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Journal articles on the topic 'Confederation of states'
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1
Crémer, Jacques, and Thomas R. Palfrey. "Political Confederation." American Political Science Review 93, no. 1 (March 1999): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585761.
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This article extends the spatial model of voting to study the implications of different institutional structures of federalism along two dimensions: degree of centralization and mode of representation. The representation dimension varies the weight between unit representation (one state, one vote) and population-proportional representation (one person, one vote). Voters have incomplete information and can reduce policy risk by increasing the degree of centralization or increasing the weight on unit representation. We derive induced preferences over the degree of centralization and the relative weights of the two modes of representation, and we study the properties of majority rule voting over these two basic dimensions of federalism. Moderates prefer more centralization than extremists, and voters in large states generally have different preferences from voters in small states. This implies two main axes of conflict in decisions concerning political confederation: moderates versus extremists and large versus small states.
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Baker, Anthony. "Britain’s Decision to Push for Canadian Confederation." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2024.6.1.2.
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Prior to Canadian confederation the British Empire pursued a policy of scripter control over the British North American colonies by the imperial metropole. However, in the decades leading up to Canadian confederation the British Empire pursued a policy of consolidation of British North America and laxer control allowing for autonomy by Canadians. By providing the historical analysis of the decades leading up to Canadian confederation we can understand why this policy shifts of the British Empire into allowing confederation. A number of radical things will occur in the decades from the American Revolution in 1776 to Canadian confederation in 1867 that will allow for this to occur. The growth of the American Republic, Internal rebellions in Canada, and of course imperial shifting of policy towards India will allow confederation. With the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1763 the Seven Year War ended and France’s North American colonies, particularly Quebec, were handed over to the British. The British Empire would only enjoy complete dominance of North America until the creation of the new American Republic. For the next century despite the threat posed by the United States of America, Britain’s North American colonies remained divided and spread over the vast expanse of the Canadian North America. It was only in the 1860’s when the British Empire’s worldwide imperial goal shifted that Canadian Confederation became possible. Confederation of all colonies bordering the United States happen occur over a short period of time. Britain’s participation in the Canadian confederation process was key in preventing colonies from being annexed by the United States and facilitating confederation.
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Datsenko, Pavel. "The Congress of the German Princes in Frankfurt in 1863: the Last Attempt to Reform the German Confederation." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016086-3.
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The article examines the preparation and holding of the congress of German princes in Frankfurt am Main in 1863. Being an important stage in the Austro-Prussian rivalry for dominance in Germany, the congress was at the same time the highest point in the efforts of the reform group of German states by absorbing the experience of plans for the development of the Federal Constitution of 1815, the plans which had been discussed since 1849. The article pays particular attention to the role of ministers and princes of the middle German states, who tried during the congress to balance the Austrian project and prevent not only the excessive strengthening of Austria and Prussia, but also the rejection of the reform by public opinion. The defeat of the project in this context was a consequence of not only the Bismarck’s politics against the Confederation, but also of mistakes made by the Austria, who didn’t understand all the complexities of the reform and failed to redirect its strategy to support the middle states that fought to keep Germany on the path of a smooth transition from the confederative model to the federative and to preserve the equality between the members of the Confederation as a historical basis of German federalism.
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Kim, Joon-Suk. "Rethinking Confederation: The United States, Germany, the Netherlands and the European Union." Korean Journal of International Relations 48, no. 1 (March 31, 2008): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2008.03.48.1.143.
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Dougherty, Keith L. "An Empirical Test of Federalist and Anti-Federalist Theories of State Contributions, 1775-1783." Social Science History 33, no. 1 (2009): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010907.
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This article tests Federalist and Anti-Federalist explanations for state contributions to the confederation government using data on troop requisitions from 1775 to 1783. The Federalists claimed that state politicians acted unilaterally and contributed when the Continental army protected their state's interests. The Anti-Federalists claimed that state politicians understood their duty to the Union and contributed to advance its needs. The results suggest that, with one important caveat, states contributed more consistent with the Federalist argument. This helps explain why the Articles of Confederation needed reform.
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Vipond, Robert C. "1787 and 1867: The Federal Principle and Canadian Confederation Reconsidered." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (March 1989): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000810.
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AbstractThis article challenges the conventional interpretation of the intellectual origins of Canadian federalism. The article argues that the debate over Confederation can be interpreted as a debate over the meaning of sovereignty. It argues centrally that certain of the most prominent supporters of Confederation were more powerfully attracted to the conception of classical federalism and co-ordinate sovereignty than is usually assumed, thus creating a striking parallel to United States federalism that is not typically recognized. It concludes by showing how this understanding of classical federalism was used with great success in opposing the post-Confederation centralism of John A. Macdonald.
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Giauque, Jeffrey G. "The United States and the Political Union of Western Europe, 1958–1963." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001041.
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Between 1958 and 1963 Charles de Gaulle attempted to replace supranational integration in Europe with a French-dominated confederation able to become a ‘Third Force’ in the Cold War. The United States took a tolerant approach toward de Gaulle's proposals, in the hope of modifying them to suit American goals. It hoped to contain the anti-supranational and anti-American aspects of the plan and channel it to increase the cohesion of Western Europe so that the continent would become a stronger American partner. When European supporters of the Amercian view of the confederation refused to follow de Gaulle's more sweeping ambitions, he abandoned the plan and turned to a unilateral foreign policy instead.
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BOZO, FRÉDÉRIC. "The Failure of a Grand Design: Mitterrand's European Confederation, 1989–1991." Contemporary European History 17, no. 3 (August 2008): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004542.
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AbstractOn 31 December 1989, a few weeks after the fall of the Berlin Wall, President François Mitterrand of France called for the creation of ‘a European confederation’ designed to ‘associate all states of [the] continent in a common and permanent organisation for exchanges, peace and security’. Yet less than eighteen months later the Confederation project, a major initiative for post-Yalta Europe, had collapsed. What were Mitterrand's objectives? What were the modalities of the project, and how was it conducted? And why did it fail in the end, after having raised much hope?
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Loubert, Aart. "Sovereign Debt Threatens the Union: The Genesis of a Federation." European Constitutional Law Review 8, no. 3 (October 2012): 442–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019612000284.
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Eurozone sovereign debt crisis – Europe's ‘Alexander Hamilton Moment’ – American sovereign debt crisis of 1780s – Articles of Confederation – U.S. Constitution – Assumption of states' debt – Constitutional transformation key factor in enabling Alexander Hamilton's debt restructuring
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Seymour, James D. "Review essay: Toward an East Asian Confederation of Independent States?" Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 25, no. 3 (September 1993): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1993.10416126.
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Blankart, Charles B. "The European Union: confederation, federation or association of compound states?" Constitutional Political Economy 18, no. 2 (March 31, 2007): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10602-007-9015-3.
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Schenfeld, María Julieta. "Servicing the Confederation: editorials of El Nacional Argentino newspaper from Paraná, during 1854." Divulgatio. Perfiles académicos de posgrado 5, no. 13 (November 16, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.48160/25913530di13.145.
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This article analyzes the editorial position of El Nacional Argentino newspaper from Paraná, Entre Ríos in relation to the economic policy of the confederated provinces in the complex juncture of an Argentina divided into two States: Argentine Confederation and State of Buenos Aires. The aforementioned journalist entity, during 1854, undertook the task of making the benefits of Plan Fragueiro, the realities of the provinces and the mining, craft and commercial wealth of the Confederation known, with the aim of attracting people and capitals that ensure the grown of the financial resources which allowed paying the public expenditures.
In relation to the value and conception of a newspaper, a perspective that goes beyond its nature of source that provides irreplaceable scientific information is assumed, especially for Social Sciences and Arts. Indeed, it is considered a political actor, a subject inside the public sphere of the Confederation and, particularly, of Paraná.
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Ramirez, Reynaldo. "Texas's "Operation Lone Star": The Supremacy Clause and Dual Federalism in Light of Arizona v. United States." Texas A&M Law Review Arguendo 11 (September 20, 2023): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v11.arg.1.
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The Supremacy Clause of Article Six of the United States Constitution was enacted to remedy the failures of the Articles of Confederation. Initially, the states enjoyed near-boundless state sovereignty in nearly all aspects of the first federalist government. However, in practice, the necessity of federal supremacy for conducting the business of governing obligated the states to prioritize national interests above the states’ sovereignty. To do so required revision of the Articles of Confederation. This drafting culminated in the contentious ratification of the Constitution in 1788, including the Supremacy Clause and the Tenth Amendment. That said, ratifying the Supremacy Clause and establishing the demarcations of state sovereignty as provided by the Tenth Amendment was antagonistic, while state and federal laws each explored the margins of the other’s authority. The first challenge commenced with McCulloch v. Maryland and the Necessary and Proper Clause, which established the implicit powers necessary to exercise those powers enumerated in the Constitution. Commencing with the Naturalization Act of 1790, immigration became a matter for the federal government to regulate. Since the Naturalization Act’s enactment, the U.S. Supreme Court has consistently held that the federal government has broad and exclusive authority in immigration.
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Covart, Elizabeth M. "Trade, Diplomacy, and American Independence." Journal of Early American History 5, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00502001.
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The economic and trade conditions of the Confederation Era of United States history require further study. This essay follows the difficulties experienced by Albany, New York-based firm Cuyler, Gansevoort & Co. to view the political and economic hurdles American merchants faced outside of the British Empire. In part, Americans fought for independence to conduct free trade with merchants from other countries. However, as Cuyler and Gansevoort’s experiences reveal, being an American merchant during the Confederation Period proved to be a liability, not an advantage. Many foreign countries demonstrated reluctance to admit American goods into their ports. Some foreign merchants used their home legal systems to take advantage of American merchants. All the while, American merchants sought to overcome the liquidity problems of the United States by searching for new trade opportunities that would provide them with the ready money they needed to pay their bills.
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WEIMAN, DAVID F. "Introduction to the special issue on the formation of an American monetary union." Financial History Review 13, no. 1 (March 31, 2006): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565006000035.
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This special issue of the Financial History Review contributes to the vast literature on the political economy of monetary unions. Inspired by the recent events in Europe, it reaches back in history to consider an earlier experiment in forming a monetary (as well as economic and political) union. In this historical case the pivotal event was the ratification of the United States Constitution in 1788, two centuries before the Maastricht Treaty. Between formal independence in 1781 and the implementation of the Constitution reforms in 1789, the fledgling country was organised politically into a loose confederation of thirteen, virtually sovereign states. Despite the nominal powers granted to the national government under the Articles of Confederation, it lacked the direct means to collect taxes and to enforce its policies. Consequently, during this brief period, state governments could and did pursue their own economic and monetary policies.
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Einhorn, Robin L. "Institutional Reality in the Age of Slavery: Taxation and Democracy in the States." Journal of Policy History 18, no. 1 (January 2006): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0027.
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On August 13, 1782, Alexander Hamilton complained to Robert Morris about the deplorable condition of politics in the state of New York, and especially the condition of taxation. Morris had appointed Hamilton as receiver of continental taxes for New York, meaning that Hamilton was in charge of collecting New York's share of the “requisitions” of Congress. Under Article 8 of the Articles of Confederation, Congress could raise the tax revenue it needed for the ongoing Revolutionary War only by making “requisitions” on the states—that is, by asking each state to raise a specified sum. Like other states, New York was falling short; four years later, an aggressive tax levy in Massachusetts (to pay requisitions and fund the state debt) would provoke the armed insurrection known as Shays's Rebellion. The decentralized regime that Congress had established under the Articles of Confederation made the national treasury depend on the productivity of the state tax systems. Ironically, this very decentralization invited national officials like Hamilton to tackle the problem of tax reform within the states.
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Mösslang, Markus, and Torsten Riotte. "INTRODUCTION." Camden Fifth Series 37 (December 2010): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116310000114.
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This fourth volume of the editorial series British Envoys to Germany comprises the last sixteen years of the German Confederation, between the Dresden Conferences of 1851 and the war between Prussia and the majority of the other member states in 1866. Many historical accounts of German politics of the years 1851 to 1866 are influenced on the one hand by the legacy of the revolutionary events of 1848–1849 and on the other hand by the dissolution of the Confederation and Bismarck's unification of a German nation-state dominated by Prussian policies and politics. While the early 1850s can be seen as a period of ‘reaction’ and a negative response to popular social and political demands, the remainder of the period is generally discussed in terms of the struggle for mastery in Germany, particularly the political and ultimately military conflict between Prussia and the Austrian Empire. However, the envoys’ correspondence questions teleological accounts of the time between Dresden and Königgrätz. Throughout the 1850s and 1860s, British diplomatic representatives reported on all matters regarding the German states and the German Confederation. In addition to international affairs and bilateral relations, the dispatches also cover German politics, its federal dimensions, and the policies and societies of the federal states. Like other contemporary sources, the envoys’ reports provide strong evidence that the period 1851–1866 should be seen as more than just a time of transition between revolution and unification. In fact, the multifaceted views of British diplomatic representatives to Germany provide a much broader picture and substantiate the demand for understanding the time between 1851 and 1866 in its own right.
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Elazar, Daniel J. "The New Europe: a Federal State or a Confederation of States?" Swiss Political Science Review 4, no. 4 (December 1998): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1662-6370.1998.tb00254.x.
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Ben-Meir, Alon. "THE CASE FOR AN ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN-JORDANIAN CONFEDERATION." World Affairs 185, no. 1 (February 10, 2022): 9–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00438200211066350.
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This extended article argues a case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation, proposes the central elements necessary to realize this in practice, and offers policy advice to the key players as well as to policy makers in the United States, Germany, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt. After 73 years of conflict, following the Arab Spring, and the intermittent violence between Israel and the Palestinians, the Palestinians will not give up on their aspiration for statehood. Ultimately, a two-state solution remains the only viable option to end their conflict. The difference, however, between the framework for peace discussed in the 1990s and 2000s—where the focus was on establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza—versus the present time is that many new, irreversible facts have been created: the interspersing of the Israeli and Palestinian populations in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and Israel; the status of Jerusalem, where both sides have a unique religious affinity; Israeli settlements in the West Bank, the majority of which will have to remain in place; the intertwined national security concerns involved; and the resettlement of/compensation for Palestinian refugees. I argue that independent Israeli and Palestinian states, therefore, can peacefully coexist and be sustained only through the establishment of an Israeli-Palestinian confederation that would subsequently be joined by Jordan, which has an intrinsic national interest in the resolution of all conflicting issues between Israel and the Palestinians. To that end, all sides will have to fully and permanently collaborate on many levels necessitated by the changing conditions on the ground, most of which can no longer be restored to the status quo ante.
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Georgescu, Dan. "Psychiatry in Switzerland." International Psychiatry 6, no. 3 (July 2009): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600000618.
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Switzerland - officially the Swiss Confederation - is a federal republic situated in central Europe. It covers an area of 41 287 km2 and has a population of just over 7 600 000. Switzerland consists of 26 federated states, of which 20 are called cantons and 6 are called half-cantons. German, French and Italian are Switzerland's major and official languages.
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Smith, Jennifer. "Canadian Confederation and the Influence of American Federalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (September 1988): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900056778.
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AbstractHow did the Fathers of Canadian Confederation understand United States federalism? What lessons did they presume to draw from it and how did they apply them to the Confederation project? In this article, James Madison's comprehensive test of federalism, as set out in the thirty-ninth paper ofThe Federalist, is used as a tool to examine the Canadians' views of American federalism, particularly in relation to the questions of state sovereignty and the role of an upper chamber. The article suggests that their preoccupation with the threat of state sovereignty led them to concentrate on division of powers issues and, as a result, to pay little attention to the federal possibilities of a second chamber. And it concludes that, because they were working with a parliamentary model of government, not a republican one, these possibilities were not—and are not now—as promising as some political scientists suggest.
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Palmer, Robert C. "The Federal Common Law of Crime." Law and History Review 4, no. 2 (1986): 267–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743829.
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The United States Constitution established a federal system, not a national government. States continued necessarily and by design as active and important centers of governmental activity. States were institutions of inherent authority, while the federal government by original intent and then explicitly by amendment, was a government of only delegated powers. Since the federal government derived its power directly from the people and acted directly on individuals, it was decisively more powerful than the pre-Constitution Confederation. But the Bill of Rights itself is evidence of the continued worry, pervasive until modified by the Reconstruction Amendments, that the federal government might, but should not, overwhelm the states.
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Schweizer, Rainer J. "Harmonisierung der Polizeigesetzgebung in der Schweiz." Die Verwaltung 53, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/verw.53.1.63.
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Swiss governmental power is divided vertically into three main levels, the Confederation, followed by cantons and communes. Each level has its own - to some extent autonomous - executive, judicative and legislative authorities, which are however obliged to follow higher-ranking cantonal and federal law. In the small Confederation a multipartite police law has developed. In addition to their police laws, the twenty-six cantons have concluded regional and nationwide inter-cantonal agreements for their crossborder cooperation, but also, for example, for the prevention of danger of hooligans. Only to a very limited extent have the cantons enacted provisions for harmonisation, for example with regard to the licensing of private security companies and for police data protection. Further the judical review by the Swiss Federal Supreme Court is essential for the formation of nationwide standards of police law, which is carried out within the framework of an abstract examination of a decree or an intercantonal agreement. For both factual and political reasons, federal police law has developed intensively over the last two decades. In particular, the Confederation is responsible for maintaining special criminal police databases covering the whole of Switzerland as well as for operating search registers linked to the Schengen and Europol areas. However, the Confederation also has executive police forces, namely the so-called Swiss Border Guard, i. e. the customs police, which today assumes the role of a federal police force, as well as a railway police force for the Federal Railways and the bodies responsible for air security. In addition, the Confederation can deploy the armed forces, in a double sense subsidiarily, i. e. to support the civilian authorities (e. g. in securing foreign representations in Switzerland) and cumulatively only in extraordinary situations (e. g. national disasters). However, since federal decrees cannot be subject to a review of norms by the Federal Supreme Court, federal police law develops without regard to the constitutional standards of the Federal Supreme Court. A model law that not only provides a guide for the cantons but would also be exemplary for the Confederation would be conceivable and valuable. Nevertheless, the great legislative autonomy of the member states to date has also repeatedly allowed for creative modernisation, the significance of which is considerable for the comparison of laws within Switzerland.
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Morzheedov, Vladislav Gennad'evich. "The models of German political space in France’s foreign policy of the XIX century." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2021): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.6.35989.
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The subject of this research is the relations between Napoleonic France and German states in the early XIX century. The object of this research is the various models of the development of German political space during the Napoleonic Wars. Analysis is conducted on the role of France in transformations that influences the Holy Roman Empire, as well as in the process of creating Confederation of the Rhine. Under the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte, France pursues active foreign policy, competing for hegemony in Europe. The article considers positive and negative consequences of transformations that took place in the German political space, the importance of political modernization for the Confederation of the Rhine member-states, as well as the corresponding territorial and institutional changes. The novelty of this work lies in the original approach towards the problem. An attempt is made to reconsider the known events of the early XIX century from the perspective of evolution of the models of German political space. The research employs chronological, historical-comparative, and historical-systematic methods. It is claimed that without analyzing the impact of foreign policy of Napoleonic France upon the German states, it is impossible to fully understand the trends of further development of Germany, goals and ways of reaching national unity, and peculiarities of Franco-German relations in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The main conclusion lies in recognition of the contradictory nature of transformations that took place in the German states, assessment of the ambiguous role of Napoleonic France in the German integration process, and importance of studying this topic for outlining further historical path of development of the German states towards political unity.
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Tarnavskaya, M. A. "The Election System of the Swiss Confederation: Counting of Votes and Establishment of Election Results." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-178-183.
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In the following article the author covers the process of counting the votes and the disclosure rules of establishment the election results in the Swiss Confederation. Switzerland along with other EU member states pays special attention to the determination of the election results. According to Art. 149 para. 2 Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation the elections to the National Council, which is one of two chambers of the Federal Assembly, are held according to proportional representation system. The Hagenbach-Bischoff system is used for allocating seats in National Council of the Swiss Con federation. However the above mentioned system for determining the quota of votes per each mandate creates ambiguous opinions among Swiss scientists and legal experts, which frequently comes up in discussions whether to modify it or not. In this article, the author also gives a brief description of the main political parties in Switzerland and statistics of seats allocation in 49 legislature of National Council following the elections of October 23, 2011. As a result, the author provides the full information on the process of votes counting and establishment of election results in the Swiss Confederation. The material presented in this article is particularly interesting and relevant in terms of improving the electoral legislation in the Russian Federation. The information presented by the author will be useful to all parties interested in electoral law.
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Garner, Sarah. "ART OF THE POSSIBLE?" International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 30, no. 1 (January 2014): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462313000743.
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It is very fitting that the strap line for the article on reassessment (1) is derived from the quote “politics is the art of the possible” attributed to Otto von Bismarck. Bismarck was the first chancellor of the unified German Empire that preserved peace in Europe until 1914. Politically deft, he persuaded the southern German states to join with his North German Confederation by provoking hostilities with France.
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Adamczyk, Sławomir. "Inside the trade union family: The ‘two worlds’ within the European Trade Union Confederation." European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no. 2 (March 2, 2018): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118760630.
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The enlargement of the EU in 2004 and 2007 to the post-communist states of Central and Eastern Europe brought an encounter between two distinct ‘trade union worlds’ in terms of attitudes towards European integration. Unions from the old EU Member States want to defend their existing national standards, while those from Central and Eastern Europe have nothing to defend and look for solutions at EU level. I ask whether it is possible for the European Trade Union Confederation to realize a trade union vision of ‘Social Europe’ based solely on the perspectives of the West.
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Kazakov, Vladimir. "Anti-Americanism in Latin American political thought at the turn of the 19th—20th centuries." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 6-1 (June 1, 2022): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202206statyi01.
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The article examines the views of the leading politicians: Jose Marti (Cuba), Roque Saenz Peña (Argentina), Rafael Uribe Uribe (Colombia). According to them, the main obstacle to the progressive development of Latin America were US plans to dominante Latin America. They criticized the Monroe Doctrine, firstly used to justify America’s continental expansion but at the turn of the century revived to assert that the United States had a right and duty to extend its influence and civilization in the Western Hemisphere. Their proposed measure for the preservation of sovereignty was to create the confederation of all Latin American states.
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Maier, Harold G. "Preemption of State Law: A Recommended Analysis." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 832–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203372.
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The fundamental principles that guide determinations about the appropriate relationship between state and national authority in matters affecting the foreign affairs of the United States began to evolve even before the ratification of the Constitution in 1789. The centralization of governmental power in this field is reflected in microcosm in the three great state papers of the United States. The nation began in 1776 as “United Colonies” that were “Free and Independent States” under the Declaration of Independence; developed into a “firm league of friendship” under the Articles of Confederation in 1781; and became a “more perfect union” created by the people, not by its constituent political units, under the Constitution in 1789.
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Schoderbek, Michael P. "ROBERT MORRIS AND REPORTING FOR THE TREASURY UNDER THE U.S. CONTINENTAL CONGRESS." Accounting Historians Journal 26, no. 2 (December 1, 1999): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.26.2.1.
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This paper examines the accounting and reporting practices established by Robert Morris during his term as Superintendent of Finance under the Continental Congress from 1781 to 1784. Generally known as the financier of the American Revolution, Morris enacted many important accounting reforms, including his rearrangement of the Treasury to speed the settlement of accounts and the establishment of Continental receivers to collect money from the states. His most important contribution was the preparation of annual statements of receipts and expenditures of public money of the Confederation government. These statements, along with a detailed account on money received from the individual states, were circulated to put pressure on the states to meet their tax quotas. Several of these accounts are reproduced as exhibits in this paper.
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Datsenko, Pavel. "On Some Specifics in the Work of Russian Diplomatic Missions in the States of the German Confederation in the Middle of the 19th Century." ISTORIYA 14, no. 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028004-3.
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The article is devoted to the work of the diplomatic missions of the Russian Empire in the secondary German states that were part of the German Confederation. In historiography, these missions are paid relatively less attention than Russia’s diplomatic relations with Austria and Prussia, as a result — the whole direction of Russian foreign policy towards the German Confederation and its members is beyond the scope of research interest. At the same time, the materials of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI) make it possible to study the work of these missions and their significance for Russian foreign policy in general. The first part of the article discusses some features of organizational structure of Russian diplomatic service and mission staff in the German states: the unification of several missions under the control of one envoy, the need to have a separate representative at the Bundestag and the significant role of mission secretaries. The second part of the article is devoted to a brief review of the tasks and methods of work, as well as the level of independence of Russian diplomats during the German and European crises of the mid-19th century. These and other features of the activities of Russian missions in the secondary German states make it possible not only to add significant details to the image of foreign policy questions already known to researchers, but also to reveal new aspects of Russia's foreign policy in the middle of the 19th century.
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Albisetti, James C. "Froebel Crosses the Alps: Introducing the Kindergarten in Italy." History of Education Quarterly 49, no. 2 (May 2009): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2009.00193.x.
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The kindergarten was, in all countries but Germany, a foreign import. The most familiar aspect of its diffusion to American scholars is the spread of Froebel's teachings into England and the United States by emigrants who had left the German Confederation after the failure of the revolutions of 1848–49. Familiar as well are the propaganda efforts by Baroness Bertha von Marenholtz-Bülow in Western Europe, especially in the 1850s when kindergartens were banned in Prussia. The recent anthology edited by Roberta Wollons, Kindergartens and Cultures, has shown that many countries received this institution secondhand, as Japan and Australia did via the United States.
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Morris, Richard B. "The Locus of Sovereignty In The Years Before the Constitution." News for Teachers of Political Science 49 (1986): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900003494.
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The issue over the original locus of sovereignty in Revolutionary America has been recently criticized as “a continuing fruitless debate from the nineteenth century to the present over the priority of the union or the states.” Most of those opposing the view that sovereignty originated with the nation and not the states based their theory on the Articles of Confederation, notably Article II, and the relatively brief debates on its preliminary and final drafts. They ignored the fact that the Articles did not go into effect until March 1, 1781, almost seven years after the initial Congress had begun to take united action on behalf of the American people.
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Minkov, Stefan. ""From confederation to federation: transformation of the USA state structure between 1777 – 1789 "." Lyuboslovie 21 (November 22, 2021): 92–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.46687/zwrr2771.
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The study examines the ideological foundations and prerequisites for the independence of the British colonies in North America. We examine the construction of the state system, first passing through the confederate model of state organization, which is the closest to the traditions of the colonial period. However, it failed due to some "defects" of the Articles of Confederation of 1777, the main one being the lack of financial security to pursue union politics. In 1787, the Constitutional Convention drafted a constitution for the United States, with centralism and unitarism prevailing in the discussions, abandoning some of the principles that prompted the Americans to begin the struggle for independence. The Constitution of 1787 and the Declaration of Rights, adopted two years later, put into practice the ideas of the European Enlightenment, supplemented by English parliamentary theory and practice. This creates a solid foundation for the development of the United States and the prosperity of the young "nation."
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Cobble, Dorothy Sue. "International Women's Trade Unionism and Education." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000089.
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AbstractThis keynote address, delivered in December 2015 at the International Federation of Workers’ Education Association General Conference in Lima, Peru, refutes the standard trope of labor movement decline and provides evidence for the global rise and feminization of labor movements worldwide. Trade union women’s commitment to emancipatory, democratic worker education helped spur these changes. The origins and effects of two historical examples are detailed: the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers held in the United States annually from 1921 to 1938 and the first International Women’s Summer School of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) held in France in 1953. The latter experiment, attended by women labor leaders from 25 countries, energized the Women’s Committee of the ICFTU. It led to the adoption of “The Charter of Rights of Working Women” by the ICFTU in 1965 and helped make possible the election of Sharan Burrow and other women to top office in the International Trade Union Confederation. The address concludes with a discussion of what the history of trade union women’s education teaches about strengthening future labor movements.
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Nager, Cody E. "How Atlantic Mobility Shaped American Naturalization in the Confederation Period." Journal of American Ethnic History 41, no. 2 (January 1, 2022): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.41.2.01.
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Abstract In April 1787, the New York State Legislature naturalized Spanish ship captain Pablo Vidal under unusual circumstances. Vidal's naturalization was temporary, retroactive, and requested by a third party, New York City merchant Dominick Lynch. The atypical conditions surrounding Vidal's naturalization reveal the existence of an Atlantic-spanning buyer's market for migrants after the American Revolution. With peace came a growing demand for immigrants, causing individual states to compete against one another to offer the most desirable terms to attract opportunistic newcomers. The stories of Pablo Vidal, Dominick Lynch, and many other migrants to Confederation New York detail how the state recognized its position within this broader Atlantic market, how it sought to capitalize on its strengths, and how it attempted to bind these once transient migrants to New York's future. Amid the stories of this scramble for migrants lie the tensions that led to the diminishment of the buyer's market after Congress centralized naturalization standards in 1790.
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Tirskikh, M. G., and G. V. Druzhinin. "International and supranational legal regulation conjugation: problem statement." Siberian Law Herald 1 (2023): 118–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2071-8136.2023.1.118.
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The problem of the existence of levels of legal regulation is analyzed: intranational, supranational and international, the ratio of which is an independent scientific task. The nature of supranational regulation is analyzed. Based on the analysis of doctrinal and historical material, it is concluded that the basis of supranational regulation is the delegation of rule-making powers, as a form of realization of the sovereignty of a group of states within the framework of a confederation, community or other form of international association of states. The correlation between supranational and international legal regulation is analyzed on the example of the rule-making activity of international organizations. The purpose of supranational, domestic and international regulation in modern conditions is determined.
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Zueva, K. "The French about the Future of the European Union: Confederation or Federation?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-35-39.
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The article examines positions of the main French political parties, scientific community and public figures regarding the future of the European Union. The facts confirm convergence of different European integration models: confederation and federation. This process is based on understanding that it is necessary to level economic and social situation in the EU member states. The French are discontented with uncontrolled activities of Brussels bureaucracy and lack of democracy. The result of this process is the growth of Euroscepticism in France that was corroborated by recent Euro-Parliament election.
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Juviler, Peter. "Getting to “Yes” on Self-Determination." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 1 (1991): 32–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408178.
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Two main concepts of a new Union and its genesis emerged in 1990–1991. Gorbachev conceived of a close-bound “vertical” federation, such as depicted in the draft Union treaty published March, 9, 1991, to be produced under the leadership of the Center, in consultation with the republics. The nationalist opposition in the nine prospective states of the new Union conceived of a decentralized confederation emerging out of a “horizontal” compact among equals. The two approaches involved clashing concepts of the right of self-determination as to both process and substance.
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Матвиенко, Анатолий, and Anatoliy Matvienko. "The peculiarities of territorial consolidation of European states and the USA." Comparative Research In Law and Politics 2, no. 1 (June 15, 2014): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/5253.
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According to S. Rokkan theory, the decisive impact on formation European states has the east-west axis (ensures identification with national political organization) and centre-periphery relations with dominant position of the centre. Asynchrony of the process of state formation and nation building gives grounds for definition three types of states: early (the state formation preceded the appearance of nation - France), late (the national identity was the base of state - Germany, Italy) and consociative (absence of the strong state and the united nation - the Netherlands, Switzerland). As the rule, on the European continent the state formation preceded the rise of nations and nationalism. The main differences between formation of the USA and European states are: the absence the competition between religious and secular power, territorial and economic barriers; the single language for communication. From the European point of view, the USA is the nation formed without state support. The success of the American state on the early stages of its development depended on rules of behavior, which implementation were provided by courts and political parties. In reference to democratization, in Europe it promoted the transition to political stage of state formation, in the USA - the search of compromise solution between confederation and federation.
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Доронина, Наталия, and Nataliya Doronina. "SPECIFIC FEATURES OF ECONOMIC INTEGRATION OF LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 2, no. 4 (September 5, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21260.
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The article is about the way to achieve economic integration. Latin American countries after receiving independence began to work hard to strengthen their States through integrating into confederation. On the basis of International Treaties, the Bustamante Code and the Andean Investment Code were adopted. The methods of economic integration in Latin America were adopted for regional integration (The Hague Conference on Private International Law and Inter-American Conference on Private International Law) as well as integration of universal type (Agreements in the framework of World Trade Organization. The article speaks of specific approach of Latin American countries to the issues in question.
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Balázs, Márton. "Cooperation of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office with third countries, in particular the Swiss Confederation." Glossa Iuridica 10, no. 5-6 (2023): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.55194/gi.2023.5-6.3.
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The 1959 European Convention on Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters under the auspices of the Council of Europe is a treaty which has a significant impact on the cooperation in criminal matters of the European states. Judicial authorities are the most important channels ofsuch a cooperation. However, it is legally uncertain whether the European Public Prosecutor’s Office as an independent body of the European Union may enterinto a direct cooperation with third countries under the 1959 Convention. According to the legal interpretation by the Swiss Confederation, the recognition of the European Public Prosecutor’sOffice as a judicial authority,therefore its direct participation in the inter-state relations aiming criminal cooperation is unacceptable due to the fact that the contracting parties of the 1959 Convention are states, neither the European Union nor the European Public Prosecutor’s Office are contracting parties. This confirms the hypothesis that the re-opening of those agreements concluded on the basis of public international law may be unavoidable when third countries intend to establish a direct cooperation with the European Public Prosecutor’s Office in criminal matters.
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Bessudnov, Daniil Alexandrovich. "Genesis and transformation of Polish-Lithuanian sovereigns’ protectorship right over the Livonian confederation lands." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 144–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201764206.
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As known, from the end of the XV century Livonia became the object of close attention of the sovereigns As known, since the end of the XV century Livonia became the object of close attention of the sovereigns of Denmark, Sweden, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Crown of Poland and the Moscow State, who were attracted by its favorable strategic position, an important role in the international Baltic trade and rich land resources. However, the possibility of direct expansion by the Catholic states was limited by the status of Livonia as a crusading state, under the auspices of the two most influential political assemblies of Catholic Europe - the Pope and the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation. An interesting way to bypass this obstacle was used by the rulers of the Polish-Lithuanian state, who applied a special form of political expansion that did not violate or at least created an appearance of preserving the papal and imperial prerogatives, and at the same time allowed them to postulate themselves as their legitimate implementers. That was promoted by the ancient political and legal concept according to which they acted as protectors and conservators of the states of the Livonian Confederation. It emerged in the XIV century, but, however, it was fully in demand by the rulers of the Polish-Lithuanian state only in the XVI century, when Livonia became the main object of the battle for the Baltic and a very interesting problem is the historical roots and the modification of this political concept from the time of its appearance to its finalization.
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Abdullah, Ahmad Badri. "Reimagining Islamic Ethics in Contemporary International Relations." ICR Journal 6, no. 3 (July 15, 2015): 418–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v6i3.321.
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The deplorable plight of Rohingya Muslim boat refugees who have been refused entry by their neighboring Muslim countries was a disheartening episode for the ummah. The subsequent involvement of the Turkish government in dispatching ships of the Turkish Armed Forces to rescue the refugees has reopened the discourse on the necessity for a confederation of Muslim nation-states acting in concert within the global context as an operative framework of Islamic ethics in international relations. The episode invites Muslims to rethink the role of their own religious tradition in providing relevant ethical guidelines for international affairs that simultaneously address the reality of the modern nation-state.
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MALENDOWSKI, Włodzimierz. "Suwerenność państw w procesie integracji europejskiej." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (November 2, 2018): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.4.1.
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The paper concerns an attempt to determine the status of European Union member states. It takes as its starting point the statement that the EU’s organizational structure provides for more than a confederation of states but less than a federation. At the present stage of the EU’s development a unique organization has been established that has not predecessor in the standards of international organizations. This is accompanied with a new approach to the interpretation of the nature of sovereignty of integrating European states, which is connected with intensifying processes of decomposition and the loosening of sovereign control by states over their territories and populations. States achieve their sovereign interests within the framework of international structures. They can also voluntarily restrict their sovereign rights on the basis of the commonly accepted rules and principles of international organizations. In this way they assign a comparative degree of state authorities’ competencies to these organizations. As a consequence, numerous issues that were formerly regulated by states are increasingly more often solved by means of corporate operations. This naturally leads to the states’ opening to the international environment without any threat to their sovereignty. The process of integration in Europe has not resulted in sovereignty of the European Union itself. Sovereignty remains an attribute of states. European states maintain their ability to
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Yakupova, Dar'ya Viktorovna, and Roman Aleksandrovich Yakupov. ""The scenario of confederation is unlikely": the consequences of the August 1991 crisis in the USSR in secret CIA reviews (on the 30th anniversary of the collapse of the Soviet Union)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2022): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.1.37263.
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The subject of the presented work is the assessment of the US national intelligence regarding the events in the period after the August 1991 crisis in the USSR and the prospects for its development within the framework of the model of the new Union Treaty against the background of centrifugal trends. The key theses included in the approved version of the report of the US intelligence community are characterized as the object of the work. The main attention is paid to the issue of inter-republican relations inside and outside the USSR during the search for consensus when concluding a confederate treaty. The methodology of the work consists of the basic principles of scientific cognition (historicism and objectivity) and special historical research methods: descriptive, comparative, historical-systemic, statistical and problem-chronological. The novelty of the research is determined by the approach in which the causal links between the analytical efforts of the CIA and their true goals are searched, as well as historical sources, many of which are involved in scientific circulation for the first time. The article emphasizes that, according to the CIA's erroneous assessment, the scenario of "confederation" as a result of the collapse of the USSR was less likely due to the unwillingness of many ex-Soviet republics to cede part of their political sovereignty and power to the government of the confederation. It turns out that, according to American analysts, Ukraine was a key player in the domestic political arena outside the RSFSR, which had a huge nuclear potential on its territory. This, in turn, predetermined the fate of this country for decades to come and laid the foundation for the emergence of interstate contradictions with Russia. It is noted that the intelligence community of the United States proposed, in cooperation with other Western countries, to influence the development of events in the territory of the former USSR either according to the scenario of "confederation" or according to the scenario of "free association" with the transfer of issues on defense and arms control to the Russian government.
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Mikhail, John. "The Path of the Prerogatives." American Journal of Legal History 63, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 196–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajlh/njad008.
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Abstract The path of the prerogatives refers to the process by which the royal prerogative powers outlined in Blackstone’s Commentaries entered into American constitutional law. In 1953, Professor William Crosskey opened up a new window into the Constitution when he pointed out that many of Congress’s enumerated powers had been prerogatives of the British Crown. In The President Who Would Not Be King: Executive Power under the Constitution, Professor Michael McConnell takes Crosskey’s observation as a starting point of his own more systematic analysis of how the Committee of Detail divided these prerogative powers between Congress and the President. Yet neither Crosskey nor McConnell focuses much attention on the fact that many of these powers were already delegated to the United States by the Articles of Confederation. Nor do they ask whether the founders conceived of these powers primarily as legislative or executive powers, on the one hand, or government powers, on the other—a critical distinction reflected in the text of the Constitution by the Necessary and Proper Clause. This article investigates these topics by tracing the path of the prerogatives from 1774 to 1776 in the writings of James Wilson, Benjamin Franklin, John Dickinson, and Thomas Jefferson, highlighting the crucial role played by these powers in Wilson’s 1774 essay on the legislative authority of Parliament, the Articles of Confederation, and the Declaration of Independence. The article also discusses two further issues that any adequate theory of presidential powers must confront: the distinction between government powers and executive powers, and the status of the United States as a legal corporation, in which implied powers are vested without needing to be enumerated. Finally, the article points to new evidence indicating that Jefferson borrowed specific language and ideas from Wilson when drafting the Declaration of Independence.
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Clough, William R. "The First Freedom." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 30, no. 1 (2018): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2018301/22.
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The Founders of the United States had waged a war in the name of liberty. Yet shortly after independence they discovered, with the Articles of Confederation, that liberty did not make for a durable Republic. So they crafted the United States Constitution to form a more perfect union. Well aware of how flawed human nature is, they created a strong republican government with three co-equal branches overseeing a union of states, each ruled by laws passed, executed, and judged by their democratically elected representatives. Religious freedom was a particularly thorny issue; institutions of religion are where people exercise freedom of conscience. Religions form powerful interest groups, motivated by high ideals, but are corruptible, sometimes unrealistic, and often inflexible as to how their ideals are to be lived out in society. America’s Founders followed the hard road of refraining from either endorsing or restricting any establishment of religion, but submitting religious individuals to the rule of law. The courts have had to sort out how those ideals are to be applied in actual cases ever since.
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FAHRMEIR, ANDREAS K. "NINETEENTH-CENTURY GERMAN CITIZENSHIPS: A RECONSIDERATION." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 721–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007383.
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According to the prevalent view, German citizenship was acquired only by descent from German citizens from the early nineteenth century onwards. This article argues, however, that a complete reading of the available sources suggests that citizenship was linked to the place of permanent residence in post-1815 legislation, and that the regulation of citizenship was a state responsibility, not one of the powers of the Germanic Confederation. The central points of citizenship law remained unchanged by the 1848 revolution and the unification of German states in 1866 and 1871, so that the increasing emphasis on descent in the 1913 Citizenship Act reflected a new departure rather than a traditional German concept of nationality.
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Seeleib-Kaiser, Martin. "Migration, social policy, and power in historical perspective." Global Social Policy 19, no. 3 (March 7, 2019): 266–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018119832403.
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Migration and social policy have become fiercely contested issues in Europe and North America. In this article, I highlight how mobility and migration, on one hand, and social policy, on the other hand, have historically been closely interwoven and shaped by power relations. It is argued that European states actively assisted their poor to leave ‘home’ and settle in far-away places. I will elaborate some of the tensions between freedom of movement and the role of social policy in the North German Confederation ( Norddeutscher Bund [NDB]) and the British Empire. Finally, it is argued that many of the current challenges and issues associated with migration and social policy in Europe are historically not unique.