances with organizations and individuals. Taken collectively, the chapters clarify intersections of suffrage ideas with other social and political movements as well as differences by geography and culture. The essays are marked by attention to the movement’s long-term implications; to contemporary concepts such as social movement and countermovement strategies, status conflict, and the public sphere; and by sensitivity to race, class, and regional politics. As the historiography offered here makes clear, these issues were largely ignored in the first wave of suffrage research.
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Hundhammer, Katharina. American Women in Cartoons 1890-1920: Female Representation and the Changing Concepts of Femininity During the American Woman Suffrage Movement. Lang Publishing, Incorporated, Peter, 2013.

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Hundhammer, Katharina. American Women in Cartoons 1890-1920: Female Representation and the Changing Concepts of Femininity During the American Woman Suffrage Movement- an Empirical Analysis. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2013.

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American Women in Cartoons 1890-1920: Female Representation and the Changing Concepts of Femininity During the American Woman Suffrage Movement- an Empirical Analysis. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2012.

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Retallack, James. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668786.003.0001.

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This Introduction explains what the book hopes to achieve, its central thesis, and the related arguments it puts forward. It explains how the book throws new light on the reciprocal relationship between political modernization and authoritarian governance in Germany over six decades. The first section differentiates between social and political aspects of democratization and outlines two kinds of election battles fought in Imperial Germany—over suffrage laws and during election campaigns. Both can be appraised in terms of the values, norms, and concepts that link a society to the act of voting. The second section outlines the book’s contribution to histories of Social Democracy and the German bourgeoisie. Section three asks: Why Saxony? It argues that regional history works best as a critical tool to reassess larger questions of German history over the longue durée.
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Mergel, Thomas. Dictatorship and Democracy, 1918–1939. Edited by Helmut Walser Smith. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199237395.013.0019.

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Both dictatorship and democracy were essentially new concepts of political rule in Germany after World War I. It was true that suffrage had been increasingly extended after the revolution of 1848–1849, and more citizens (male citizens, that is) were entitled to vote in Imperial Germany than, for instance, in Great Britain. Dictatorship, too, was a new form of political control, at least in Germany. The term ‘people’ was to become a standard formula for the self-understanding of German politics after 1918. In its shades of meaning, it saw the people as a social organism, rather than as an ethnic community. ‘People’ referred to the many. It described the social commitment with which a good community was supposed to be built. An inquiry into Reichstag, and the German parliament and incidents and rebellions surrounding it concludes this article.
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Corbett, Mary Jean. Behind the Times. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752469.001.0001.

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Virginia Woolf, throughout her career as a novelist and critic, deliberately framed herself as a modern writer invested in literary tradition but not bound to its conventions; engaged with politics but not a propagandist; a woman of letters but not a “lady novelist.” As a result, Woolf ignored or disparaged most of the women writers of her parents' generation, leading feminist critics to position her primarily as a forward-thinking modernist who rejected a stultifying Victorian past. This book finds that Woolf did not dismiss this history as much as she boldly rewrote it. Exploring the connections between Woolf's immediate and extended family and the broader contexts of late-Victorian literary and political culture, the book emphasizes the ongoing significance of the previous generation's concerns and controversies to Woolf's considerable achievements. It rereads and revises Woolf's creative works, politics, and criticism in relation to women writers including the New Woman novelist Sarah Grand, the novelist and playwright Lucy Clifford, and the novelist and anti-suffragist Mary Augusta Ward. The book explores Woolf's attitudes to late-Victorian women's philanthropy, the social purity movement, and women's suffrage. Closely tracking the ways in which Woolf both followed and departed from these predecessors, the book complicates Woolf's identity as a modernist, her navigation of the literary marketplace, her ambivalence about literary professionalism and the mixing of art and politics, and the emergence of feminism as a persistent concern of her work.
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Book chapters on the topic "Concept of suffrage"

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Sánchez León, Pablo. "Recognition: Vulgar as a Political Concept—Discourse and Subjects of Corruption in the Public Sphere of Limited Suffrage." In Popular Political Participation and the Democratic Imagination in Spain, 253–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52596-5_7.

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Holloway, Pippa. "“They Are All She Had”." In Caging Borders and Carceral States, 186–210. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651231.003.0007.

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The chapter offers a unique exploration of the struggle for women’s suffrage by analyzing how formerly incarcerated women responded to the concept of infamy, the legal category of the loss of citizenship rights. The chapter highlights the tension between the South’s disenfranchisement practices and the concurrent demands of the suffrage movement by analyzing petitions to regain citizenship rights for female felons. These petitions come from a variety of states, including one from Hawaii’s Queen Liliuokolani alongside many other unrecognized women. Whereas most discussions of felony disenfranchisement have focused on African American men, this chapter uncovers a previously unwritten history that connects the struggle for suffrage with the struggle for voting rights among formerly incarcerated women. Rather than relegate these women as politically voiceless and nonhistorical actors, however, the essay instead recognizes convicted women as political actors willing to fight for their full citizenship rights as individuals inspired by the suffrage movement but without the organizational movement behind their individual efforts.
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Schabas, William A. "Political rights." In The Customary International Law of Human Rights, 263–70. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192845696.003.0008.

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Political rights are often grouped with civil rights as if both adjectives apply to certain categories, and some fundamental rights, such as freedom of expression, can be described as belonging to both categories. But the concept of political rights has an autonomous meaning. It applies specifically to the democratic vision of human rights, encompassing the right to participate in government, the right to vote and the right to participate in government. Elections must be both genuinie and periodic, based upon universal and equal suffrage and by secret vote or an equivalent free voting procedure. Equal access to the public service is also comprised within political rights.
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Innes, Joanna, Mark Philp, and Robert Saunders. "The Rise of Democratic Discourse in the Reform Era: Britain in the 1830s and 1840s." In Re-imagining Democracy in the Age of Revolutions, 114–28. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199669158.003.0009.

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‘Democracy’ and ‘democrat’ retained negative associations in early nineteenth-century Britain. Though attitudes softened, significant change came only with the Reform Bill debates of 1831-2. Again, abusive uses dominated: it was the Tories who labelled Reform proposals democratic. But this spurred debate about pros and cons of democracy, in which a vision of what it might mean in modern British circumstances was fleshed out. The Whigs never strongly endorsed democracy, but in the later 1830s it was avowed as a goal by parliamentary radicals, and consistently endorsed by Chartists, for whom it served as a unifying concept, strongly connoting manhood suffrage, but also equality and progress. Now much more than just a fighting word: it invoked a broad terrain of human experience, past and present, within which democrats could position themselves. Chartists’ self-identification as democrats nonetheless gave mainstream politicians new reasons to reject democracy.
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Hampton, Mark. "Transatlantic Exchanges." In The Edinburgh History of the British and Irish Press, Volume 3, 155–71. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474424929.003.0007.

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This chapter will treat transatlantic journalism as a product of multi-directional borrowing (even if not always symmetrical), within the context of a wider ‘Anglo-world’ that was marked by migrations and tours, as well as within a multi-media environment. Rather than an “Americanized” British press, what emerges is a shared journalistic culture that retains important pockets of difference. The chapter will begin by tracing the transatlantic emergence of a mass circulation press, and the bifurcation of journalistic styles along lines of status. Beginning with the emergence of Britain’s ‘new journalism’ in the 1880s, it will show that while certain popular forms (interviews, informal tone, brevity) made their way from the United States to London, others, such as crusades and the demotic voice, had significant British roots. Furthermore, transformations associated with the new journalism quickly made their way to Ireland, where they blended with nationalist politics. American elite political journalism in this era was often explicitly influenced by British models e.g. the New Republic (1914) and various suffrage periodicals. Conversely, British journalistic norms never embraced the American concept of ‘objectivity’, continuing deep into the twentieth century to emphasize an idea of ‘independence’ that was fully compatible with partisanship.
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Paxton, Naomi. "Introduction: Re-Evaluating the AFL." In Stage rights!, 1–16. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526114785.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the Actresses' Franchise League and the archival research process and methodology of the author, and considers how the League has been portrayed in previous scholarship and marginalised in theatre historise. It tackles areas of contemporary historiographic concern around autobiographical material, digital research and intertheatricality, and posits that the story of the League has hitherto fallen between suffrage and theatre histories. This chapter also details the suffrage plays republished, researched and examined by scholars to date, and argues that a re-evaluation of the work of the organisation is both timely and necessary.
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"whom one would like to have as a friend, a member vertu, and publick civility’ (1953–82:1.816). of the family, or a guest, or whom one would call a The sources of the virtue may be found in Renais-gentleman. (The praise given him at i3.1–5 would sance moral manuals, such as Elyot’s Gouernour not apply to any other knight.) According to Colin, (1531) with its first book treating ‘the best fourme those who possess the virtue may be recognized by of education or bringing up of noble children’ and the gifts given them by the Graces: ‘comely carriage, the planned second volume aiming to cover ‘all the entertainement kynde, | Sweete semblaunt, friendly reminant . . . apt to the perfection of a iuste publike offices that bynde’ (x 23.4–5) – or rather, according weale’ (1.2); or in Seneca’s De Beneficiis (tr. Arthur to the proem, given them by Elizabeth from whom Golding in 1578), as Archer 1987 argues; or in all virtues well ‘Into the rest, which round about you such courtesy books as Castiglione’s Courtier (1528, ring, | Faire Lords and Ladies, which about you tr. 1561) in which ‘The Count with golden vertue dwell, | And doe adorne your Court, where courtes-deckes’ the court, as Sackville wrote in its praise; and ies excell’ (7.7–9). especially Guazzo’s Civile Conversation (1574, tr. It follows, as Spenser acknowledges in the opening 1581/1586; see VI i 1.6n), for sections of it were line of canto i, ‘Of Court it seemes, men Courtesie included in Bryskett’s Discourse of Civill Life, which doe call’. In its wide range of meanings, the simplest claims to report his conversation with Spenser on is courtly etiquette and good manners. In this sense, moral philosophy. The full title of this last work, A it is more a social than a moral virtue, and therefore discourse, containing the ethicke part of morall philo-open to being feigned, as evident in the ‘faire dis-sophie: fit to instruct a gentleman in the course of a sembling curtesie’ seen by Colin at Elizabeth’s court vertuous life, could serve as a subtitle of Spenser’s (Colin Clout 700), which is ‘nought but forgerie’ poem, especially since Bryskett tells Lord Grey that (VI proem 5.3). While it is the virtue most closely his end is ‘to discourse upon the morall vertues, yet associated with the Elizabethan court and Elizabe-not omitting the intellectuall, to the end to frame a than culture generally, Spenser’s treatment of it goes gentleman fit for civill conversation, and to set him far beyond his own culture. As Chang 1955:202–20 in the direct way that leadeth him to his civill felicitie’ shows, it has an illuminating counterpart in the (6). See ‘courtesy books’ in the SEnc. Confucian concept of ritual. Spenser fashions a virtue As the final book of the 1596 edition, appropri-that may best be called civility, which is the basis ately Book VI raises larger questions about the whole of civilization; see VI proem 4.5n. Yet civility in poem. One such question is the relation of Spenser’s its political expression could legitimize violence in art to nature, and, for a generation of critics, the Ireland, as P. Stevens 1995 notes, and it is not sur-seminal essay has been ‘A Secret Discipline’ by Harry prising to see the patron of courtesy slaughtering the Berger, Jr, in which he concludes that ‘the secret (Irish) brigands at VI xi 46. Accordingly, its link with discipline of imagination is a double burden, discord-Machiavelli’s virtù has been rightly noted by Neuse ant and harmonious: first, its delight in the power 1968 and Danner 1998. On its general application and freedom of art; second, the controlled surrender to the uncertain human condition, see Northrop whereby it acknowledges the limits of artifice’ 2000. Ideally, though, it is the culminating moral (1988:242; first pub. 1961). As chastity is to Brito-virtue of The Faerie Queene, and, as such, has the mart, courtesy is to Calidore: the virtue is natural religious sense expressed by Peter in addressing those to him. He is courteous ‘by kind’ (ii 2.2): ‘gentle-whose faith, according to the Geneva gloss, is con-nesse of spright | And manners mylde were planted firmed ‘by holines of life’: ‘be ye all of one minde: naturall’ (i 2.3–4). It is natural also to Tristram one suffre with another: loue as brethren: be pitiful: because of his noble birth (ii 24) and proper nurtur-be courteous’ (1 Peter 3.8); see, for example, ing, as shown by his defence of the lady abused by Morgan 1981, and Tratner 1990:147–57. Without her discourteous knight. Its powers are shown in the courtesy’s ‘civility’ there would be no civilization; three opening cantos: Calidore may reform both without its ‘friendly offices that bynde’ (x 23.5), Crudor when he is threatened with death, and his there would be no Christian community. By includ-lady, Briana, who is ‘wondrously now chaung’d, ing courtesy among the virtues, Spenser fulfils from that she was afore’ (i 46.9) when she sees the Milton’s claim in Reason of Church Government that change in him (41–43). Also, he may restore Aldus." In Spenser: The Faerie Queene, 37. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315834696-35.

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