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1

Dolscius, Paul, and Jacqueline Assaël. "Confessio Augustana Græca (1559)." Études théologiques et religieuses 92, no. 1 (2017): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etr.0921.0257.

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2

Dreyer, Rasmus H. C. "Confessio Tetrapolitana." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 81, no. 3 (June 3, 2019): 205–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v81i3.114705.

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This article introduces one of the alternative reformatory confessions from the Diet of Augsburg 1530, the Confessio Tetrapolitana (CT). Due to the disagreement with the Saxonian/Lutheran party at the Diet, the German imperial cities of Strasbourg, Konstanz, Memmingen and Lindau delivered their own account of faith written by the Strasbourg theologians Martin Bucer and Wolfgang Capito. The article describes the historical background and the political and theological position of Strasbourg and its envoys at the Augsburg Diet. A structural comparison between CT and Melanchthon’s Confessio Augustana (CA) leads to a detailed summary of the 23 articles and an investigation of the confession’s theological characteristics: 1) Its Biblicism. 2) The vagueness of the Eucharistic article (article 18). 3) The new life of the Christian and 4) the consequences regarding the community as a Christian societas. Through these paragraphs, it becomes clear that The Tetrapolitan Confession represents a typical theology of the Humanist reformation movement. On the one hand, it resembles the theology of Melanchthon in CA and the early writings of Zwingli, yet on the other hand, it differs from Zwingli’s confession of The Diet of Augsburg, his personal confession, Fidei Ratio. Thus, CT is an expression of Bucer’s theological standpoint, which is again rooted in the Strasbourg Humanist milieu with its Zwingli-inspired urban reformation theology. The article ends with a brief study of connections between Bucer and the Danish reformation both in terms of personal relations and theological similarities.
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3

Rohls, Jan. "Die Confessio Augustana in den reformierten Kirchen Deutschlands." Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 104, no. 2 (2007): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/004435407781053865.

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4

Visser, Derk, and W. H. Neuser. "Bibliographie der Confessio Augustana und Apologie, 1530-1580." Sixteenth Century Journal 19, no. 4 (1988): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541019.

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5

Michalska-Górecka, Paulina. "Co się stało z konfessyjonistą? Dzieje leksemu w polszczyźnie." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 25, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 207–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2018.25.2.11.

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The history of the lexeme konfessyjonista shows that the word is a neologism that functioned in the literature of the sixteenth century in connection with religious documents/books, such as the Protestant confessions. Formally and semantically, it refers to Confessio Augustana, also to her Polish translations, and to the Konfesja sandomierska, as well as konfessyja as a kind of genre. In the Reformation and Counter-Reformation period, the word konfessyja was needed by the Protestants; the word konfessyjonista was derived from him by the Catholics for their needs. The lexeme had an offensive tone and referred to a confessional supporter as a supporter of the Reformation. Perhaps the oldest of his certifications comes from an anonymous text from 1561, the year in which two Polish translations of Augustana were announced. The demand for a konfessyjonista noun probably did not go beyond the 16th century, its notations come only from the 60s, 70s and 80s of this century.
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6

Seebaß, Gottfried. "Miszelle: Ein unbekannter Brief Andreas Osianders: Ein Nachtrag zur Osiander-Gesamtausgabe." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 96, no. 1 (December 1, 2005): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2005-0114.

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ABSTRACT This is an addendum to the edition of the works of Andreas Osiander. It is a letter from the Nuremberg reformer to Christoph Ering, who had been dismissed as chaplain of George, duke of Saxony, in 1529 because of his Protestant preaching. Osiander reports on the different versions of the Confutatio, the Catholic response to the Confessio Augustana.
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7

Stengel, Friedemann. "Übersetzen, Dolmetschen, Macht." Berliner Theologische Zeitschrift 39, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 160–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bthz-2022-0010.

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Zusammenfassung 2022 liegt die Übersetzung des Neuen Testaments durch Martin Luther 500 Jahre zurück. Mit diskurstheoretischem Instrumentarium wird den sozialpolitischen und theologischen Auswirkungen der volkssprachlichen Popularisierung der Heiligen Schrift nachgegangen. Es wird gezeigt, inwiefern und mit welchen massiven Folgen dadurch die heterogene Vielfalt der reformatorischen Bewegungen hervorgebracht und in welchem Kontext die Auslegungsfreiheit in der Confessio Augustana wieder aufgehoben worden ist.
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8

Csepregi, Zoltán. "Die reformatorischen Bekenntnisse in Ungarn und Siebenbürgen (1545–1572)." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2004.

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Abstract Originally, the local confessions served to account for the religious and secular authorities in matters of religion. They also formed a written basis for the legal unification of the affected communities, later they ensured the unity of the pastors in teaching, and finally they offered the community the legal basis for demanding new rights (the primacy or solitude of the denomination) based on old privileges. Over time, other functions were added to the original function of the confessions, so that a complex process of reception emerged. There was a general conception of ‘Catholicity’ that was claimed by the creeds insofar as they referred to the tradition of the Christian church. The interdependence with the theological development in Germany is evident not least from the fact that literary models such as the Confessio Augustana were used to write these texts.
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9

Plasger, Georg. "Die Confessio Augustana als Grundbekenntnis der Evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland?" Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 105, no. 3 (2008): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/004435408785760865.

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10

Deuschle, Matthias A. "Calvin und die Confessio Augustana Ein Nachtrag zum Calvin-Jahr." Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 108, no. 2 (2011): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/004435411795870264.

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11

Moltmann-Wendel, Elisabeth. "Gibt es eine feministische Rechtfertigungslehre?" Evangelische Theologie 60, no. 5 (September 1, 2000): 348–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2000-0505.

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Zusammenfassung Die reformatorische Rechtfertigungslehre kann aus feministischer Perspektive als heilende Glaubenssicht gegen Daseinsangst - besonders von Frauen - im Horizont der Gerechtigkeit Gottes neu verstanden werden. Dabei verändert sich die an der Confessio Augustana orientierte pessimistische Anthropologie zugunsten eines ganzheitlichen, den sozialen Kontext einschließenden Verständnisses vom Menschen. Die ursprünglichen reformatorischen Aussagen vom Gutsein und Schönsein des Menschen bekommen dadurch wieder einen neuen Sinn und einen sozialen Impuls.
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12

Shackelford, Jole. "Paracelsianism and the Orthodox Lutheran Rejection of Vital Philosophy in Early Seventeenth-Century Denmark." Early Science and Medicine 8, no. 3 (2003): 210–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338203x00071.

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AbstractParacelsian medicine and natural philosophy was formed during the Radical Reformation and incorporated metaphysical propositions that were incompatible with the Lutheran confession as codified in the Confessio Augustana and elaborated in the ultra-orthodox Formula of Concord. Although Paracelsian ideas and practices were endorsed by important philosophers and physicians in late-sixteenth century Denmark without raising serious alarm, the imposition of strict Lutheran orthodoxy in the Danish Church and a concomitant resurgence of Aristotelian philosophy drew attention to the religious heterodoxies inherent in Paracelsianism. Unacceptable theological and religious propositions, which reached Denmark in Rosicrucian texts and were implicit in certain medical and philosophical treatises, were in many cases inseparable from core Paracelsian concepts, with the result that Danish academic philosophers, physicians, and theologians rejected Paracelsian ideas except where they could be accommodated to acceptable Galenic and Aristotelian interpretations. When this was done, such ideas are arguably no longer Paracelsian in any meaningful way.
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13

Körtner, Ulrich H. J. "Kirche und Gemeinde in Zeiten des Umbruchs." Evangelische Theologie 70, no. 6 (December 1, 2010): 416–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2010-0605.

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AbstractKirchenreformen bedürfen einer grundlegenden Besinnung auf den Auftrag und das Wesen der Kirche. Ausgehend von Confessio Augustana 7 wird dafür argumentiert, in den gegenwärtigen kirchlichen Strukturreformen die Gemeindeebene nicht aus dem Blick zu verlieren, sondern vielmehr zu stärken. Ein systematisch-theologisches Verständnis von Kirche als Gemeinde unterstreicht außerdem die bleibende Bedeutung des Ortsprinzips für Leben und Arbeit von Kirche, so gewiss Kommunikation des Evangeliums leibliche Kommunikation ist. Allerdings ist zu diskutieren, wie unter veränderten gesellschaftlichen Bedingungen neue Formen von Gemeinde dem Lokalprinzip Rechnung tragen können.
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14

Maschke, Timothy, and Rudolf Keller. "Die Confessio Augustana im theologischen Wirken des Rostocker Professors David Chytraeus (1530-1600)." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 636. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544250.

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15

Hauschild, Wolf-Dieter. "Die Geltung der Confessio Augustana im deutschen Protestantismus zwischen 1530 und 1980 (aus lutherischer Sicht)." Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 104, no. 2 (2007): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/004435407781053847.

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16

Blanco, Pablo. "En torno a la cuestión del <i> defectus ordinis</i> (Ur 22). Un debate en las teologías católica y luterana actuales en lengua alemana." Scripta Theologica 41, no. 2 (November 17, 2017): 539–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/006.41.13364.

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Algunos autores proponen una eclesiología pneumatológica sin mediación alguna, mientras otros insisten en la sacramentalidad de la Iglesia y su necesaria prolongación en la apostolicidad y la ministerialidad, que pertenecen a la misma esencia de la Iglesia. El luteranismo clásico no las ve en la misma línea de necesidad que el evangelio y los sacramentos propuestos por la Confessio augustana. Además, insisten —entre otras diferencias doctrinales— en el ministerio único y en la indiferenciación entre episcopado y presbiterado. En el presente trabajo veremos las afirmaciones de autores tanto católicos como luteranos en torno a la cuestión planteada respecto al defectus ordinis propuesto por UR 22. Se trata pues de ver que apostolicidad, colegialidad y ministerio son elementos complementarios de las dimensiones cristológica, pneumatológica y sacramental de la Iglesia.
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17

Wien, Ulrich A. "New Perspective on the Establishing of Confession in Early Modern Transylvania. Context and Theological Profile of the Formula Pii Consensus 1572 as Heterodox Reception of the Wittenberg Theology." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 5, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2018-0004.

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Abstract This paper presents a mainly theological analysis of the Formula Pii Consensus of 1572 (furthermore FPC) and – in the light of its historical context – aims to investigate the way in which Wittenberg theology was modified in Transylvania. The reception of the Confessio Augustana (CA) was imposed by Prince István Báthory. In regard to the larger historical context in Transylvania and the development of the Holy Roman Empire, a reconsideration of the FPC arises. Despite largely accepting the contents of the CA 1530 (invariata), superintendent Lukas Unglerus (1526–1600) left the door open for all options of contemporary protestant Eucharistic theology. Because of the Melanchthonian background of his ministers the superintendent chose a wording to allow for tendencies orientated towards Calvinism and for keeping the yet prevalent confessional indetermination. Thus, he covered up what – according to contemporary standards in the Holy Roman Empire – would have been called heterodox.
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18

Schwarz, Karl W. "Der erste evangelische Superintendent in Siebenbürgen Paul Wiener (1495–1554): eine Brücke zwischen Laibach, Wien und Hermannstadt." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2006.

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Abstract The article is dedicated to the theologian Paul Wiener, a native of Carniola, who after his studies achieved a remarkable ecclesiastical career and turned into the most influential Church figure in Ljubljana. Under the influence of his colleague Truber, he was won over to the theological concerns of the Reformation, but was arrested by the Catholic ruler in 1546 for his Reformation stance. Under interrogation, he refused the suggested recantation and wrote instead a defense, which was considered a “complete apology of the Reformation” and referred to throughout Luther’s main Reformation writings. The trial ended with Wiener’s pardon, but he was exiled to Transylvania, where he was appointed preacher and town pastor. Elected the first superintendent of the Transylvanian Lutheran Church in 1553, he displayed a Wittenberg-oriented theology and ministry, especially in ordinations, where he placed the greatest emphasis on the Confessio Augustana. His Church leadership was, however, limited, as he died of the plague in 1554.
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19

Bauer, Barbara. "Die Rhetorik des Streitens. Ein Vergleich der Beiträge Philipp Melanchthons mit Ansätzen der modernen Kommunikationstheorie." Rhetorica 14, no. 1 (1996): 37–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.1996.14.1.37.

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Abstract: Die Analyse ausgewählter Beispiele aus der Kontroversliteratur der Reformationszeit soll rhetorik- und politikgesehichtliche Prolegomena zu einer Theorie und Praxis der Rhetorik des Streitens liefem. Es wird vorgeführt, wie sich Philipp Melanchthons Ziel, die altgläubigen Gegner von der Wahrheit der evangelischen Lehre zu überzeugen, und entsprechende Gesprächsstrategien in seiner Rhetorik und Dialektik niederschlugen und worin die von den konfessionellen Widersaehern diagnostizierten Mängel seiner Überzeugungsstrategie bestanden. Mit Hilfe der modernen Kommunikationstheorie wird der aktuelle Verlauf der Religionsverhandlungen von 1521 bis 1541 ais Dreischrittfolge vom machtbestimmten, ungleichgewichtigen Diskurs über die Vision eines herrsehaftsfreien Diskurses bis zum Scheitern einer Verständigung zugunsten der Spraehe der Macht nachgezeichnet. Drei Kommunikationsversuehe zwischen Protestanten und Katholiken, die hier hauptsäehlieh aus der Perspektive Melanchthons rekonstruiert werden, dienen zur lllustration: A: Die Condamnatio lutheriseher Thesen von Pariser Theologen 1521; B: Die Confessio Augustana, ihre katholische Confutatio, der Recessus des Kaisers im Reichstagsabschied, Melanchthons Apologia confessionis 1530/31 und Johann Coehlaeus' Philippiken gegen die Apologia; C: Die Stellungrwhmen Melanchthons und seiner katholischen Opponenten zum Regensburger Buch 1541
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20

Foley, Michael P. "The Fruit of Confessing Lips." Augustinianum 59, no. 2 (2019): 425–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201959227.

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In an effort to identify the genre of the Confessions, this essay: 1) explains the patristic notion of confession and how Augustine expands upon this already-rich concept to include that of sacrifice; 2) offers an overview of Augustine’s pervasive sacrificial imagery in the Confessions, especially with respect to himself, Monica, Alypius, and the philosophi; and 3) teases out the implications of this imagery and how Augustine’s theology of sacrifice relates to the genre of his Confessions. We conclude the Confessions is best understood as a sacrifice offered to God by Augustine in his capacity as bishop on behalf of his readers so that they may join him in the transformative act of confessing.
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Holm, Bo Kristian. "Religiøs bestemmelse." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 81, no. 3 (February 6, 2019): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v81i3.113415.

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Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift bringer i dette nummer tre artikler, som alle på forskellig måde beskæftiger sig med rette religiøse bestemmelser. I første artikel behandler Mogens Müller Justin som den første kendte bibelteolog. Müllers store arbejde med Septuaginta danner baggrunden for at vise Justins rolle som hovedfigur i 2. århundredes kristendom. Her bidrog Justin, der både var overbevist om Skriftens ufejlbarlighed og mente, at Skriften kun kan fortolkes af den, der har Ånden, i høj grad til at sikre Septuagintas status som kirkens bibel. I en tid, hvor andre, som fx Markion, alene lagde vægt på Jesus- overleveringen, var Justin med til at fastholde kristendommens forbindelse til jødedømmen. Men han gjorde det uafhængigt af den jødiske tradition, hvilket netop den græske oversættelse gjorde muligt. Gennem læsningen af Apologierne og Dialogen giver Müller eksempler på Justins bibelbrug og viser blandt andet, hvordan Justin som den første bemærker forskellen mellem den hebraiske og den græske tekst. I den næste artikel viser Jacob P.B. Mortensen, hvordan Fil 3,2-11 kan læses i lyset af det “radikalt” nye Paulusperspektiv, også kendt som “Paul Within Judaism”. Hvis Paulus ikke bryder med jødedommen, men tværtimod skal forstås inden for den, så kan Fil 3,2’s tale om “hundene” ikke være vendt mod jøderne. En “radikalt” ny Pauluslæsning må derfor lede efter andre tolkningsmuligheder. En kritisk efterprøvning af gængse fortolkninger, ifølge hvilke Paulus vender et hedninge-skældsord mod jøderne, viser, at de ikke kan bekræfte brugen af “hunde” som skældsord om hedninger i hverken Det Gamle Testamente, pseudepigrafer eller Dødehavsrullerne, og heller ikke hos hverken Filon eller Josefus. Brugen af “hundene” forstår man derfor bedst møntet på lokale problematiske grupper af hedninge i Filippi. En sådan tolkning understøtter det “radikalt” nye Paulusperspektivs bestemmelse af Paulus: at han aldrig opgav sin jødiske eksistens.I den sidste artikel giver Rasmus H.C. Dreyer en historisk og indholdsmæssig indføring i den alternative og ofte oversete Confessio Tetrapolitana fra Augsburg 1530. Bekendelsen er forfattet af Martin Bucer og Wolfgang Capito og er udtryk for et forsøg på at bestemme en humanistisk præget mellemposition mellem Zwingli og Luther, karakteriseret ved biblicisme, et vagt nadversyn, samt en betoning af den kristnes nye liv og konsekenserne for det kristne societas. I artiklen sammenlignes Confessio Tetrapolitano med både Confessio Augustana og Zwinglis Fidei Ratio. Som afslutning gennemgår Dreyer de forskellige forbindelser, der var mellem Bucer og Danmark, af både personlig og teologisk karakter.
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Keen, Ralph. "Im Schatten der Confessio Augustana: Die Religionsverhandlungen des Augsburger Reichstages 1530 im historischen Kontext ed. by Herbert Immenkötter and Gunther Wenz." Catholic Historical Review 84, no. 4 (1998): 768–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1998.0193.

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23

Eguiarte, Enrique, and Mauricio Saavedra. "El sentido de la confessio en los Soliloquia y en las Confessiones." Augustinus 64, no. 3 (2019): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201964254/25516.

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In this article, some parallels between the Soliloquia and Confessiones are revealed, particularly as concerning the self-knowledge (nouerim me) and the knowledge of God, two elements that the article links to the augustinian concept of confessio, in its different meanings, such as confessio laudis, confessio fidei, confessio peccatorum, confessio amoris, as well as the implications that this confessio has with other elements, such as the petitio considerationis, that is, the request made by Saint Augustine to God to be heard. The presence of the petitio considerationis has been analyzed not only in the text of the Soliloquia, but also within the text of the Confessiones, following its traces through four psalms where this petitio considerationis has left its marks, to indicate the various elements in which St. Augustine invites us to reflect, and highlighting, in particular, the importance that the Sacred Scripture has for St. Augustine. Finally, the presentation of the reading strategies and the implicit readers that St. Augustine presents both within the Soliloquia and within the Confessions is discussed.
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24

Быстров, Никита. "ИСПОВЕДАЛЬНОСТЬ В ПОЭЗИИ ВЯЧЕСЛАВА ИВАНОВА: ПРЕДВАРИТЕЛЬНЫЕ ЗАМЕЧАНИЯ." Conversatoria Litteraria, no. 14 (July 10, 2020): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/clit.2020.14.12.

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The article traces parallels between some confessional situations in the poetry of Vyacheslav Ivanov and the Confessions of St. Augustine. The question is raised about the ability of Ivanov`s symbolism to reproduce the existential uncertainty (ignorance of the further path, the actual rejection of its foreshadowing by culture and intellectual experience), to which the confession should lead the subject, if s/he follows the principle of Augustine`s „transcende te ipsum”. When the state of confession is pre-established by a system of symbols with a „ready” meaning, it risks losing its uniqueness: the confession can be replaced by some universal „scheme” of confessionality, which happens in a number of the Ivanov`s poems. Thus, the article delineates one of the possible perspectives of the further study of the claimed topic.
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Hincapié, Julián. "Confesiones y Confecciones. Breve reflexión de Agustín sobre el Santo Obispo de Hipona." Mayéutica 47, no. 104 (2021): 385–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica20214710431.

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The Confessions of Augustine can be read as a summary and presentation of the Saint’s past life, but the whole book is a book in the present, since Augustine indicates the events he has had to face, the events in the past of his life, but from the reflective today at the moment of writing. Beyond narrating experienced situations, the Confessions are a permanent self-reflection of what he remembers, of what he is, of what he expects, but all in a present, describing concrete things, trying to find the reason why they are remembered and why they caused an impact on his person. A first step is to say what happened, then try to find out why it happened that way, as well as how you can say what happened. It is a confession with transcendence, to educate, to prevent, to remember, to reach the Truth, which is always present.
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Janse, Wim. "Rudolf Keller, Die Confessio Augustana im theologischen Wirken des Rostocker Professors David Chyträus (1530-1600) [Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte 60]. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1994. 239 S., Portr. ISBN 3-525-55168-1. DM 74." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 79, no. 2 (1999): 258–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820399x00124.

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27

Brock, Brian. "Prayer and the Teaching of Christian Ethics: Socratic Dialogue with God?" Studies in Christian Ethics 33, no. 1 (October 29, 2019): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946819884552.

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In his Confessions Augustine recasts the Greco-Roman dialogue as a conversation with God. This repositioning of the premier pedagogical form of the ancient world Augustine takes as an implication of the Christian confession of God as a speaking God. Introducing Jewish forms of prayer into the Greco-Roman dialogue form transforms it in a manner that has implications for the teaching of Christian ethics today, in offering a theologically elaborated model of the formative and investigative power of conversation. Conversational learning is a practice in which finite creatures lovingly explore a creation that cannot be comprehended completely. Christians understand this formative and explorative conversation as a conversation with God, mediated by Scripture, which prepares its participants to model trust-building conversation in public.
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28

Dawson, David. "Augustine Confessions." Ancient Philosophy 15, no. 2 (1995): 669–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199515229.

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29

Smith, James K. A. "The Confession of Augustine." Augustinian Studies 33, no. 1 (2002): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies200233111.

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30

Smalbrugge, Matthias, and Enrique A. Eguiarte B. "La imagen como modelo hermenéutico en el libro décimo de ‘Confesiones’." Augustinus 60, no. 236 (2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201560236/23919.

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In this article, the notion of image, as it appears in Confessions X, is analysed. Literature on this theme is lacking, though the word imago appears up to a forty-five times. Augustine, in his analysis of memory, widely uses the notion of image. Memory, he states, confronts us with the unknown in ourselves. Firstly, we can’t grasp its dimensions; secondly, it also bears in it what has been forgotten. But in fact, what has been forgotten but still lingers on in memory, otherwise we couldn’t remember what has been forgotten. So it appears that all we know and all we remember is based on images. Image therefore bridges the gap between the known and the unknown in our memory, i.e. in ourselves. Thus, he gives the notion of image a very important role and transforms it in a idea guaranteeing our inner unity and overcoming the split in ourselves between subject and object. In a second phase however, when he discovers God inside our memory, he refrains from using this notion and passes to the notion of confession. It appears that confession functions in a similar way as does image. It creates the unity between God and man, where image creates the unity of the human subject. Image and confession are used in comparable ways, both serving to create a unity. Image in this sense is used in a much more positive way than in the platonic tradition Augustine based himself on. Secondly, it allows him to prepare elements of his Trinitarian theology, especially the theme of unity of the son and the Father.
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31

H., J. J., Justin Lovell, and Enoch Powell. "St Augustine: Confessions." Philosophical Quarterly 46, no. 183 (April 1996): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2956409.

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O'DONNELL, J. J. "Augustine, Confessions, 12.28.38." Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 35, no. 1 (January 1989): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.104592.

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33

Bourke, Vernon J. "Saint Augustine. Confessions." Manuscripta 35, no. 3 (November 1991): 229–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mss.3.1377.

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34

Bussanich, John. "Augustine: Confessions (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 32, no. 3 (1994): 488–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.1994.0053.

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35

Zarzycki, Stanisław. "Prawda o Bogu Stwórcy, stworzeniu i jego odnowie, według "Wyznań" św. Augustyna." Vox Patrum 71 (July 2, 2019): 543–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4502.

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Artykuł podejmuje temat stworzenia, który obok filozoficznego zagadnienia szukania prawdy i teologiczno-duchowej confessio stanowi jedno z głównych zagadnień „Wyznań” Augustyna. Najpierw autor wskazuje na ważność tego zagadnienia w tym dziele i poszukuje sposobu powiązania go z dwoma odmiennymi tematycznie częściami „Wyznań”, autobiograficzną i egzegetyczną. Dalej ukazuje Augustyna „krętą drogę” poszukiwania prawdy o Stwórcy i stworzeniu wiodącą przez czas błędów młodości i okres zagubienia się w sekcie manichejczyków (materializm, dualizm metafizyczny). Objaśnia zaistniałe u Augustyna, pod wpływem neoplatonizmu doświadczenie „powrotu do samego siebie” i uzyskanie światła prawdy o Stwórcy i stworzeniu, a potem uzyskanie pod wpływem lektury Słowa Bożego łaski nawrócenia jako daru „nowego stworzenia”. W ostatniej części artykułu autor na podstawie ostatnich ksiąg „Wyznań” przybliża teologię i duchowość „nowego stworzenia” objaśniając je w sensie dosłownym i alegorycznym. Artykuł podejmuje temat stworzenia, który obok filozoficznego zagadnienia szukania prawdy i teologiczno-duchowej confessio stanowi jedno z głównych zagadnień „Wyznań” Augustyna. Najpierw autor wskazuje na ważność tego zagadnienia w tym dziele i poszukuje sposobu powiązania go z dwoma odmiennymi tematycznie częściami „Wyznań”, autobiograficzną i egzegetyczną. Dalej ukazuje Augustyna „krętą drogę” poszukiwania prawdy o Stwórcy i stworzeniu wiodącą przez czas błędów młodości i okres zagubienia się w sekcie manichejczyków (materializm, dualizm metafizyczny). Objaśnia zaistniałe u Augustyna, pod wpływem neoplatonizmu doświadczenie „powrotu do samego siebie” i uzyskanie światła prawdy o Stwórcy i stworzeniu, a potem uzyskanie pod wpływem lektury Słowa Bożego łaski nawrócenia jako daru „nowego stworzenia”. W ostatniej części artykułu autor na podstawie ostatnich ksiąg „Wyznań” przybliża teologię i duchowość „nowego stworzenia” objaśniając je w sensie dosłownym i alegorycznym.
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36

Ward, Graham. "The Confession of Augustine (review)." Biography 24, no. 4 (2001): 942–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2001.0104.

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37

Silva, Álvaro. "Augustine: Conversions to Confessions." Mayéutica 41, no. 92 (2015): 422–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2015419220.

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38

Cho, Dongsun. "Divine Acceptance of Sinners: Augustine’S Doctrine of Justification." Perichoresis 12, no. 2 (October 1, 2014): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2014-0010.

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Abstract I argue that the bishop of Hippo taught sola fide, declarative justification, and the divine acceptance of sinners based on faith alone although he presented these pre-Reformational thoughts with strong emphasis on the necessity of growth in holiness (sanctification). Victorinus and Ambrosiaster already taught a Reformational doctrine of justification prior to Augustine in the fourthcentury Latin Christianity. Therefore, the argument that sola fide and justification as an event did not exist before the sixteenth-century Reformation, and these thoughts were foreign to Augustine is not tenable. For Augustine, justification includes imputed righteousness by Christ’s work, which can be appreciated by faith alone and inherent righteousness assisted by the Holy Spirit at the same time of forgiveness in justification. Nonetheless, the sole ground of the divine acceptance does not depend on inherent righteousness, which is real and to increase. The salvation of the confessing thief and the remaining sinfulness of humanity after justification show Augustine that faith alone is the ground of God’s acceptance of sinners. Augustine’s relatively less frequent discussion of sola fide and declarative justification may be due to his need to reject the antinomian abusers who appealed to the Pauline understanding of justification even when they do not have any intentional commitment to holiness after their confessions. Augustine’s teaching on double righteousness shows considerable theological affinity with Bucer and Calvin who are accustomed to speak of justification in terms of double righteousness. Following Augustine, both Bucer and Calvin speak of the inseparability and simultaneity of justification and sanctification. Like Augustine, Bucer also maintains a conceptual, not categorical, distinction between the two graces of God in their doctrines of justification.
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39

Venter, Ponti. "CONFESSIONAL SECULARISM: DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEAS OF “CONFESSION” AND “CATECHISM” UP TO THEIR SECULARISATION IN MODERNITY." Phronimon 17, no. 2 (March 9, 2017): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2413-3086/1974.

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Peculiar − just before and after the 1789 French Revolution secular and even atheist catechisms and confessions appeared. Within a wider project to study these peculiar documents, in this article it is attempted, by way of introduction, to disclose the nature of catechisms and confessions, by returning to the source: the Jewish- Rabbinical pedagogical tradition, as elaborated in the New Testament – the method of question-and-answer and repetition. I argue that the rabbi-talmid relationship was also adopted by Jesus and the apostles and is neglected in translations of the New Testament. The development of this genre is followed in main traits via Augustine and the Middle Ages, and it is indicated how philosophical-theological influences (Platonism, rhetoric) changed catechetical practice into scholarly continuous narratives, that have been simplified again in rosaries into daily ritual recitals, like in Kalde’s Kerstenspiegel just before the Reformation. Luther and Calvin’s recovery of New Testament practice is briefly indicated, as well as the worldview or ontological basis of their type of catechisms. It is summarily argued that the new worldview which made “nature” into origin and the “civil, rational human” into the final end of progress, accepted a new divinity – the natural-historical world – that required new confessional documents: a confession of science, of the state, the fatherland, the economy, labour, and so forth. The new catechisms and confessions expressly focused on these.
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Milbank, John. "The Confession of Time in Augustine." Maynooth Philosophical Papers 10 (2020): 5–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mpp20208237.

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The apparent contradiction between subjective and objective approaches to time in Augustine can be resolved if it is understood that he regarded cosmic time and the finite things it engenders as being of itself, in some sense, both psychic and self-recording. This interpretation holds whether or not Augustine affirms a world soul. It is justifiable in terms of the continued applicability of his earlier liberal-arts writings to his later texts and his blending of Plotinian vitalism, Porphyrian spiritualism, and his own ‘theurgism’ (especially in his commentary on the Psalms), which is parallel to that of Iamblichus. Augustine’s ‘musical ontology’, which is also a metaphysics of number, word, and seminal reason, leads him to develop a theory of time and memory that anticipates more the spiritual realism of Bergson than it does idealist and phenomenological philosophies. However, for Augustine, time as an image of eternity remains aporetic, and its aporia is ‘resolved’ only by the Incarnation and its sustaining as the liturgical and political community of the Church. Through Christological, and not just angelic, mediation, our memories and expectations truly reach to past and future realities, just as our intentions reach to really located things, but only because all of these are both inherently psychic/intellectual and sustained by the divine eternity.
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Castelli, Elizabeth A. "The Culture of Confession from Augustine to Foucault: A Genealogy of the 'Confessing Animal' (review)." University of Toronto Quarterly 80, no. 2 (2011): 366–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/utq.2011.0080.

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42

Mills, D. Forrest. "Augustine’s Conversion in his Confessions 8: Some Disputed Issues." Evangelical Quarterly 90, no. 4 (April 26, 2019): 326–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-09004004.

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In his Confessions 7, Augustine of Hippo explained how he came to accept some biblical presuppositions via Neoplatonic literature. Confessions 9 ends with Augustine’s baptism and the death of his mother, who had prayed much for his salvation. Between these two events, Confessions 8 focuses upon Augustine’s inability to turn his will towards God in his own power. While Augustine’s Confessions 8 remains the most cited section in his Confessions, it also has generated a lot of debate. For example, some scholars claim the book portrays Augustine’s conversion, while others say it narrates his call to celibacy and the monastic life. Some scholars have even denied the famous garden scene occurred, claiming Augustine invented the tale for rhetorical purposes. This article looks closely at the various debates that have arisen over Confessions 8, ultimately arguing that Confessions 8 narrates Augustine’s conversion, when God turned Augustine’s affections completely towards him.
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Weinberg, Heinrich. "San Agustín y el discernimiento espiritual en el libro V de las ‘Confesiones’." Augustinus 62, no. 1 (2017): 179–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201762244/2459.

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The article deals with the Spiritual Discernment in St. Augustine, taking as point of departure Book V of the Confessions. Allusion to other works of St. Augustine are made, to discuss the main characteristics of the Spiritual Discernment according to St. Augustine.
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44

Young, Frances. "The Confessions of St. Augustine." Augustinian Studies 30, no. 1 (1999): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies19993014.

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45

Harrison, Carol. "Augustine of Hippo’s Cassiciacum Confessions." Augustinian Studies 31, no. 2 (2000): 219–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies200031217.

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46

Foley, Michael P. "Augustine, Aristotle, and the Confessions." Thomist: A Speculative Quarterly Review 67, no. 4 (2003): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tho.2003.0003.

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47

Newey, Edmund. "Augustine and the Kyrie Confession1." Theology 110, no. 858 (November 2007): 417–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0711000604.

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48

Fredriksen, Paula. "Augustine, Confessions. James J. O'Donnell." Journal of Religion 74, no. 3 (July 1994): 390–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/489406.

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49

Eguiarte Bendímez, Enrique A. "Ecology in Books XI, XII and XIII of Augustine’s Confessiones." Mayéutica 47, no. 103 (2021): 161–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2021471033.

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The last Books of Augustine’s Confessions (XI-XIII) have been studied from different points of view, particularly from a philosophical or exegetical perspective, but not, taken as a whole and with detail, from an ecological point of view. For that reason, the article deals with the ideas about Creation in the three last Books of Confessions, as a point of departure to talk about ecology. Then the article presents the ideas about Ecology that Saint Augustine develops within the three last Books of his Confessions, underlining the spiritual and ecological consequences of the insights of the Bishop of Hippo. The article also discusses the relationship of the Document Laudato Si’ with the ideas that St. Augustine develops in the last book of his Confessions (Books XI-XIII).
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50

Curtis, Neal. "The Time of Confession: Lyotard on Augustine." Time & Society 12, no. 2-3 (March 2003): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x030122002.

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Lyotard’s essay on Augustine crystallizes his earlier meditations on ethics. Primarily it is a study of time. Firstly Lyotard returns to Augustine’s consideration of the present as an unpresentable now. Secondly, he challenges the desire of the confessant to complete himself and overcome ‘the delay’ set in place by his constitution through the Other. However, to guard against the solipsism threatened by Lyotard’s interpretation the article complements it with a Bakhtinian analysis of confession. In this sense a dialogic moment is introduced and worked through in relation to the principle of charity as it relates to the time of confession.
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