Relevant bibliographies by topics / Confederate government

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Confederate government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Confederate government"

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Seim, Brigitte, and Amanda Lea Robinson. "Coethnicity and Corruption: Field Experimental Evidence from Public Officials in Malawi." Journal of Experimental Political Science 7, no. 1 (April 2, 2019): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2019.8.

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AbstractCorruption is widespread in many developing countries, though public officials’ discretion in the solicitation of bribes may expose some citizens to more corruption than others. We derive expectations about how shared ethnicity between government officials and citizens should influence the likelihood of bribe solicitation. We evaluate these expectations through a field experiment in which Malawian confederates seek electricity connections from real government offices – an interaction that is often accompanied by bribe solicitation. Our field experiment exogenously varied coethnicity between the official and the confederate. We find that coethnicity increases the likelihood of expediting an electricity connection, both with and without a bribe, which we interpret as evidence of parochial corruption.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000432.

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War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001735.

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War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Benjamin, Andrea, Ray Block, Jared Clemons, Chryl Laird, and Julian Wamble. "Set in Stone? Predicting Confederate Monument Removal." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 2 (January 28, 2020): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519002026.

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ABSTRACTRecent events have led to a renewed conversation surrounding the relevance and potential removal of Confederate monuments around the country, and several monuments have already been removed. However, we have little insight to explain why some monuments have been removed while others remain. This article seeks to understand the social and political determinants that can better explain the recent removal of Confederate monuments throughout the United States. Analyzing results from an original dataset of Confederate monuments, we identify which local government structures and racial and civic characteristics best predict the removal of these monuments. Ultimately, although we find that other factors contribute to monument removal, the size of the black population, the presence of a National Association for the Advancement of Colored People chapter, and the percentage of Democrats in a county in which a monument exists—as well as whether the monument exists in a state that constrains removal by legislative decree—best predict whether a Confederate monument will be taken down. This project elucidates the interplay of race, partisanship, and local and statewide politics as it relates to the dismantling of Confederate monuments.
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Rable, George C., and William C. Davis. "An Honorable Defeat: The Last Days of the Confederate Government." Journal of Southern History 68, no. 4 (November 2002): 956. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069812.

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Holcombe, Randall G. "The Distributive Model of Government: Evidence from the Confederate Constitution." Southern Economic Journal 58, no. 3 (January 1992): 762. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1059842.

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Horton, Paul, and William C. Davis. "An Honorable Defeat: The Last Days of the Confederate Government." History Teacher 36, no. 3 (May 2003): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1555701.

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Hogue, James Keith. "An Honorable Defeat: The Last Days of the Confederate Government (review)." Civil War History 50, no. 1 (2004): 68–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2004.0012.

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Nicoletti, Cynthia. "The American Civil War as a Trial by Battle." Law and History Review 28, no. 1 (February 2010): 71–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248009990046.

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Confined alone in a cell in New York's Fort Lafayette in the heat of the summer of 1865, former Confederate naval secretary Stephen R. Mallory had little to do but reflect on the fate of the defeated Confederacy. Convinced that his life might be forfeit if the United States government made good on its threat to try him for treason, Mallory composed a lengthy letter to President Andrew Johnson petitioning for a pardon and seeking to explain his views on the demise of the Confederacy and the fate of the states' right to secede from the Union. While Mallory stressed his opposition to disunion in 1861, on the grounds of its inexpediency, he admitted that he had placed loyalty to his state above his duty as a citizen of the United States. He had “regarded the commands of my state as decisive of my path of duty; and I followed where she led.” Nonetheless, Mallory went on to disclaim his belief in the principle of secession in very striking terms, describing the death of secession in the crucible of the Civil War as the result of a trial by battle. Mallory never specifically denied secession's constitutionality; instead, he told Johnson that because he “recognize[ed] the death [of the Confederacy] as the will of Almighty God, I regard and accept His dispensation as decisive of the questions of slavery and secession.”
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LeMahieu, Michael. "Post-54: Reconstructing Civil War Memory in American Literature after Brown." American Literary History 33, no. 3 (August 5, 2021): 635–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajab059.

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Abstract From a cultural fad of Confederate flags to a spate of schools named after Confederate generals, the 1954 Brown v. Board decision revived the memory of the US Civil War. In their collective effort of “massive resistance,” white southerners considered themselves carrying on the legacy of their Confederate ancestors, rebelling against the federal government and insisting upon states’ rights. In response to this revival, many mid-century writers revised Civil War memory. Ralph Ellison, for example, considered the Brown decision as yet another battle in an ongoing Civil War. The works of Black writers such as James Baldwin, Langston Hughes, Pauli Murray, and Margaret Walker, as well as white writers such as Robert Lowell, Carson McCullers, Flannery O’Connor, and Robert Penn Warren, revise Lost Cause cultural narratives as they reconstruct four sites of Civil War memory: monuments, schools, textbooks, and grandparents. Writers in the twenty-first century have extended the interest in Civil War memory, from the essays of Ta-Nehisi Coates to the plays of Suzan-Lori Parks, to the fiction of George Saunders to the poetry of Natasha Trethewey and Kevin Young. The return of Civil War memory in twenty-first-century literature anticipates and represents the resurgence of civil rights protest against ongoing, state-sanctioned racial violence.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Confederate government"

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Shaffer, Joshua. "Into the Vortex of a Maelstrom: The Art of Municipal Governance in Confederate Richmond." VCU Scholars Compass, 2015. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3806.

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From May 1861 until April 1865 the city of Richmond, Virginia served as the capital of the Confederate States of America, during the American Civil War. Throughout the course of the war it operated alongside the established governments of the Commonwealth of Virginia, the County of Henrico, and Richmond City. The body that experienced the greatest fluctuation and change was the municipal government, which consisted of a city council, mayor, and hustings court. The city government faced existential challenges that included an increase in its population, an influx of Confederate soldiers, and the constant threat of the Union army. While developing and implementing policies that responded to these situations, it refused to neglect or yield the duties that it had always performed. This included maintaining the gas and water works, funding police and fire departments, providing land for burial in cemeteries, and ensuring basic resources were available to its denizens.
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Lang, Andrew F. ""Victory is Our Only Road to Peace": Texas, Wartime Morale, and Confederate Nationalism, 1860-1865." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6086/.

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This thesis explores the impact of home front and battlefield morale on Texas's civilian and military population during the Civil War. It addresses the creation, maintenance, and eventual surrender of Confederate nationalism and identity among Texans from five different counties: Colorado, Dallas, Galveston, Harrison, and Travis. The war divided Texans into three distinct groups: civilians on the home front, soldiers serving in theaters outside of the state, and soldiers serving within Texas's borders. Different environments, experiences, and morale affected the manner in which civilians and soldiers identified with the Confederate war effort. This study relies on contemporary letters, diaries, newspaper reports, and government records to evaluate how morale influenced national dedication and loyalty to the Confederacy among various segments of Texas's population.
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Montgomery, Alison Skye. "Imagined families : Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern identity, 1830-1890." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bbfb161e-513d-4c2c-9325-4e60d17b4fba.

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Anglo-American kinship, as a set of historical continuities linking the United States to Great Britain and as a reckoning of relatedness, constituted a valuable cultural resource for Southerners as they contemplated their place within the American nation and outside in the nineteenth century. Like the more conventional calculations of consanguinity and familial belonging it referenced, the Anglo-American kinship was contingent, convoluted, and, not infrequently, contested. Articulated at various times by masters and former slaves, ministers and merchants, plantation mistresses and politicians, this sense of belonging to an imagined transatlantic family transcended the boundaries of gender, race, and class as readily as it traversed national borders. Though grounded in biogenetic factors, the language of Anglo-American kinship encompassed claims of belonging predicated on confessional faith, language, and institutions as well as blood. This thesis considers the interaction between conceptions of Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern national identity, both unionist and separatist, between 1830 and 1890 by examining institutions and social rituals that both inculcated filiopietism and constructed Southerness in the Civil War era and beyond. The subjects under consideration in this study include the role of European travel in forging Southern distinctiveness before the war, ring tournaments and the ethos of medieval chivalry they promoted, the Protestant Episcopal Church and its role in managing the sectional crisis, postbellum immigration societies and their vision of the plantation South remade in the image of British manors, and the role that state historical associations played in reunion and the entrenchment of the Lost Cause mythology as the predominant historical framework for interpreting the American Civil War.
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Wellborn, Mark Alan. "Texas and the CCC: A Case Study in the Successful Administration of a Confederated State and Federal Program." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500746/.

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Reacting to the Great Depression, Texans abandoned the philosophy of rugged individualism and turned to their state and federal governments for leadership. Texas's Governor Miriam Ferguson resultantly created the state's first relief agency, which administered all programs including those federally funded. Because the Roosevelt administration ordered state participation in and immediate implementation of the CCC, a multi-governmental, multi-departmental administrative alliance involving state and federal efforts resulted, which, because of scholars' preferences for research at the federal level, often is mistakenly described as a decentralized administration riddled with bureaucratic shortcomings. CCC operations within Texas, however, revealed that this complicated administrative structure embodied the reasons for the CCC's well-documented success.
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Carstens, Adrian. "A framework for review of metropolitan Government in greater Johannesburg." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/22096.

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A research report submitted to the Faculty of Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in partlal fulfillment of the requirements for-tne degree of Master of Management (in the field of Public and Development Management).
This research report develops a review framework for metropolitan local government in Greater Johannesburg and South Africa, through the extrapolation of the key aspects of three generic models of metropolitan local government. These models are classified as confederal. tow-tier and unicity type of city government. The need for the review of local government in Greater Johannesburg is illustrated through an historical overview or events in the transformation of local government since 1990, The crucial clements or the generic models arc also described in terms of metropolitan evaluation criteria and area variables. Evaluation criteria are defined as essential strategic indicators of performance, whilst area variables are seen as those factors which contribute to the specific structure and nature of metropolises in South Africa. Tile generic models are compiled in the format of a review matrix. which take the crucial elements thereof, as well as the evaluation criteria and area variables into account. Compatibility with the evaluation criteria are measured as being either low, medium or high. The conclusion is made that either an integrating two-tier system or metropolitan government or an unicity with limited delegation to community councils represent the optimal alternative for Greater Johannesburg.
AC2017
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Mack, Dustin J. "Cooperation and confederacy : a comparison of indigenous confederacies in relation to imperial polities." 2010. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1607098.

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This study demonstrates the flexible nature of relations between “peripheral” polities imperial “core” polities. The decentralized nature of the Mongol and Iroquois confederacies enabled them to dictate terms during negotiations with the Ming dynasty or British, respectively, giving them a higher degree of agency in their relations. Comparing the experiences of the Mongols and Iroquois provides a better understanding of how indigenous confederacies acted and reacted under similar circumstances. Likewise, this study aims to demonstrate the capacity for “peripheral” confederacies to resist, selectively adapt, and negotiate with “core” empires.
Confederacy in action -- Iroquois historiography -- Mongol historiography -- Social structures and foundation myths -- "Relative" relations.
Department of History
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Books on the topic "Confederate government"

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Entrepôt: Government imports into the Confederate States. Roseville, Minn: Edinborough Press, 2009.

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Davis, Jefferson. The rise and fall of the Confederate government. New York, N.Y: Da Capo Press, 1990.

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The rise and fall of the Confederate government. New York, N.Y: Da Capo Press, 1990.

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Davis, Jefferson. The rise and fall of the Confederate government. Mineola, N.Y: Dover Publications, 2007.

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Davis, Jefferson. The rise and fall of the Confederate government. Mineola, N.Y: Dover Publications, 2007.

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Hattaway, Herman. Jefferson Davis, Confederate president. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2002.

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1933-, Beringer Richard E., ed. Jefferson Davis, Confederate president. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2002.

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Confederate crackers and cavaliers. Abilene, Tex: McWhiney Foundation Press, 2002.

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United States. National Archives and Records Administration., ed. The Confederacy: A guide to the archives of the Government of the Confederate States of America. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 1986.

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An honorable defeat: The last days of the Confederate government. New York: Harcourt, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Confederate government"

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DeCredico, Mary A. "From the City on the James to Confederate Capital." In Confederate Citadel, 6–35. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179254.003.0002.

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The initial chapter chronicles Richmond’s economic development and modernization during the 1850s. By the eve of secession, Richmond ranked thirteenth nationally in manufacturing. The city and its citizens remained staunchly Unionist while the Deep Southern states seceded. It was President Abraham Lincoln’s call for 75,000 militia, with some required to come from Virginia, that turned Richmonders into enthusiastic supporters of secession. It was only logical that the Confederate government relocated the capital from sleepy Montgomery, Alabama, to the bustling city on the James River because of its prominence.
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DeCredico, Mary A. "Hardship and Despair, 1863." In Confederate Citadel, 68–100. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179254.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 explores how the year 1863 challenged the city and its people as never before. Bad weather and the government fixing of prices for food and livestock led to spiraling inflation and food shortages. Because of these problems, coupled with a devastating fire at the Confederate arsenal laboratory on Brown’s Island, the situation in Richmond was tense. It finally exploded when hungry women marched to the governor’s mansion. Infuriated by the lack of response to their queries, the women took to the streets and created the largest bread riot to wrack the Confederacy that spring. Neither Mayor Joseph Mayo nor Governor John Letcher could appease the crowd, so the Home Guard was sent to deal with the rioters. In the aftermath of the Bread Riot, the Richmond City Council created what would become a comprehensive welfare system.
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DeCredico, Mary A. "The Fall of Richmond, 1865." In Confederate Citadel, 124–48. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179254.003.0006.

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This final chapter describes Richmond’s last days as the Confederate capital. Union general Ulysses S. Grant continued extending his lines, forcing Confederate general Robert E. Lee to do the same—but with less men. The Army of Northern Virginia was hemorrhaging as desertions averaged 100 men a day. When Grant broke Lee’s lines in three places, Lee had no choice but to call for the evacuation of the Confederate capital on April 2. Lee had decided months earlier to set fire to the tobacco stored in the city. Following Lee’s orders, Department of Richmond commander General Richard Ewell torched the hogsheads. A breeze turned into a swift wind, and before long the city was in flames. Locals, escaped prisoners, slaves, and free blacks looted stores and pillaged government warehouses, enraged by the bounty they discovered there, hoarded during the famine. Mayor Joseph Mayo surrendered Richmond to Federal forces on April 3. The chapter concludes with President Lincoln’s visit to the burned-out capital.
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Sainlaude, Stève. "The Emperor Gets Involved in the War." In France and the American Civil War, translated by Jessica Edwards, 28–59. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649948.003.0003.

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In defiance of neutrality, because he saw the American Civil War as an opportunity to strengthen France’s position in Mexico and Latin America,Napoleon III pursued a policy openly favourable to the Confederate government: he tried to gain the Confederates a respite from the war via mediation; he twice sought a way to recognize their government; and he wanted to build them ships and buy them maritime weapons. In both 1862 and 1863, Napoleon anticipated victory for the Confederates and wanted to support them with a diplomatic decision.However, Napoleon had to reckon with the resolute opposition of Foreign Minister Eduouard Thouvenel and his successor Edouard Drouyn de Lhuys, who regularly thwarted Napoleon’s plans. The Rappahanock affair was perhaps the peak of these convoluted negotiations. The Confederate envoys understood that there was no consensus in the French government on the position to adopt toward the South. As they attentively followed the exercise of French diplomacy, they saw that it was possible to draw actors into the opposition, to hamper the foreign minister’s efforts by encouraging his colleagues to contradict him, or even to appeal to the emperor and his entourage to achieve their ends.
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Foote, Lorien. "Guardian Angels." In Yankee Plague. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630557.003.0005.

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When escaped Union prisoners traveled through North Carolina, they encountered regions where the home front had collapsed into a battle front. Families of deserters engaged in violent resistance to Confederate conscription and battled the North Carolina home guard. Unionist families engaged in guerrilla warfare against Confederate supporters. These households resisting the Confederate government mobilized their resources, including children, to aid escaped prisoners. Cultural assumptions about gender, civilization, and romance governed interactions between escaped Union prisoners and Appalachian women.
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Barney, William L. "The Confederacy." In Rebels in the Making, 253–82. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076085.003.0010.

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In forming the Confederate States of America at a convention in Montgomery, Alabama, in February 1861, the delegates made the protection of slavery their top priority. They wrote into the Provisional Confederate Constitution explicit guarantees for the perpetuation of slavery. Anxious to project an image of bipartisan moderation, they denied leadership positions to the fire-eaters, the original hard-core radicals, and chose Jefferson Davis, a latecomer to secession, for president, and Alexander Stephens, who had warned against the dangers of secession, for vice-president. As inducements for the Upper South to join the Confederacy, the convention adopted a moderate tariff instead of free trade and constitutionally mandated the prohibition of the African slave trade. God was invoked as their protector on the official seal of the Confederacy, a confirmation of the evangelical belief that Southerners were undertaking a holy mission in forming a new Christian republic dedicated to the glory of God. Although specifically authorized only with drafting a provisional constitution, the delegates conferred the powers of a legislative body or congress on the convention in order to move ahead quickly in shaping their new government and preparing for a possible war with the North. By March, a functioning government and army were in place.
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Hess, Earl J. "I Hope Every Man Will Follow Me." In Storming Vicksburg, 50–69. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660172.003.0004.

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Uneven action characterized Federal attacks all along the Union line. In James B. McPherson’s Seventeenth Corps, which held the center of Grant’s line, the only serious attack was conducted by Thomas E. Ransom’s brigade and it failed to come closely to grips with the entrenched Confederates on its sector. In John A. McClernand’s Thirteenth Corps, holding the left of the Union line, all that was done was to move the three divisions of the corps forward to reach positions from which they could launch a serious attack. This was all that seemed possible given the rugged terrain and heavy Confederate artillery fire. The Federals had not conducted a general attack or mounted a serious effort to find and break through weak points in the enemy defence line. Their enthusiasm had dampened somewhat but they still retained strong confidence in ultimate success. The effect of the Union repulse of May 19, however, was dramatic among the Confederates. It wiped away most of the demoralization caused by their defeats in Grant’s overland march and made them much more confident of holding Vicksburg until the Confederate government could mount an effort to relieve them from outside.
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Levin, Kevin M. "The Camp Slaves’ War." In Searching for Black Confederates, 12–36. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653266.003.0002.

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The chapter begins by stating that a widely circulated picture of a white soldier and a Black Confederate soldier is actually a photograph of Andrew Chandler and his family slave, Silas. Slaves were sometimes allowed to purchase military uniforms or were provided them by their masters, which explains why there are photographs of Black men in Confederate uniforms. At the onset of the war, Confederates believed they could offset the disadvantage of having a smaller population and less war-making power than the Union by utilizing slave labor. The government impressed enslaved people to work on earthworks, railroads, and weapon production. They also performed various jobs in camps such as cooking, performing music, and assisting in hospitals. White soldiers often brought slaves from home to act as personal servants. At times, the presence of personal slaves created class tensions within camps. Enslaved people often took on various tasks in camps for payment. While the shared experience of war likely brought the enslaved and their enslavers closer together, the racial hierarchy was strictly, and often violently enforced by the enslavers. Enslavers’ belief that their slaves were loyal to them and the Confederate cause sometimes caused emotional distress when a slave would run away or defect to the Union.
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Sainlaude, Stève. "Napoléon III’s “Grand Design” and the Confederacy." In France and the American Civil War, translated by Jessica Edwards, 110–26. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649948.003.0007.

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In 1862, Napoleon III sent an expeditionary force to occupy Mexico with the aim of establishing a Latin and Catholic empire in the region as part of his “Grand Design” for the Americas. The American Civil War served Napoleon’s purposes in many ways. First, the division of the Union neutralized the U.S. by rendering it unable to enforce the Monroe Doctrine. Second, the location of the new Confederacy, interposed between the Lincoln government and the Rio Grande, would protect Mexican interests. Third, faced with this interference in Mexican affairs, the insurgents showed their support for Napoleon’s enterprise. From the very start of the war, the Confederates and their sympathizers tried to cast themselves out as the natural allies of Napoleon’s new Mexican regime, but the French had their doubts about the sincerity of the South’s support. Until the eve of secession, Southern nationalism was reflected by an unremitting desire for conquest in the Caribbean, Mexico, or Central America. To the Quai d’Orsay, a Confederate victory would signal the resumption of Southern conquests to fuel a slave empire. At the same time, Maximilian, the new emperor of Mexico set up by Napoleon, preferred to remain neutral and keep his distance from the Confederacy.
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Foote, Lorien. "They Cover the Land like the Locusts of Egypt." In Yankee Plague. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630557.003.0004.

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When the Confederate and state government in South Carolina proved unable to respond to the threatening alliance between escaped Union prisoners, slaves, and deserters, citizens of the state took over the functions of security in their neighborhoods and withdrew from state-sponsored efforts to recruit men for the Confederate reserves and the state militia to defend the state against the threatened invasion of Union armies under Sherman. The government of South Carolina ceased to function in significant portions of the state during the last three months of 1864. This is an important reason for the utter lack of resistance to Sherman’s invasion of the state.
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