Academic literature on the topic 'Concord in the nominal phrase'
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Journal articles on the topic "Concord in the nominal phrase"
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Pescarini, Diego. "Microvariation in Verbal and Nominal Agreement: An Analysis of Two Lombard Alpine Dialects." Probus 33, no. 2 (2021): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/prbs-2021-0003.
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Abstract In Bregagliotto and Mesolcinese, two Lombard Alpine dialects, feminine plural agreement/concord is marked by the formative -n, a reflex of the third person plural verbal ending. In Bregagliotto, plural -n triggers mesoclisis of the feminine subject clitic in contexts of inversion, whereas in the noun phrase -n behaves as a second-position element marking plural feminine concord. Mesolcinese exhibits verbal gender agreement as the formative -n occurs on the inflected verb whenever a feminine plural subject or the feminine plural object clitic occurs; in feminine plural DPs, -n is attached to any element except the definite article. I argue that the Bregagliotto system emerged when -n was reanalysed as an adjunct pluraliser, whereas in Mesolcinese -n has been turned into a marker of morphophonological concord/agreement.
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Lusekelo, Amani. "The Swahili Noun Phrase in its Sentential Aspect." Mkwawa Journal of Education and Development 1, no. 1 (2017): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37759/mjed.2017.1.1.3.
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This paper articulates the syntactic properties of nouns in Swahili in relation to functional projections which are associated with both concord in determiner phrases and agreement in inflectional phrases. With regards to realisation of syntactic properties in Bantu noun phrases, three claims had been suggested based on different approaches, vis-à-vis the use of pre-prefix to denote discourse-based information about (in)definiteness, indication of phi-features in minimalist syntax by using the nominal prefix, and determination by demonstratives and possessives as supported by head proximity principle. Findings from Swahili texts point towards the fact that bare nouns receive either definite interpretation or indefinite reading depending on the context of communication. Therefore, the definite–indefinite distinction is not provided by physical linguistic materials, but by discourse-based contexts. Even when a demonstrative and/or possessive is used, it is the context of communication which situates the specific referent rather than the lexical entities. Findings indicate that the choice between demonstratives and possessives in determinations of Swahili NPs is also context bound.
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Pereira, Bruna Karla. "Nump and Possp in Dialectal Brazilian Portuguese." Revista Diadorim 19 (October 30, 2017): 72–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35520/diadorim.2017.v19n0a13578.
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In standard Brazilian Portuguese (BP), as well as in other Romance languages, possessives have uninterpretable number features, which are valued via nominal agreement. However, dialects of BP, especially the one spoken in Minas Gerais, have shown that 2nd person possessives, in postnominal position, do not have number agreement with the noun. In order to account for these facts, I will argue that, in this grammar, number features on 2nd person possessives are reanalyzed as being: (i) associated with the person (rather than the noun) and (ii) valued. From the frst postulation, ‘seu' is expected to be the possessive for 2nd person singular, and ‘seus' for 2nd person plural. From the second postulation, no number concord is expected to be triggered on the possessive. In addition, based on Danon (2011) and Norris (2014), I will argue that cardinals divide BP DPs into two domains in that phrases located above NumP are marked with the plural morpheme, while phrases below it are unmarked. In this sense, because prenominal possessives precede cardinals (NumP), they must be marked with the plural morpheme for nominal agreement; whereas postnominal possessives, which follow NumP, must be unmarked. Free from the plural marking associated with nominal agreement, postnominal 2nd person possessives favor the reanalysis of the morpheme ‘-s' as indicating the number associated with person features.
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Pereira, Bruna Karla. "INFLECTION OF CADA AND NUMBER FEATURE VALUATION IN BP." Estudos Linguísticos e Literários, no. 61 (June 15, 2019): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ell.v0i61.27910.
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<p>This research investigates nominal concord in structures of non-standard Brazilian Portuguese (BP) where <em>cada</em> is inflected with the plural morpheme <em>-s</em> while the phrases following it may not bear any plural marking. In order to account for this, I will consider that cardinals and silent nouns work as a boundary dividing the DP into two domains such that phrases to their left are marked with the plural morpheme while phrases to their right are unmarked, a pattern found across languages. Additionally, I will argue that DPs with <em>cadas</em> have a silent noun SET and that this silent noun conveys a set reading as well as valued plural features. In this case, <em>cada</em> is interpreted as either ‘such’ or ‘every’ rather than ‘each’ and is followed by a noun or a cardinal ≥ 2 (plus a noun). Accordingly, because <em>cadas</em> precedes SET, it is marked with <em>-s</em>. This plural silent noun is followed by a preposition, which allows its embedded NP to be singular.</p>
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Mahowald, Kyle, Dan Jurafsky, and Mark Norris. "Concord begets concord: A Bayesian model of nominal concord typology." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 6, no. 1 (2021): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v6i1.4988.
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Nominal concord is a phenomenon whereby nominal modifiers (e.g., adjectives, demonstratives, numerals) agree with their nominals along various dimensions (e.g., gender, number, case, definiteness). Here, drawing on a rich and typologically diverse database of nominal concord (Norris 2020), we build a Bayesian mixed effect model of nominal concord. Specifically, we consider two competing hypotheses regarding the statistical relationship between different types of concord within a language: (1) concord begets concord: the presence of some type of concord in a language makes it more likely that it has other types of concord vs. (2) a little concord goes a long way: if a language has some kind of concord, it is less likely to have other types of concord. We present evidence strongly in favor of the first hypothesis, that concord begets concord. Languages with nominal concord tend to have concord in more than one place and of more than one type. Using posterior draws from our model, we also provide quantitative evidence for a number of the tendencies described by Norris (2019a). Future work will build on this model to understand the functional role of nominal concord in language systems, how it evolves, and how it co-evolves with other typological features.
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Norris, Mark. "A typological perspective on nominal concord." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 4, no. 1 (2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v4i1.4515.
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This paper reports some of the results of the largest typological study of nominal concord to date. The sample contains 174 languages from 105 distinct families. Concord is found in 59.2% of languages in the sample. I demonstrate a number of tendencies among languages with concord: (i) number concord is the most common type, (ii) gender concord is common among languages with gender, (iii) case concord is relatively rare and almost never occurs alone, and (iv) it is more common to have concord on both adjectives and demonstratives than on just one or the other.
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SANDE, HANNAH. "Phonologically determined nominal concord as post-syntactic: Evidence from Guébie." Journal of Linguistics 55, no. 4 (2018): 831–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226718000476.
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This paper brings novel data to bear on whether nominal concord relationships are formed in the narrow syntax or post-syntactically. In Guébie, a Kru language spoken in Côte d’Ivoire, nominal concord marking on non-human pronouns and adjectives is determined not by syntactic or semantic features of the concord-triggering noun, but by the phonological form of the noun. Specifically, concord marking on pronouns and adjectives surfaces as a vowel with the same backness features as the vowels of the head noun. Assuming that syntax is phonology-free (Pullum & Zwicky 1986, 1988), the fact that we see phonological features conditioning nominal concord in Guébie means that nominal concord must take place in the post-syntax. I expand on post-syntactic models of nominal concord in Distributed Morphology (Kramer 2010, Norris 2014, Baier 2015) showing that when combined with a constraint-based phonology, such an approach can account for both phonologically and syntactico-semantically determined concord systems. Additionally, the proposed analysis includes a formal account of ellipsis via constraints during the phonological component.
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van der Auwera, Johan. "Nominal and pronominal negative concord, through the lens of Belizean and Jamaican Creole." Linguistics 60, no. 2 (2022): 505–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0137.
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Abstract The article aims to advance the general understanding of negative concord through a comparative analysis of nominal and pronominal negative concord in Jamaican and Belizean Creole, based on the translations of the New Testament. It supplies a general characterization of Jamaican and Belizean negative concord and then focuses on negative concord with a negator like what corresponds to English not and either a pronoun or a nominal like what corresponds to English nobody or no man, respectively. The paper makes a strong plea for studying nominal negative concord in its own right. It shows how it differs from pronominal negative concord and for both it lays bare a variety of non-concordant patterns. It explains the variation in terms of a number of principles, one of which is what is standardly called the ‘Negative First’ principle, but it is defined in a new way. The article shows that there can be concord with definite negative nominals.
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Hanink, Emily Anne. "Postsyntactic inflection of the degree phrase in German." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (2018): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4308.
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Recent treatments of concord contend that adjectival inflection occurs postsyntactically through the insertion of Agr nodes onto individual, concord-bearing heads after Spell-Out (i.a. Norris 2012, 2014). I examine these claims through the lens of degree modification in German, which demonstrates that current formulations of this approach are untenable. I argue however that a postsyntactic treatment of (adjectival) concord can in fact be maintained if Agr node insertion occurs phrasally at DegP, and not at adjectival heads. This account explains i) an observed difference between the inflection of analytic vs. synthetic degree expressions in both simple and complex modifiers, and ii) a puzzle involving across-the-board inflection of coordinated adjectives, which I argue to involve pointwise attachment of Agr.
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Kouankem, Constantine. "Determiner phrase structure and concord in Mə̀dʉ́mbὰ". South African Journal of African Languages 33, № 1 (2013): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/02572117.2013.793941.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Concord in the nominal phrase"
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Schroeder, Christoph. "The Turkish nominal phrase in spoken discourse /." Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38970088q.
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Lin, Yi-An. "The Sinitic nominal phrase structure : a minimalist perspective." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270316.
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This dissertation is a comparative study of the morphosyntax of the constituents referred to as noun phrases in traditional grammar. In line with Abney’s (1987) Determiner Phrase (DP) Hypothesis, this study investigates the syntactic structures of Sinitic nominal phrases by means of a thorough study of lexical elements, such as numerals, classifiers, possessives, adjectives, and nouns, and functional elements, such as plural/collective markers, force particles, and modification markers. It is argued that the syntactic structure of the nominal phrase is universal regardless of the presence of lexical items which realise the heads of the functional projections. This study further proposes a unified account of the articulated structure of nominal phrases, as a full-fledged DP, to explain the syntactic phenomena in both classifier and non-classifier languages. More specifically, a Probe-Goal feature-valuing model is proposed to account for parametric variation among Sinitic and other languages within the framework of Chomsky’s (2000, 2001, 2004) Phase-based Minimalist Programme. Furthermore, given the assumption of the Split-DP Hypothesis, this study proposes that the DP in Sinitic languages is also not a unitary projection but an articulated array of functional projections, including DforceP, DfocusP, DtopicP and DdefiniteP. As their counterparts in the clausal domain, these functional projections encode discourse-related properties, such as illocutionary force, topic, and focus. As far as modification structures are concerned, this study argues that the bare modifier is base-generated in the Spec of a functional or lexical projection, whereas the marked modifier is adjoined to the left of the nominal phrase by the operation Adjunction.
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Bertet, Denis. "Aspects of Tikuna grammar (San Martin de Amacayacu variety, Colombia) : phonology, nominal phrase, predicative phrase." Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSE2068.
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Cette étude consiste en une description de certains aspects de la grammaire d’un parler tikuna abordés depuis une perspective fonctionnelle et typologique. Le tikuna est une langue isolée parlée dans l’ouest de l’Amazonie sur les bords du fleuve Amazone. Le parler tikuna décrit dans cette étude correspond à celui de la communauté de San Martín de Amacayacu, située dans l’extrême sud-est de la Colombie. Les locuteurs de ce parler désignent généralement leur langue du nom de tăgà, littéralement ‘notre langue (nous inclusif)’ ou bien ‘langue des gens’, y compris dans leurs interactions avec des personnes non tikuna. Les deux principaux domaines de la grammaire de la langue traités dans ce travail sont d’une part son système phonologique, et d’autre part la morphosyntaxe et la sémantique de son syntagme prédicatif. Sont également abordés, avec moins de détail, certains aspects de la morphosyntaxe du syntagme nominal, ainsi que l’expression de la négation dans la langue. Les analyses avancées dans cette étude reposent presque exclusivement sur des données linguistiques de première main que j’ai rassemblées entre 2015 et 2018 à San Martín de Amacayacu avec l’aide de locuteurs natifs de la langue<br>This study is a typologically-informed description of a few major aspects of the grammar of a variety of Tikuna, a language isolate spoken in western Amazonia along the banks of the Amazon river. The Tikuna variety described in this work is that of San Martín de Amacayacu, a community located near the southeastern tip of Colombia. Its speakers typically refer to it as tăgà, lit. ‘our (incl.) language’ or ‘people’s language’, even when talking to foreigners. The grammatical topics covered primarily include the phonological system of the language as well as the morphosyntax and semantics of its predicative phrase. Additional grammatical domains treated in less detail include aspects of the nominal phrase and the expression of negation. All the analyses I put forward in this description are based on first-hand linguistic data that I have collected between 2015 and 2018 in San Martín de Amacayacu with the help of native speakers of the language
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Schneider, Antje. "Composition nominale comparée du français et de l'allemand." Paris 13, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA131005.
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Le but de cette these est une comparaison de la composition nominale du francais et de l'allemand. Dans la premiere partie sont decrites les unites nominales traditionnellement considerees comme "noms composes" en francais et comme "nominalkomposita" en allemand. Leurs roles dans le cadre d'une phrase, leur forme composee et leur statut en tant qu'unites d'une langue sont etudies. L'etude se poursuit par une analyse de la relation entre les elements composants dans des ensembles nominaux composes. Le troisieme chapitre porte sur les procedes de formation d'ensembles nominaux composes. Il comporte une reflexion sur l'aspect productif de ces procedes en comparaison avec une analyse d'ensembles lexicalises. Le dernier chapitre est consacre a une etude d'ensembles nominaux composes allemands. Il analyse l'impact des particularites formelles d'ensembles graphiquement continus et souligne la difference entre ensembles nominaux soudes et suites nominales non-soudees comportant les memes elements. Ce que nous entendons par ensemble nominal compose est defini dans ce travail.
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Azpiazu, Torres Susana. "Las estrategías de nominalización : estudio contrastivo del estilo nominal /." Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40015898n.
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Mickelsson, Sparv Susanne. "From the midst of darkness to a nugget of hope : Post-nominal of-phrases in translation." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk (SPR), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-98238.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyze how post-nominal of-phrases are translated from English to Swedish in a non-fiction text about the musician Dave Grohl and his band Foo Fighters. The analysis is both quantitative and qualitative. The of-phrases are categorized according to Keizer’s (2007) categories, and the results show that most of-phrases are translated to prepositional phrases, although it differs which prepositions are used, depending on the type of ofphrase. For of-phrases of the possession-type, i is the most common preposition, and for compound-like of-phrases, av is the most common preposition. Of-phrases of possession-type are also frequently translated into genitive constructions, especially if the possessor is animate or syntactically light. Other structural changes also occur in the translation, although no pattern was found for this strategy in the analysis.
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Miranda, Wania. "O sintagma nominal do caboverdiano: uma investigação semântica." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8139/tde-13092013-110158/.
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A presente dissertação realiza uma investigação semântica do sintagma nominal (NP) do caboverdiano, língua falada no arquipélago de Cabo Verde, localizado na costa ocidental africana. As análises concentram-se na variedade de Santiago, ilha em que está localizada a capital do país, a cidade de Praia. Os nomes no caboverdiano, em geral, não são acompanhados de determinante e podem ser interpretados tanto como definidos quanto indefinidos. A utilização de un / uns está, em geral, associada a introdução de novos referentes, seu uso, contudo, não é frequente. Existe, ainda, a partícula kel/kes que parece veicular, entre outras coisas, definitude. Tal emprego, todavia, tampouco se dá frequentemente. O estatuto de kel, em caboverdiano, causa algumas divergências entre os pesquisadores da língua. Alguns autores advogam que ele desempenha, por vezes, o papel de artigo definido (ver, entre outros, (Alexandre and Soares, 2004), (Baptista, 2007), (Quint, 2000)). Discutiremos alguns dos trabalhos que versam sobre o sintagma nominal em caboverdiano, apresentando argumentos que corroboram ou não essa hipótese. A bem da verdade, a maioria das descrições sobre o caboverdiano não manifesta acordo quanto à existência ou não de artigo definido nessa língua. Os que afirmam sua existência parecem, muitas vezes, apresentar análises da língua centradas na descrição e análise do português, principalmente do português europeu. Diante dessa perspectiva, diversos fenômenos idiossincráticos do caboverdiano podem passar despercebidos, como no caso de uma possível contribuição ilocucional do operador uma, outro modificador do sintagma nominal. Este trabalho procura realizar uma análise do caboverdiano centrada nos fatos da própria língua, investigando as diferentes estratégias de interpretação dos nomes, bem como o papel dos elementos que compõem o sintagma nominal.<br>This dissertation conducts an investigation of the semantic of the noun phrase (NP) Cape Verdean language, spoken in the Cape Verde, archipelago located on the West African coast. The analysis focuses on the Santiago variety. The nouns in the Cape Verdean are generally determinerless and can be interpreted both as definite and indefinite. The introduction of new referents is generally associated with the use of un/uns, its use however is not frequent. There are also the particle kel/kes it seems vehicle, among other things, definiteness. Such employement, however, nor is often gives. The status of kel in Cape Verdean, cause some disagreement among of the language researchers. Some scholars advocate that kel may assume, sometimes, the role of a definite article (see among others (Alexandre and Soares, 2004), (Baptista, 2007), (Quint, 2000)). I will discuss several works which deal with noun phrase in Cape Verdean, revealing arguments which confirm whether or not this hypothesis. In fact, most of the Cape Verdean descriptions not show agreement on the definite article presence or absence in that language. Those who claim its existence often seem to present analysis of the Cape Verdean centered on the description and analysis of the Portuguese, especially European Portuguese. With that prospect, severals idiosyncratic phenomena of the Cape Verde may go unnotice, as in the case of a possible illocutionary contribution of the uma operator, another noun phrase modifier. This work attempt examine of the an Cape Verdean analyse focused on the language facts theirselves, investigating different strategies for nouns interpretation, as well as the elements role on the noun phrase.
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Theledi, Kgomotso Mothokhumo Ambitious. "Descriptive nominal modifiers in Setswana." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52755.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
The study focused on three descriptive nominal modifiers which specify the attributes of
nouns, i.e. the morphological adjective, the relative clause and the descriptive possessive.
The morphological adjective appears in an adjectival phrase, which has to consist of a
determiner and an adjective. The adjective must have agreement with the head noun in
an NP. The adjective root may appear with nominal suffixes such as -ana and -gadi, it can
be reduplicated, it may be transposed to other categories and it may even be
compounded. The AP may also occur in predicative position as well as in comparative
clauses.
The relative clause may have the same semantic properties as the adjective. The relative
clause in Setswana consists of a determiner in the position of the complementizer followed
by an lP. Such an lP may have a copulative or non-copulative verb. Attention in this study
has focused on the nominal relative, which appears as a complement of a copulative verb.
These nominal relative stems have been divided into two sections, i.e. a section in which
the nominal relative stems may not appear in a descriptive possessive construction and a
second section where these stems may also appear as a complement of the possessive
[a]. The semantic features of these nominal relative stems have been isolated and it is
clear that they show a wide variety of semantic features. This type of relative clause
represents the most prolific category, which specifies the attributes of nouns.
The third category, which displays the semantic feature of an attribute of a noun, is the
descriptive possessive construction. The syntactic and semantic structure of this type of
phrase has been investigated. A wide variety of complements of the possessive [a] have
been isolated in Setswana and some semantic features have received specific attention,
i.e. group nouns and partitives.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:
Die studie fokus op drie deskriptiewe nominale bepalers wat die attribute van naamwoorde
spesifiseer nl. die morfologiese adjektief, die relatief en die deskriptiewe possessief.
Die morfologiese adjektief kom voor in 'n adjektieffrase wat bestaan uit 'n bepaler en 'n
adjektief. Die adjektief moet klasooreenstemming hê met die kernnaamwoord in 'n
naamwoordfrase. Die adjektiefstam kan voorkom met nominale suffikse soos ana en gadi,
dit kan geredupliseer word, oorgeplaas word na ander kategorieë en selfs samestellings
vorm. Die adjektieffrase kan ook voorkom in 'n predikatiewe posisie sowel as in
vergelykings.
Die relatief kan dieselfde semantiese eienskappe hê as die adjektief. Die relatief in
Setswana bestaan uit 'n bepaler in die posisie van die komplementeerder gevolg deur 'n
infleksiefrase. So 'n infleksiefrase kan 'n kopulatiewe of nie-kopulatiewe werkwoord bevat.
Die aandag in hierdie studie het gekonsentreer op die nominale relatief wat voorkom as 'n
komplement van 'n kopulatiewe werkwoord. Hierdie nominale relatiewe stamme is verdeel
in twee afdelings nl. 'n afdeling waarin die nominale relatiewe stamme nie kan voorkom in
'n deskriptiewe possessiewe konstruksie en 'n tweede afdeling waar hierdie stamme ook
kan voorkom as 'n komplement van die possessiewe [a]. Die semantiese kenmerke van
hierdie nominale relatiewe stamme is geïsoleer en dit is duidelik dat hulle 'n wye
verskeidenheid van semantiese kenmerke het. Hierdie tipe relatief verteenwoordig In baie
wye keuse t.o.v. die attribute van naamwoorde.
Die derde kategorie wat die semantiese kenmerk van 'n attribuut van 'n naamwoord
vertoon, is die deskriptiewe possessiewe konstruksie. Die sintaktiese en semantiese
struktuur van hierdie tipe frase is nagegaan. 'n Groot verskeidenheid komplemente van die
possessiewe [a] is geïsoleer in Setswana en sommige semantiese kenmerke het
spesifieke aandag gekry nl. groepnaamwoorde en partitiiewe.
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Menantaud, Henri. "Contribution à la description morphosyntaxique de la phrase négative polonaise : forme du complément nominal." Paris 4, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA040201.
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A l'interieur d'une phrase negative, en polonais contemporain, la forme du complement direct est conditionnee par la conjonction d'une rection casuelle emanant du verbe et d'une rection negative emanant de la particule nie. La forme du complement indirect est conditionnee, soit de la meme facon que la forme du complement direct, soit par la seule rection casuelle emanant du verbe. La forme du complement circonstanciel n'est pas soumise a un phenomene de rection, mais elle est conditionnee par un mecanisme grammatical descriptible en termes d'opposition entre fonctions primaires et fonctions secondaires des deux categories flexionelles du cas et de la negation<br>In contemporary polish, the form of the direct object within a negative sentence is conditioned by both a casual government originating in the verb and a negative government originating in the particle nie. The form of the indirect object is conditioned either in the same way the form of the direct object is or by a casual government only. The form of the adverbial complement is conditioned by no government, but it is constrained by a grammatical mechanism describable in terms of the opposition primary functions vs. Secondary functions of the inflectional categories of case and negation
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Stanton, Tom. "'One', noun structure, and modification." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2017. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/31867.
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The present thesis aims to use novel observations as to the behaviour of anaphoric 'one' when under modification in order to explore more acutely the structure of the nominal phrase. There has been decades of disagreement as to the syntactic nature of anaphoric 'one'. This work highlights novel observations about anaphoric 'one' and offers structural analyses for them. Anaphoric 'one' behaves in a markedly distinct way when modified by a prenominal modifier versus when it is modified by a postnominal modifier. Specifically the indefinite article, numerals, and certain quantifiers are able to be introduced into the structure of the noun phrase only when anaphoric 'one' is modified prenominally. In such cases that is modified postnominally the introduction of such material is not possible. Rather than appealing to rich featural specifications on syntactic objects by way of explanation this thesis offers an account based upon the structure of the nominal. An obligatory movement operation in the nominal projection is proposed, the result of which produces a structural configuration which limits extraction from the moved constituent. It is the two of these factors working together that produces the pattern of behaviour to be captured. Finally I present phenomena that can be found in Spanish, Dutch, Turkish, and Slovenian which can be easily captured using the structural analysis offered in this work. The suggestion being that all of these languages exhibit not only the same movement operation in the nominal projection, but the same limit on what may be extracted from the moved constituent.
Books on the topic "Concord in the nominal phrase"
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Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Instituto de Investigaciones Filológicas and Fondo de Cultura Económica (Mexico), eds. La frase nominal. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2009.
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Contrastive analysis of English and Hindi nominal phrase. Bahri Publications, 1986.
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Lee, Sun Woo. Syntax of some nominal constructions in Korean. University Microfilms International, 1986.
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Nominal compounds in Old English: A metrical approach. Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1994.
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Neamțu, G. G. Predicatul în limba română: O reconsiderare a predicatului nominal. Editura Științifică și Enciclopedică, 1986.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Concord in the nominal phrase"
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Giusti, Giuliana. "Agreement and concord in nominal expressions." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.131.12giu.
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Mushin, Ilana. "Chapter 9. Multiple nominal expressions in Garrwa conversation." In The ‘Noun Phrase’ across Languages. John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tsl.128.09mus.
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Fries, Peter H. "Post nominal modifiers in the English noun phrase." In Studies in Language Companion Series. John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/slcs.45.09fri.
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Filip, Hana. "Aspect and Noun Phrase Semantics in German and Finnish." In Aspect, Eventuality Types and Nominal Reference. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203827413-7.
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Ackema, Peter, and Ad Neeleman. "Unifying nominal and verbal inflection." In Nominalization. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865544.003.0003.
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Taking a page from the RoN agenda which seeks to attribute fundamentally identical syntax to nouns and verbs, Ackema and Neeleman, in their chapter ‘Unifying nominal and verbal syntax: Agreement and feature realization’ pursue the parallel syntax of nominal and verbal projections by considering agreement phenomena. Some apparent agreement phenomena within the NP behave differently in some respects from verbal agreement, an observation that has led to a view that sees it as a distinct phenomenon, labeled concord. The authors defend two claims. First, concord is not itself an instance of agreement. Rather, following Norris (2014), it consists of the spell-out of features of an XP on terminals contained in that XP. These features can be present on XP because they are inherited from one or more heads contained in XP. These heads may have these features because they partake in agreement, or because they are inherent to the head. Second, neither agreement nor concord is unique to the category of the phrase in which it is found. Following the agenda set in Remarks, the authors argue that both agreement and concord occur in nominal as well as verbal domains. They show that various instances of apparently unusual agreement in TP, such as agreement in which adverbs are targets, are better analysed as cases of concord, and conclude that the general syntax of agreement and concord does not need to refer to nominal or verbal status. <236>
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Stan, Camelia, Gabriela Pană Dindelegan, Alexandru Nicolae, Raluca Brăescu, and Andra Vasilescu. "The nominal phrase." In The Syntax of Old Romanian. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198712350.003.0004.
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"The Nominal Phrase." In Second Level Hausa. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203990148-10.
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Rijkhoff, J. "Nominal Subcategories: Seinsarten." In The Noun Phrase. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198237822.003.0002.
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Rijkhoff, J. "Nouns: Real and Apparent Nominal Subclasses." In The Noun Phrase. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198237822.003.0003.
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"SYNTAX OF THE NOMINAL PHRASE." In The Syriac Language of the Peshitta and Old Syriac Versions of Matthew. BRILL, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004348394_004.
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