Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Confederation of states'

controversial since the ratification of the Constitution in 1789. In 1793, the Supreme Court ruled that the states had no sovereign immunity. The Eleventh Amendment reversed this ruling about the Constitution. The Eleventh Amendment itself has also been very controversial. We study the history and development of sovereign immunity jurisprudence from the founding of the United States until the present time.

While the annexation movement in British Columbia appears to have been short-lived and disorganized, it was nevertheless understood as a serious threat to British rule. This study seeks to reconcile this contradiction through an examination of newspapers, debates, despatches, and correspondence drawn from British Columbia, Britain, Canada, and the United States. In examining the movement, this study reveals both the peculiar capacity of the minor agitation to present an exaggerated image of its popularity, and the key geopolitical assumptions which led observers to overestimate its importance. As the narrative spectre of annexationism outpaced the actual strength of the movement, confederationist leaders and British and American authorities were led to embark on misguided political strategies. The British Columbian annexation movement’s disproportionate impact reveals the complex interaction between local politics and global forces in British North American history, and demonstrates the role of ideology and rumour-making in shaping global political narratives.

The most contentious issues of our day often have to do with political and social rights as opposed to economic rights. Through the lens of property rights I investigate whether this dichotomy existed at the time of the American founding. First, I examine the state constitutions and identify three clauses, common to the documents, which protect property rights. I examine their historical basis and reveal their connection to English common law and Locke, primarily. Then, I discuss the personal views of Madison and Jefferson to gain insight into the personal thoughts of two of the most influential Founders. Finally, I examine the actual protections for property rights found in the Constitution and Bill of Rights. Ultimately, I conclude that the Founders saw property rights as deserving of no less protection than social and political rights. Our modern political arena thus has a blind spot when it comes to economic rights. Understanding, at the very least, this part of our nation’s original history is useful for American policymakers, advocates, and citizens of any political stripe.

Master of Arts
Department of History
David A. Graff
Michael Ramsay
In 1988, Irving Brown received the Medal of Freedom from President Ronald Reagan for playing a crucial role in breaking the hold of international communism over postwar Western Europe. By doing so, he can truly be called one of the architects of Western democracy. Brown also made extraordinary efforts to fight international Communism in French North Africa during the 1950s. This paper seeks to answer the question of why these efforts in North Africa failed, and it will show the limits of American labor‘s international influence during the Cold War, in particular in French North Africa. Irving Brown successfully strengthened anti-Communist unions in Europe, and had the financial backing of the Truman Administration for those projects. However, Brown‘s efforts to build anti-Communist trade unions in Tunisia and Algeria did not have the backing of the U.S. government under the Eisenhower Administration. Instead, the AFL-CIO, with Brown as its representative, attempted to use the non-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) to influence the nationalist movements of Tunisia and Algeria through their respective national unions, the Union générale tunisienne du travail (UGTT) and the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA). Disagreements within the ICFTU severely inhibited Brown‘s effectiveness and prevented him from fully realizing the AFL-CIO‘s policy goals in North Africa. Brown was overly dependent on Tunisia for his operations with the Algeria labor movement, and the ICFTU was incapable of providing adequate support to the Algerians to compete with its Communist rival, the World Federation of Trade Unions. To the extent that independent Tunisia was Western-oriented, Brown was successful in his efforts. However, in the long run, Brown failed as an architect of Western democracy, as Tunisia became a dictatorship with a socialist economy. In Algeria, the state of war forced the UGTA to turn to the Eastern bloc despite Brown‘s personal dedication to North African independence and development. Furthermore, in independence, Algeria‘s government embraced socialism and single party rule.

The Swedish model is a concept that over time has become widely known. Lately, the first thing that springs to mind may be the way Sweden has handled the pandemic of covid-19. Originally however, the Swedish model is an attempt develop a strategy of cooperation between conflicting interests. It has a long history in the relationship between employers and employees and also more structurally, between labour unions and the employers’ association, as well as between government and various interest organisations. The Swedish Sports Confederation (SSC) is a membership organisation of 72 special federations of sport. In addition, it disperses the government funding to sports and hence has a relationship with the state where the government has particular interest in how sport delivers on the government targets for sport. As a member organisation however, the SSC is governed by its members. The question then arises: does the government funding and the state’s expectations influence how sport is governed even though it is an independent organisation? This study based on a theory of leading change, where leadership is categorised in eight steps examines to what extent and how leadership surfaces in the relationship between the SSC and its members. How can this leadership be described and understood? The method used is a study of documents, more explicitly propositions from the board to the general assembly of the confederation, documents for discussion in workshops and documents containing information and knowledge pertinent to the process. All the documents that were studied have been presented by the board to the members between the years 2013 and 2019. Analysis were quantitative where leadership that could be identified as one of the eight categories of the model was marked in a specially developed protocol and thereafter summarised to determine the extent of leadership that occurred, and qualitative where sections of text that related to the steps of the model were analysed. The leadership was then described based on how steps of the model were utilised or not. The results of the analysis show that the SSC emphasised the creating of a sense of urgency early in the process. This emphasis however, decreased as time passed. During the whole process the SSC kept focus on involving all federations as well as focusing on what to achieve and how this is to be done. From about halfway and onwards the communication about the change process and the vision was given more attention. The SSC has not identified any small, leading coalition, created short term results or celebrated early successes in order to build up more power for change. In the discussion section there is speculation on whether this is due to the type of member organisation that the SSC is. To conclude several suggestions are presented with regards to how a hybrid organisation could handle leadership in order to strengthen knowledge, democracy and at the same time meet expectations from several directions.
En ideell medlemsorganisation styrs av organisationens medlemmar genom beslut på årsmöte. Om samma organisation mottar bidrag för sin verksamhet, med förväntningar på effekter som verksamheten ska ha – hur påverkas då organisationen? Denna uppsats finner sin bakgrund i en ideell organisation, Riksidrottsförbundet (RF), som under lång tid ingått ett korporativt samröre med staten. En av RF:s uppgifter är att, tillsammans med sina medlemmar, leda den idrottsliga utvecklingen. I ljuset av en teori om ledarskap i förändring där åtta steg identifierats som nödvändiga i en sådan process analyseras RF:s ledarskap i relation till medlemmarna. I vilken utsträckning och på vilket sätt framträder ledarskap? Hur kan detta ledarskap beskrivas och förstås? Studien är gjord i form av en dokumentstudie där besluts-, diskussions- och kunskapsunderlag som RF presenterat för sina medlemmar under perioden 2013–2019 studerats och analyserats. Denna period kan sammanfattas som idrottsrörelsens strategiarbete, med inriktning på fem övergripande mål 2025. Analysen har dels skett kvantitativt där ledarskap som kunde kategoriseras till någon av de åtta steg som återfanns i teorin noterades i ett särskilt utvecklat protokoll och därefter sammanställdes när det gäller omfattning, dels kvalitativt där identifierade textstycken härletts till den teoretiska modellens åtta steg. Ledarskapet har sedan beskrivits utifrån hur modellens olika steg använts och inte använts. Resultatet av analysen visar att RF lagt stor vikt i periodens början på att etablera en känsla av att förändring är nödvändig och brådskande. Dock har betoningen på detta minskat längs vägen. Under hela processen har RF haft stort fokus på involvering, samt vad som ska uppnås och hur det ska göras. Från mitten av processen och framåt kan också noteras ett större fokus på kommunikation kring förändringsprocessen. RF har inte i processen identifierat någon mindre ledande koalition, skapat några kortsiktiga resultat eller befäst framgångar för att skapa ytterligare framgångar. I diskussionen spekuleras i om en anledning till avsaknaden av dessa tre steg kan vara att RF är just en medlemsorganisation och därigenom inte vill behandla medlemmar olika. Som konklusion ges ett antal förslag kring hur en hybridorganisation kan fundera på att hantera ledarskapet för att stärka kunskap, demokrati och samtidigt klara att möta olika intressenters förväntningar.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior
A presente pesquisa busca analisar como se deu, no CearÃ, o processo de IndependÃncia e a formaÃÃo do Estado Nacional. Para tanto, nos propusemos, primeiramente, a investigar como se deu a desvinculaÃÃo polÃtica da capitania do Siarà grande da capitania geral de Pernambuco no ano de 1799 e a importÃncia desse fato tanto para uma maior autonomia local como para o desenvolvimento dessa capitania. AlÃm desse aspecto, analisamos como os grupos locais se colocaram diante da presenÃa da famÃlia real na colÃnia, Reino Unido a partir de 1815, destacando o movimento de 1817 como um primeiro momento de descontentamento com as ordens e medidas tomadas pela Corte Imperial que estavam indo de encontro aos interesses locais, sobretudo das capitanias do Norte. Discutimos tambÃm a participaÃÃo do Cearà no processo de IndependÃncia e na ConfederaÃÃo do Equador, destacando que a adesÃo a esse movimento refletia as divergÃncias existentes tanto nessa provÃncia como no recente paÃs a respeito de como ele deveria ser conduzido. E ainda debatemos sobre o movimento conhecido na historiografia como Revolta de Pinto Madeira, movimento de cunho restauracionista, que tinha, entre outros motivos, restabelecer D. Pedro I no trono brasileiro depois de sua abdicaÃÃo em sete de abril de 1831.
The present research seeks to analyze how did happen, in CearÃ, the independence process and the formation of the National State. Therefore, we proposed first to investigate how did occur the political disentail of the captainship of Siarà grande from the general captainship of Pernambuco in the year of 1799, and the importance of such fact both for a local bigger autonomy and for that captainship development. Beside this aspect, we analyze how did the local groups place before the Royal Familyâs presence in the colony, United Kingdom from 1815, putting in relief the 1817âs movement like a first moment of displeasure with the orders and measures taken by Imperial Court which were going opposed to the local interests, mainly the Northâs captainships. We discussed too the participation of Cearà in the process of independence, and in the Equator Confederation, detaching that the adherence to that movement reflected the existing divergences both in that province and in the recent country respecting to how it should ought be conducted. And l we still discuss on the movement known in historiography as Pinto Madeiraâs Revolt, a movement of restoring character that has, among other motifs, the re-establishment of D. Pedro I in Brazilianâs throne after his abdication in April seven 1831.

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The history of the State of São Paulo’s amateur theater federative movement is described and analyzed in the period between 1963 and 1975. We will describe the action of the State Board of Theatre (CET), and go together with the creation and development of amateur theater federations and the Confederation of Amateur Theatre in the State of São Paulo (COTAESP), in addition to the meetings, congresses, and festivals of Amateur Theatre. In the analysis way, we seek to understand what made people (and groups) with such different proposals become organized, building associations, organizing conferences, doing festivals, and searching political and physical spaces, for a period of a dozen years. The analysis also seeks to define who did amateur theatre during this period, their motivations and goals, their themes, and languages. According to what was analyzed, the amateur performances seem to be immersing in the feelings of your public and contributed to advancements and changes in social relationships, even facing powerful opposition of a military dictatorship
A história do movimento federativo paulista de Teatro Amador é descrita e analisada, no período entre 1963 e 1975. No âmbito descritivo, a partir da ação da Comissão Estadual de Teatro (CET), acompanha-se a criação e desenvolvimento das federações de Teatro Amador e da Confederação de Teatro Amador do Estado de São Paulo (COTAESP), além das assembleias, congressos e festivais de Teatro Amador. No terreno da análise, busca-se compreender o que fez pessoas (e grupos) com propostas tão diferentes agirem em conjunto, construindo federações, organizando congressos, fazendo festivais e conquistando espaços físicos e políticos, por um espaço de tempo de uma dúzia de anos. A análise também busca definir quem fez teatro amador nesse período, suas motivações e objetivos, seus temas e linguagens. De acordo com o que foi analisado, as encenações amadoras parecem ter imergindo na estrutura de sentimentos de seu público e contribuído para avanços e transformações nas relações sociais, mesmo enfrentando poderosa oposição de uma ditadura militar

Nesta investigação será analisada a reconfiguração político-territorial do Vice-Reino do Novo Reino de Granada, no final do século XVIII e nas duas primeiras décadas do século XIX. Em primeiro lugar, examinar-se-á a organização político-territorial do Vice-Reino, estabelecida pela monarquia espanhola. Em segundo lugar, analisar-se-á a formação de juntas de governo, congressos, Estados provinciais e confederações, que, após a dissolução da monarquia, em 1808, foram legitimadas por meio de atas, constituições de tipo moderno e guerras. Esses acontecimentos modificaram a organização política e territorial do antigo Vice-Reino, entre 1809 e 1816.
This research analyzes the political and territorial reconfiguration of the Viceroyalty of New Kingdom of Granada, in the late eighteenth century and the first two decades of the nineteenth century. In the first place, the political and territorial organization of the Viceroyalty established by the Spanish monarchy will be examined. Secondly, the formation of governments juntas, congress, provincial States and confederations after the dissolution of the monarchy in 1808 will to be analyzed, as well as how they were legitimated by actas, constitutions of modern type and wars that changed political and territorial organization of the former Viceroyalty, between 1809 and 1816.

FELIX, Keile Socorro Leite. Espíritos inflamados: a construção do estado nacional brasileiro e os projetos políticos no Ceará (1817-1840). 2010. 231f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2010.
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The present research seeks to analyze how did happen, in Ceará, the independence process and the formation of the National State. Therefore, we proposed first to investigate how did occur the political disentail of the captainship of Siará grande from the general captainship of Pernambuco in the year of 1799, and the importance of such fact both for a local bigger autonomy and for that captainship development. Beside this aspect, we analyze how did the local groups place before the Royal Family’s presence in the colony, United Kingdom from 1815, putting in relief the 1817’s movement like a first moment of displeasure with the orders and measures taken by Imperial Court which were going opposed to the local interests, mainly the North’s captainships. We discussed too the participation of Ceará in the process of independence, and in the Equator Confederation, detaching that the adherence to that movement reflected the existing divergences both in that province and in the recent country respecting to how it should ought be conducted. And l we still discuss on the movement known in historiography as Pinto Madeira’s Revolt, a movement of restoring character that has, among other motifs, the re-establishment of D. Pedro I in Brazilian’s throne after his abdication in April seven 1831.
A presente pesquisa busca analisar como se deu, no Ceará, o processo de Independência e a formação do Estado Nacional. Para tanto, nos propusemos, primeiramente, a investigar como se deu a desvinculação política da capitania do Siará grande da capitania geral de Pernambuco no ano de 1799 e a importância desse fato tanto para uma maior autonomia local como para o desenvolvimento dessa capitania. Além desse aspecto, analisamos como os grupos locais se colocaram diante da presença da família real na colônia, Reino Unido a partir de 1815, destacando o movimento de 1817 como um primeiro momento de descontentamento com as ordens e medidas tomadas pela Corte Imperial que estavam indo de encontro aos interesses locais, sobretudo das capitanias do Norte. Discutimos também a participação do Ceará no processo de Independência e na Confederação do Equador, destacando que a adesão a esse movimento refletia as divergências existentes tanto nessa província como no recente país a respeito de como ele deveria ser conduzido. E ainda debatemos sobre o movimento conhecido na historiografia como Revolta de Pinto Madeira, movimento de cunho restauracionista, que tinha, entre outros motivos, restabelecer D. Pedro I no trono brasileiro depois de sua abdicação em sete de abril de 1831.

The American Civil War resulted in lasting consequences for the British Empire’s remote Pacific colonies of British Columbia and Vancouver Island. Britons in the colonies mobilized to address the issue of defending against a potential American attack. Despite concerns surrounding the possibility of an American invasion, the conflict increased solidarity towards the United States, as public opinion in British Columbia and Vancouver Island became more pro-Union through the course of the American Civil War, with local residents regularly celebrating holidays like the Fourth of July. Local newspapers welcomed efforts by the American government to finally abolish slave labour, yet Victoria’s African American community continued to face racial discrimination, which was often blamed on resident Southerners. The conflict ultimately helped in improving public perceptions of the United States, but not without raising significant fears of American military might on the continent.
Graduate

This submitted dissertation thesis provides a constitutional comparative analysis of the European Union and the European federations, primarily the Federal Republic of Germany, Swiss Confederation, Republic of Austria and also basic features of the United States of America. I will attempt to determine whether EU is already a federation, or how much closer it has shifted to a federative type political arrangement. In this dissertation thesis I will try to methodically analyze, which characteristics of a federal state the European Union already meets and if we can put the EU under the category of federations, confederations or international organizations. To achieve better understanding of the context of this dissertation thesis, a comparative analysis of the European Federations is studied from historical, sociological and political science perspective. However the main emphasis here is focused on the analysis of the constitutional and legal arrangements. The first part of this thesis starts from the scrutiny of the origin and development of the theory of federalism in historical perspective, followed by determining the concept of federalism and federation in constitutional terms. Subsequently provided here are definitions of various types of federations and the reasons for their creation and...

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1988.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 251-266).

碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
99
In order to demobilize the working class during the martial law period, the KMT government established trade unions to preempt the system and formed a unitary, hierarchically ordered institutional frame for unions with corporate shape. From the perspective of KMT government, the organization of unions was not for working class to express their interests but a tool to safeguard its own authority. As a result, before the martial law was lifted, the unions belonged to a corporate regime without function of mediating interests. After the abolition of martial law and as democratization began, activists tried to challenge the party state’s control in trade unions and formed autonomous unions of their own. These autonomous unions gathered during 1990s and established alliances on the county/city level; finally they formed a national alliance in 2000, Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions, which was a blow for party state’s trade union system. Since then, Taiwan''s trade union regime entered the next period: post-state corporatism. However, how the trade union regime has been evolving in the post-state corporatism era is still unclear. This project thus lays out four questions: has the institutional design of Taiwan’s trade union regime ever evolved toward the ideal of social corporatism? Which path has been taken? How the organization of Taiwan’s trade union regime works and what are their functions now in 2010? What factors have made the present form? This project set out from historical institutional perspectives, inquiring into the changing trajectory of Confederation of Trade Unions during the post-state corporatism period. This paper points out that 90s is the critical juncture. Some agents made influential choice which leaded to the follow-up institutional path. First, the movement that aimed to the establishment of Confederation of trade unions conforms to the definition of social corporatism, integrating interests “from bottom to up.” Nevertheless, in order to secure resources, some agents let the unions of state-owned enterprises become direct member of Taiwan’s Confederation of Trade Unions. The result was that the confederation of trade unions on national level represented workers of different interests from those on county/city level. Since the organization failed to intermediate all the workers’ interests, “difference” among the workers easily turned into “conflict,” which promoted institutional change. After that, the organization “discretized”, and finally “separated” into two mobilization systems, the Solidarity and Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions.

Key Words Polabian Slavs, Polabian area, Obodrite, Populus, Gens, Nacio, State, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Obotritic confederation tribes Abstract The thesis analyses and interprets the key events in the state-forming process of so-called Obotritic confederation tribes in 789 - 1178. It focuses on the analysis of written sources, which serve as a basis for three models of inter-tribal units in Polabian area. The thesis argues against the traditional evolutionistic point of view, which considers the confederation tribes to be the predecessors of early medieval states. The main focus of the analysis is put on the starting point form which the Obotritic state-forming process originated. The main question is whether the Obodrite, upon their first appearance in written history, were more federation of tribes or one large tribe, whose break-up at the turn of 9th and 10th century started a new phase of the process. For the next period, the thesis introduces unique model of so-called tribal state, created by the combined effects of various factors, such as location, political situation, social changes in 11th and 12th century etc. The inner and outer factors that lead to the break-up of the Obotritic tribe state in 1270s are discussed in the same manner. The last part of the thesis is an analysis of later...