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1

Nawid, Senzil. "The State, the Clergy, and British Imperial Policy in Afghanistan during the 19th and Early 20th Centuries." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 4 (November 1997): 581–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065211.

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The political and dynastic history of Afghanistan during the 19th and the early 20th centuries is well known. So is British imperial policy toward Afghanistan. However, very little attention has been paid to the role of the clergy, the guardians of the Islamic order and the representatives of the civil society in Afghanistan. They played a major role in domestic politics and in Afghanistan's challenges with foreign powers. This paper attempts to fill the gap in information about the ulama by detailing their role in defending Afghanistan's territorial integrity and by examining the conflict over jihad between the ulama and Afghanistan's rulers, a conflict that adversely affected the legitimacy of successive regimes.
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2

Pherali, Tejendra, and Arif Sahar. "Learning in the chaos: A political economy analysis of education in Afghanistan." Research in Comparative and International Education 13, no. 2 (June 2018): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745499918781882.

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Afghanistan is often characterised as a ‘failed’ or ‘fragile’ state in terms of state ‘functionality’, lacking in capacity to provide security and wellbeing to its citizens and failing to prevent violent conflict and terrorism. Since 2001, education has become a major victim of Afghanistan’s protracted crisis that involves international military interventions, fragile democracy and growing radicalisation. Drawing upon qualitative interviews with educational officials and practitioners in Afghanistan and critically examining the literature in education and conflict, we argue that Afghanistan’s education is caught in the nexus between deteriorating security conditions, weak governance and widespread corruption, resulting in rebel capture of educational spaces for radicalisation and violent extremism. More broadly, we contend that education faces the risk of capture for radicalisation in contexts where state fragility and fundamentalism intersect. Finally, we highlight some critical issues relating to educational programming in conflict-affected contexts.
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3

Geiß, Robin, and Michael Siegrist. "Has the armed conflict in Afghanistan affected the rules on the conduct of hostilities?" International Review of the Red Cross 93, no. 881 (March 2011): 11–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383111000191.

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AbstractThe armed conflict in Afghanistan since 2001 has raised manifold questions pertaining to the humanitarian rules relative to the conduct of hostilities. In Afghanistan, as is often the case in so-called asymmetric conflicts, the geographical and temporal boundaries of the battlefield, and the distinction between civilians and fighters, are increasingly blurred. As a result, the risks for both civilians and soldiers operating in Afghanistan are high. The objective of this article is to assess whether – and if so how much – the armed conflict in Afghanistan has affected the application and interpretation of the principles of distinction, proportionality, and precaution – principles that form the core of legal rules pertaining to the conduct of hostilities.
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Jabarkhail, Sami, and Larry M. Dooley. "Human Resource Development: Why It Matters in the National Context of Afghanistan." South Asian Journal of Human Resources Management 6, no. 2 (November 24, 2019): 292–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322093719886390.

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Afghanistan’s recent history has been shaped largely by conflict. As a developing country transitioning away from its heavy reliance on foreign aid, Afghanistan is facing unprecedented challenges and opportunities in building its untapped treasure, namely human resources. Afghanistan recognizes the need for countrywide human resource development (HRD) efforts since its first national development strategy was devised in 2005. In this article, we explore the status of HRD in the national context of Afghanistan by providing insight into HRD history, identifying challenges and discussing opportunities.
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Umarov, Akram. "Assessing China’s New Policy in Afghanistan." Central Asian Affairs 4, no. 4 (November 25, 2017): 384–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00404004.

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Prior to 2001, Beijing faithfully observed the principles of neutrality and non-interference regarding Afghanistan, yet it has become one of the key actors in appeasing the conflict, especially since 2014. Numerous scholars suggest that China’s U-turn is related to the potential threat posed by the Uygur separatists in Afghanistan. This study suggests an alternate motive; namely, that Afghanistan’s strategic location—the heart of Central and South Asia, the Middle East, and East Asia—drives China’s increased interest.
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6

MAASS, CITHA D. "The Afghanistan conflict: External involvement." Central Asian Survey 18, no. 1 (March 1999): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634939995759.

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7

Karimi, Abdul Kabir. "Afghanistan’s Business Environment: Huge Potential for Investment in an Uncertain Place." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 8 (November 10, 2019): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.8.3.

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The article aims to present Afghanistan’s business environment and elaborates on the huge potential for investment in an uncertain place. A number of literatures has been reviewed from different international and government-related institutions and also quoted government high-level officials to identify these potentials and uncertainties. The review of the studies and research by international institutions suggests that the government of Afghanistan is actively working to prepare a business-friendly environment for domestic and foreign investors. However, political instability, lack of electricity, crime, theft and disorder, access to land and corruption still remains as the major constraints of doing business in Afghanistan. It is a fact that reviving Afghanistan’s business environment in this critical situation of conflict, declining international aid, and ongoing political chaos can be extremely difficult. However, reviving its business environment and utilizing the opportunities cannot wait for the end of the ongoing conflict and current political uncertainty. What Afghanistan needs to do is think creatively to recognize what can be done in the time of conflict and political uncertainty to take advantage from those opportunities. Although the extension of the article analysis requires more evidence to judge, the analysis challenges the general understanding of the business environment and points to important new avenues of research.
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8

Rachman, Arief. "THE ANALYSIS OF INDONESIA'S IMPORTANT ROLE TO KEEP PEACE IN AFGHANISTAN USING A SYSTEM DYNAMIC CONCEPT APPROACH." JOURNAL ASRO 11, no. 03 (September 28, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.37875/asro.v11i03.344.

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Peace in the Central Asia region is a very dynamic situation and changes rapidly from time to time based on the important role of each country in the region. Various conflicts of interest occur in Afghanistan, ranging from the internal conflict in Afghanistan itself and external conflicts involving many countries including the United States, Israel, Russia, and so on. Indonesia, as one of the countries with the largest number of Muslims, also has a major concern for peace in the Central Asia region, especially Afghanistan. This study aims to analyze Indonesia's role in achieving peace in the Central Asia Region, especially in the Afghanistan conflict area. The approach used is the System Dynamic method approach. This method is expected to be able to provide scientific contributions in analyzing Indonesia's role in peace in the Afghanistan region so that it becomes the main basis and consideration in making important decisions and policies towards peace in Afghanistan. The results achieved in this study are several analyzes of the role of Indonesia which is very dynamic based on a systemic concept that produces a dynamic causal loop diagram system that reflects the dynamic efforts by Indonesia to participate in maintaining peace in Afghanistan, under the politics of a free and active Indonesian state. Keywords: Indonesia’s Important Role, Peace Afghanistan, System Dynamic Concept Approach.
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9

Noorzai, Roshan. "The Battle of Maiwand and the Taliban’s Tarani." Iran and the Caucasus 23, no. 3 (July 26, 2019): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190303.

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This study analyzes the post-September 11 Taliban’s discourse, exploring particularly the sujet of the battle of Maiwand (July 27, 1880) in the Taliban’s tarani (pl. of tarana “chant, song”). After providing a brief history of the post-September 11 conflict in Afghanistan, the paper examines Afghanistan’s experience of colonialism in the 19th century by discussing the Anglo-Afghan wars, with a focus on the battle of Maiwand and its importance in the modern history of Afghanistan. This study takes a postcolonial and postmodernist approach to discourse analysis. Using a postmodernist approach, the author tried to understand how the Taliban saw the post-September 11, 2001 conflict, and how they legitimized their actions. This study concludes that the Taliban used Afghanistan’s past experience of colonialism in their discourse. In fact, they refer to the historical events and personalities, those led resistance against colonial powers in the 19th century, for propaganda purposes. In addition, the paper shows that the colonial past is an important factor in the success or failure of interventions and peacekeeping missions, particularly in Afghanistan.
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Crawshaw, Mike, John Rose, Martin Erdmann, Robert Loftis, James Soligan, Eric Edelman, and Hikmet Çetin. "A Comprehensive Approach to Modern Conflict: Afghanistan and Beyond." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 06, no. 2 (2007): 1–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.06.2.01.

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11

Erdmann, Martin. "A Comprehensive Approach to Modern Conflict: Afghanistan and Beyond." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 06, no. 2 (2007): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.06.2.04.

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12

Bakhsh, Faiz, and Muhammad Asif Safdar. "ROLE OF THE UNHCR IN REPATRIATION OF AFGHAN REFUGEES FROM PAKISTAN: POST 9/11 ERA." PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v5i1.95.

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The post 9/11-armed conflict in Afghanistan resulted in the displacement of millions of Afghans and many of these displaced persons entered Pakistan as refugees. Moreover, the involvement of Pakistan in the conflict as an ally to NATO claimed Pakistan an internal armed conflict that displaced waves and waves of internal displacements. Repatriation is considered as a durable solution of the refugee problem. It is the responsibility of the host state to plan for safe and voluntary return of refugees and the UNHCR plays a supportive role in complying with this responsibility. However, the principles of safety, voluntariness and dignity are preserved during repatriation. To comply with the legal framework for refugees regarding repatriation, Pakistan had been struggling a lot in the context of the ongoing armed conflict in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. UNHCR has been helping and assisting the government of Pakistan in planning and executing the safe and voluntary Afghan refugees. This cooperation between the UNHCR and Pakistan has remained effective in achieving the goal of repatriation of Afghan Refugees in the context of ongoing conflicts in both Afghanistan and Pakistan in the context of difficult circumstances This paper discusses the repatriation of the Afghan refugees from Pakistan, engineered by the UNHCR and Pakistan, under the legal framework applicable for safe and voluntary return of refugees, amid waves of repeated displacements due to the ongoing conflicts in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
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13

Matta, Rakib Farooq. "Impact of Afghan Conflicts as Reflected in Khaled Hosseini’s The Kite Runner." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v6i2.358.

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The Kite Runner is a novel by Khaled Hosseini and one of the literary works that presents the social life of Afghan people in each political era of Afghanistan. The aim of this paper is to discuss the impact of the Afghan conflict since the end of 1970’s until the 2000’s, the author describes the impact of the conflict of Afghanistan since the time of Daoud Khan’s coup, the Soviet Invasion, the Civil War Afghanistan, and the Taliban regime. This study used a mimetic approach that compares the actual occurrence with what is found in the novel. In analyzing this novel, the author uses sociological theory of literature by Alan Swingewood, first perspective regard literature as historical documentation and the time of the literary works made. Then the author uses qualitative methods, where the research described in a descriptive form of words or experts from novel and other sources related to the Afghan conflict. This paper focuses on the condition of Afghan society’s life during the Afghan conflicts and the impact of Afghan conflicts as reflected in the novel, The Kite Runner.
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14

Edwards, Lucy Morgan. "The Afghanistan Conflict and Australia's Role." Asian Affairs 43, no. 2 (July 2012): 304–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2012.682717.

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15

Ahady, Anwar-ul-Haq. "Conflict in post-soviet-occupation Afghanistan." Journal of Contemporary Asia 21, no. 4 (January 1991): 513–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339180000341.

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16

Isby, David C. "Conflict in Afghanistan: An Encyclopedia (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 3 (2004): 1023–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0116.

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17

DOBIAS, PETER. "SELF-ORGANIZED CRITICALITY IN ASYMMETRIC WARFARE." Fractals 17, no. 01 (March 2009): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218348x0900417x.

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Two current conflicts, in Afghanistan and in Iraq were studied to identify a possibility of a critical behavior in an asymmetric conflict. The analysis was performed using temporal dependence of fatalities. The data included daily fatality information from the beginning of each of the conflicts until 31 December 2007. The results suggest that these examples of asymmetric, counter-insurgency warfare can possibly be characterized in terms of self-organized criticality (SOC). While SOC could be an attractor for such conflicts in general, not all asymmetric conflicts are actually at the point of criticality. The conflict in Afghanistan is an example of such a subcritical conflict. The conflict in Iraq, on the other hand is an example of an already critical system. The two types of conflict have in common the power-law dependence between the numbers of fatalities and the frequency of occurrences. However, while for a critical system the numbers of fatalities are correlated over time, for a subcritical system they are anti-correlated. From the point of view of counter-insurgency, the subcritical state is a preferred option. However, from the system point of view the two cases are just two different phases of the same type of a dynamical system.
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18

Daurov, Ramazan D., and Nickolay D. Sazhenov. "ON GENERAL PRINCIPLES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF MODERN AFGHANISTAN’S STRATEGY OF FOREIGN POLICY." Eastern Analytics, no. 1 (2020): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-01-080-090.

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Afghanistan has remained an area of instability in Asia for more than 40 years and the issue of the conflict settlement has reached the international level. The NATO operation in 2001 and the removal of the Taliban Government led to creation a new political system in Afghanistan and elaboration of a relevant foreign policy. The article analyzes conceptual approaches of the Afghan government after 2001 and its practical realization in the context of the remaining tribalism, clientelism, ethnic and sectarian division in Afghan society. The authors conclude that the current foreign policy of Afghanistan is caused by and interlinked with the internal conditions, which are inherent in Afghanistan’s modern political system. For instance, the authors mean the Taliban revival and a chronic dependence of Afghanistan on foreign aid. These factors determine the priorities of the foreign policy, which is guided by the primacy of cooperation with the Western countries.
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19

Evriviades, Demetrius, Steven Jeffery, Tania Cubison, Graham Lawton, Martin Gill, and Deborah Mortiboy. "Shaping the military wound: issues surrounding the reconstruction of injured servicemen at the Royal Centre for Defence Medicine." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 366, no. 1562 (January 27, 2011): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2010.0237.

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The conflict in Afghanistan has produced injuries similar to those produced from military conflicts for generations. What distinguishes the modern casualty of the conflict in Afghanistan from those of other conflicts is the effectiveness of modern field medical care that has led to individuals surviving with injuries, which would have been immediately fatal even a few years ago. These patients present several challenges to the reconstructive surgeon. These injured individuals present early challenges of massive soft-tissue trauma, unstable physiology, complex bony and soft-tissue defects, unusual infections, limited reconstructive donor sites, peripheral nerve injuries and traumatic amputations. Late challenges to rehabilitation include the development of heterotopic ossification in amputation stumps. This paper outlines the approach taken by the reconstructive team at the Royal Centre for Defence Medicine in managing these most difficult of reconstructive challenges.
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20

Mustafa, Ghulam, and Adil Khan. "Afghanistan: A Study in Internal Conflict and National Cohesion." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 2, no. 4 (July 31, 2015): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v2i4.18.

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Conflicts are caused by various reasons. When competing groups’ goals, objectives, needs or values clash the aggression and violence is a result. Afghanistan as multi ethnic state enjoyed internal flexibility till socialist revolution (1978) that changed its social fabric due to ideological clash. In bipolar world this conflict invited the involvement of external actors (USSR & USA). Even after the withdrawal of Soviet troops this conflict sustained till 1992. The Mujahidin who had become new masters of the war torn country added fuel to the fire by converting an ideological clash into an ethnic one. Taliban replaced the Mujahidin but their religious orthodoxy also failed to bring national cohesion.The long sustained conflict has direct bearings on national and individual life of people of Afghanistan who have lost their ability to work together. All attempts made on national cohesion and integration so far have failed. People do not rely and trust each other and they have lost their motivation to work together and to rebuild their institutions and economy. It is the legacy of the long war that is still going on. A closer look at the last 35 years traumatic history of the country clearly illustrates the complexity of the problem due to clash of divergent aims and objectives of several parties.
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Jones, Adele. "Curriculum and Civil Society in Afghanistan." Harvard Educational Review 79, no. 1 (March 30, 2009): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.79.1.l655m5m3n0220220.

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Although research has traditionally discussed the ways in which societies in conflict develop educational practices, only recently have scholars begun to examine the role of education in creating or sustaining conflict. In Afghanistan, changing regimes have had an impact on state-sanctioned curricula over the past fifty years, drastically altering the purpose and ideology of education. In this article, Adele Jones traces the changing nature of Afghan curricula since the 1960s, highlighting the conflict surrounding curricula during the Soviet regime. She posits that resistance to statesanctioned curricula was seen as resistance to the state regime, often putting schools at the center of conflict. This continues today, as Taliban groups resist the Western-influenced curricula of modern Afghanistan. Jones argues that understanding this cycle of resistance is critical for Western agencies aiming to support educational efforts in the country.
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Noon, Muhammad Jawad. "Afghanistan: conflict risks local and global health." Nature 597, no. 7876 (September 14, 2021): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/d41586-021-02468-9.

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Rabush, Taisiуa. "Involvement of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in the Events in Afghanistan in the Late 1970s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.12.

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Introduction. In this article, the author examines the position of the countries of the Middle East region in the late 1970s with regard to the armed conflict in Afghanistan. The emphasis is on the period on the eve of the entry of the Soviet troops to Afghanistan – from the April Revolution of 1978 until December 1979. The author’s focus is on two states: Pakistan directly bordering on Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, which is a major geopolitical actor in the region. Methods and materials. The author relies on documentary sources such as “Department of state bulletin”, documents of secret correspondence of the U.S. foreign policy agencies, documents of the U.S. National Security Archive, and special volumes on Afghanistan and the Middle East in “Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1977–1980”. Thanks to these sources, it is possible to prove that the involvement of the states of the region in the Afghan armed conflict and its internationalization began even before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Analysis. First, an overview of the objectives pursued by these states in Afghanistan and in the internal Afghan armed conflict is given. Following this, the author consistently reveals the position of these states in relation to the April Revolution of 1978, the ever-increasing Soviet involvement in the Afghan events (1978–1979) and the civil war that started against the Kabul government. Results. In conclusion the article reveals the role of these states in the process of internationalization of the Afghan armed conflict, which, according to the author, began before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan.
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Shah, Niaz A. "The Taliban Layeha for Mujahidin and the Law of Armed Conflict." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 3, no. 1 (2012): 192–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-00301006.

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In 2010 the Taliban issued a third edition of their Layeha. The Layeha contains Rules and Regulations of Jihad for Mujahidin. This article first details the short history of the Layeha published by the Taliban. Subsequently its content is analysed and compared with the international law of armed conflict that applies in conflicts of an international and non-international character. The author demonstrates that, whilst some rules are incompatible or ambiguous, most rules of the Layeha are compatible with the international law of armed conflict. Compliance with the rules that are compatible could help to achieve the objectives of the law of armed conflict: to minimise unnecessary suffering in armed conflict. The author submits that considering that the Taliban are engaged in fighting in Afghanistan and that they have control of or influence in parts Afghanistan, it is encouraging that they have produced such a self-imposed code. Any minimum restraint, whether self-imposed or imposed by municipal or international law, is better than no restraint at all.
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Rabush, Taisiya Vladimirovna. "Iran’s position regarding the afghan military conflict in 1978-1979." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-1-7-20.

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The author considers the position of Iran regarding the Afghan armed conflict (1978-1979) before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan, as well as the consistent evolution of this position and the involvement of Iran in internal Afghan events. The author relies mainly on documentary sources, but also attracts scientific works in Russian and English (including the works of Iranian authors). According to the author, the analysis and study of Irans position on Afghanistan and the evolution of this position deserve a separate article because, firstly, the religious factor began to especially influence Irans foreign policy after the events of the Islamic Revolution of 1979; secondly, for the two years chosen for consideration in an article in Iran, the political regime has radically changed, and it is useful to consider the transformation of Irans foreign policy from the reign of the shah to the theocratic regime. In the first part of the article, the author analyzes the position of the Shah of the Iranian regime regarding the April Revolution of 1979 and the political changes that took place in Afghanistan after the revolution. The second part is devoted to the policy of Iran with respect to Afghanistan in 1979, and in this part the author argues that the Herat rebellion, which took place in March 1979, became the main trigger for transforming Irans attitude towards Afghanistan from a wait-and-see attitude to active involvement. The author also notes, that Irans policy towards Afghanistan in 1978-1979 developed sequentially, despite the radical transformation of power in Iran itself during this period.
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Samad Barialai, Abdul, Mohammad Edris Zaid, and Mergen Dyussenov. "EVALUATING THE ROLE OF NORWEGIAN AID IN AFGHAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: SWOT ANALYSIS AND THE ROLE OF ACTORS." Brazilian Journal of Policy and Development 2, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.52367/brjpd.2675-102x.2020.2.2.139-160.

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Afghanistan's current reliance and dependency on foreign aid is not only due to the past three to four decades of war and civil dissension but came about even before the era of conflict. Since the fall of the Taliban regime in December 2001, Afghanistan has become an engaging country in the eyes of the international community and since then has become one of the largest recipients of foreign aid. The international community has pledged a huge amount of assistance for the reconstruction and development of Afghanistan. The main aim of this research paper is to attempt evaluating policy developments in Norwegian assistance to Afghanistan for economic and social development by employing SWOT analysis, understand the role of key actors involved in driving policy developments, and international agreements related to Norwegian aid assistance to Afghanistan. This policy analysis is grounded on the stages approach to the policymaking process. While the stages include agenda-setting, formulation, decision-making, implementation, and policy evaluation (Howlett, Ramesh & Perl, 2009), this paper largely focuses on the evaluation stage of policymaking.
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Shpiro, Shlomo. "Conflict Media Strategies and the Politics of Counter-Terrorism." Politics 22, no. 2 (May 2002): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00162.

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This article argues that the events of 11 September 2001, and the subsequent ‘war on terror’, have highlighted the role of the media in both the coverage and conduct of modern conflict. The article concentrates on the ‘conflict media strategies’ pursued by belligerents and examines the development and refinement of such strategies over time, from the Second World War through to the conflict in Afghanistan. Using data from Vietnam, the Falklands, the Gulf, Kosovo and other conflicts, I argue that an effective conflict media strategy is an essential tool of warfare that is used by states and terrorist groups alike.
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Sukarmaji, Ananda Kurniawan, and Arie Afriansyah. "Inability of Protecting Diplomats: Problems of Afghanistan and Conflict Countries." Sriwijaya Law Review 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol2.iss1.108.pp18-44.

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This article discusses the protection of diplomats and state responsibility of physical suffering of diplomats in conflict countries, especially in Afghanistan using juridical normative methodology. This concern has to be discussed because there are a lot of attacks and physical harms suffered by the diplomats, especially in armed-conflict countries. This article analyzes the practices of protection of diplomats in some conflict countries and explain the conventions that include protection of diplomats as a part of the conventions. Thus, conflict countries are more tendentious than non-conflict countries in terms of numbers of attacks and physical harms suf-fered by diplomats. Therefore, this article analyzes the conflict country and categorizes the terms and conditions in the conflict countries. After looking into the pattern of protection of dip-lomats in some countries, this article analyzes the response shown by the receiving and sending state. There is also a discussion of the attacked diplomat cases in Afghanistan and the responses issued by the related parties. Then, protection of the diplomats and state responsibility are ana-lyzed based on the related doctrine and conventions. Changes in protection of diplomats in Af-ghanistan should be done and Afghanistan should be more concerned about this matter and based on the diplomatic convention, sending state could file a dispute settlement to an arbitrary organ and International Court of Justice to claim state responsibility. Based on the conventions and doctrine related, Afghanistan could be charged as the full responsible party
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Couch, Daniel. "Conceptualising quality following conflict: Afghanistan’s higher education policy." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 4 (September 30, 2019): 441–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2018-0127.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the dominant conceptualisation of quality in Afghanistan’s higher education strategic planning and policies, and consider the implications a broader conceptualisation of quality might have within Afghanistan’s conflict-affected context. Design/methodology/approach Drawing on data from document analysis and semi-structured interviews, the author identifies the dominant policy conceptualisation of quality. Findings The dominant conceptualisation of quality in Afghanistan’s higher education policy documents aligns with the sector’s primary policy purpose of promoting economic growth. However, quality assurance processes were developed with significant input from international actors, and replicate global norms for quality assurance. Whilst this is important for validity and legitimacy, at the same time it can be delegitimising for local stakeholders, and can limit opportunities for conceptualisations of quality which genuinely engage with the particularities of Afghanistan’s broader conflict-affected social context. Research limitations/implications Introducing conceptualisations of quality in Afghanistan’s higher education policy which de-centre economic growth, and rather re-position social goals of cohesion and political sustainability as a central understanding of quality higher education, opens possibilities for the sector’s contribution towards national development. Originality/value There is limited published research into conceptualisations of quality within low-income and conflict-affected higher education contexts in general, and Afghanistan in particular. This paper intends to extend a critical conversation about the non-economic dividends a quality higher education sector can offer in such contexts.
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Besmel, Parwez, and Frederic I. Solop. "Research in Afghanistan: Innovative Strategies for Overcoming Methodological Challenges." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 10, no. 3 (September 30, 2016): 2123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v10i3.4691.

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This paper examines challenges associated with conducting social science research in third world, conflict settings. Employing a qualitative, case study approach, we highlight the methodological barriers confronted by administration of Afghanistan Research Services’ (a Division of Afghanistan Holding Group) Mortgage Market Assessment, a study conducted in five major Afghanistan cities. While these barriers may be viewed through the lens of western social science as threatening the validity of legitimate research, innovative accommodations in the areas of sampling, quality control and mitigation of fear and mistrust led to successful data collection efforts. This case study of research in Afghanistan, offers lessons for ambitious researchers interested in adapting standard research techniques to future work with non-western peoples living under conflict conditions
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Boak, Emily. "From conflict archaeology to archaeologies of conflict: remote survey in Kandahar, Afghanistan." Journal of Conflict Archaeology 14, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2019): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15740773.2019.1731144.

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Matsumoto, Yukitoshi. "Education for Demilitarizing Youth in Post-Conflict Afghanistan." Research in Comparative and International Education 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/rcie.2008.3.1.65.

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This article examines both the largely negative role that education has played historically in contributing to conflict in Afghanistan and the ways that education has been purposefully employed as a post-conflict strategy aimed at building peace and social cohesion. The growing attention among academics and policy makers to the role of youth in post-conflict contexts, and the urgent need to reintegrate ex-combatants has led to the implementation of educational programming directed at Afghan youth as a central part of the country's Demobilization, Demilitarization, Reintegration (DDR) effort. Drawing on the author's field research and experience working on literacy programming for youth and adults in Afghanistan, this article investigates how the unfulfilled aspirations and needs of a ‘lost generation’ of young Afghans have been addressed within DDR processes. It argues that the adoption of a more dialectic approach to the educational programming provided through DDR – one that engages with and offers alternatives to education's previously negative manifestations – may offer more potential than current programming.
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Morikawa, M. J., S. Schneider, S. Becker, and S. Lipovac. "Primary care in post-conflict rural northern Afghanistan." Public Health 125, no. 1 (January 2011): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.puhe.2010.08.021.

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34

Norris, Alison, Kevin Hachey, Andrew Curtis, and Margaret Bourdeaux. "Crippling Violence: Conflict and Incident Polio in Afghanistan." PLOS ONE 11, no. 3 (March 9, 2016): e0149074. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0149074.

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Richards, T. "Afghanistan struggles to build post-conflict health care." BMJ 326, no. 7394 (April 19, 2003): 837a—837. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.326.7394.837/a.

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Rangelov, Iavor, and Marika Theros. "Abuse of power and conflict persistence in Afghanistan." Conflict, Security & Development 12, no. 3 (July 2012): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2012.703533.

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37

McLachlan, Fiona. "Life during wartime: women and conflict in Afghanistan." Gender & Development 1, no. 2 (June 1993): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09682869308519963.

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38

Messham-Muir, Kit. "Conflict, Complicity and Ben Quilty's After Afghanistan Portraits." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Art 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14434318.2018.1481331.

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39

Ray, Anasuya. "Everyday violence during armed conflict: Narratives from Afghanistan." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 23, no. 4 (November 2017): 363–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pac0000281.

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Eisenburg, Markus F., Martin Christie, and Peter Mathew. "Battlefield neurosurgical care in the current conflict in southern Afghanistan." Neurosurgical Focus 28, no. 5 (May 2010): E7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2010.2.focus108.

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An international military campaign involving large numbers of troops is ongoing in Afghanistan. To support the military efforts in the conflict zone, a network of military medical services of varying levels has been established. The largest and busiest multinational military hospital in southern Afghanistan is located at Kandahar Air Field where the only neurosurgeon is based. This report outlines the contribution of multinational military health services and the workload of the neurosurgical service in Kandahar.
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Samay, M. Ali. "Afghanistan and Pakistan between the US new Strategy and Eurasian Great Powers." Köz-gazdaság 15, no. 3 (2020): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2020.03.14.

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One of the most intricate matters when it comes to fighting against terrorism in Afghanistan and South Asia is the perpetual conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The role of Pakistan is a central debate in all security, political and economic subjects of discussion in Afghanistan since its dawn of existence as a country. Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, as the President of Afghanistan, believes his country is in a state of an undeclared war with Pakistan. The reason for this is that Pakistan plays a double-standard policy towards Afghanistan by having diplomatic relations with Kabul while actively supports the Taliban and terrorist groups who fight against the Afghan government and conduct terrorist attacks and bombings in the country. India shares the same point of view about Pakistan, thus becoming the most important strategic partner of Afghanistan in the region. Both countries are actively trying to turn the international community and international and Eurasian powers against Pakistan. Recently, the USA’s President has accepted its lobby and diplomacy. Today, America, Afghanistan, and India have a common voice in the fight against terrorism and its regional roots, which are in Pakistan. The practical result of this common voice is the newly shaped America-India-Afghan (AIA) strategic trinity against terrorism and Pakistan. In this article, we focus on: – The US new strategy towards Afghanistan and Pakistan – Afghanistan’s new position in the US foreign policy – The reaction and response of Pakistan, China, and Russia to the US new strategy – The fragmentation and lack of common initiatives among Eurasian large powers as far as the fight against terrorism and other trans-regional threats is concerned – The practical and possible outcome of the newly AIA strategical trinity or shift for the USA, Afghanistan, and Pakistan considering the policies of the regional or Eurasian great powers.
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Farhoumand-Sims, Cheshmak. "With All Our Strength." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i1.1738.

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Anne Brodsky’s With All Our Strength provides an ethnographic study ofthe Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA). Thisorganization was founded in 1977 by the enigmatic Meena as “the firstindependent feminist women’s organization in Afghanistan, whose solepurpose and aim was the advancement and equality of Afghan women” (p.43). RAWA’s main vehicle of empowerment is education, through literacyand political consciousness, and its vehicles for promoting these tasks are literacy classes and Payam-e-Zan, a quarterly political magazine (publishedin Dari and Pashtu) that includes political commentaries on a wide range ofissues relating to Afghanistan.The author describes RAWA as a humanitarian and political women’sorganization that has operated in Afghanistan and Pakistan since its foundingin 1977. She provides a good review of its philosophy and workingsthrough an impressive number of interviews and personal observationsgained while living and traveling with RAWAmembers. Her analysis offersinsight into Afghanistan’s patriarchal culture, as well as the customs andtraditions that have impacted its women. She presents readers with anexcellent analysis of the events that led to the conflict in Afghanistan, discussesthe country’s situation since the regime change of 1979, and highlightsthe humanitarian cost of war, focusing on the conflict’s impact onAfghani women. In addition, she describes the horrors women faced underthe Taliban regime and outlines the continued challenges that they face inpost-Taliban Afghanistan as well as RAWA’s response ...
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43

Sharma, B. "The Dynamics of Peace and Conflict in Afghanistan-Pakistan Region and Implications for Regional Security." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2015): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-2-42-48.

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The article describes in detail all aspects of situation in Afghanistan and most recent trends of regional co-operation with a view of assistance being rendered to Afghanistan in combating narcotics, terrorism, restoring its agriculture, political transition to democracy. The projects of building transportation corridors from Central Asia via Afghanistan to the South Asia and Arabian Sea are discussed. Prospects of peace building require participation of Pakistan and India in the creation of secure environment in the region.
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Noh, Jin-Won, Yu-Mi Im, Kyoung-Beom Kim, Min Hee Kim, Young Dae Kwon, and Jiho Cha. "Digital and Economic Determinants of Healthcare in the Crisis-Affected Population in Afghanistan: Access to Mobile Phone and Socioeconomic Barriers." Healthcare 9, no. 5 (April 27, 2021): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare9050506.

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Despite recent progress in Afghanistan’s health system from the support of international donors and NGOs, protracted conflicts combined with a series of natural disasters have continued to present substantial health risks. Extreme poverty has still aggravated social determinants of health and financial barriers to healthcare. Little is known about the context-specific factors influencing access to healthcare in the crisis-affected population. Using a subset of data from ‘Whole of Afghanistan Assessment (WoAA) 2019’, this study analyzed 31,343 households’ data, which was collected between 17 July and 19 September 2019 throughout all 34 provinces in Afghanistan. The outcome measured was access to care in the healthcare facility, and multivariable binary logistic regression models were used to identify the specific factors associated with access to healthcare. Of 31,343 households exposed to complex emergencies in Afghanistan, 10,057 (32.1%) could not access healthcare facilities when one was needed in last three months. The access to healthcare was significantly associated with displacement status, economic factors such as employment status or total monthly income, and the distance to healthcare facilities. Significant increase in healthcare access was associated with factors related to communication and access to information, such as awareness of humanitarian assistance availability and mobile phone with a SIM card, while disability in cognitive function, such as memory or concentration, was associated with poorer healthcare access. Our findings indicate that the crisis-affected population remains vulnerable in access to healthcare, despite the recent improvements in health sectors. Digital determinants, such as access to mobile phone, need to be addressed along with the healthcare barriers related to poverty and household vulnerabilities. The innovative humanitarian financing system using mobile communication and cash transfer programs would be considerable for the conflict-affected but digitally connected population in Afghanistan.
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Kazakov, Lev. "PERSPECTIVES OF SMALL AND MEDIUM ENTERPRISES DEVELOPMENT IN AFGHANISTAN." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2020): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-02-047-059.

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Small and medium enterprises in Afghanistan may become the main source of the country’s economic development. Afghanistan’s current political and economic background is what contributes a lot to such a change: with international aid at a sharp decline and security problem being likely to worsen due to the anticipated withdrawal of the major part of international forces from Afghanistan, the government faces a problem of finding alternative sources of economic development within the country with the aim of achieving further self-sufficiency. Besides, support for SMEs is by far the most practically achievable and promising goal on the government’s economic agenda: those enterprises are capable of surviving within the ongoing military conflict; SMEs contribute to the conduct of most Afghan trade. Further advance of the above mentioned is directly and particularly dependent on the Afghan government’s political and economic action, as well as the undertaking of security measures. Afghanistan’s international trade is another critical aspect, which suggests that the country is yet to establish closer economic ties with other regional states. The article analyses the country’s private sector, suggests an explanation of why the SMEs’ advance should have primacy over other enterprises, and discusses the challenges faced by SMEs in Afghanistan. Besides, the author is determined to identify the main courses of action the Afghan government should stick to so as to achieve the realization of the SMEs’ perspectives. In the context the author dwells on the government’s further steps in various spheres, namely, improving ease of doing business, dealing with the problem of political uncertainty, enhancing the system of customs control, revising of Afghanistan’s role within regional trade.
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Müller, Anna Caroline. "Legal issues arising from the armed conflict in Afghanistan." Non-State Actors and International Law 4, no. 3 (2004): 239–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571807042794672.

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47

Guest, Ken. "Dynamic interplay between religion and armed conflict in Afghanistan." International Review of the Red Cross 92, no. 880 (December 2010): 877–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383111000038.

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AbstractIn approaching this subject the most important thing to understand is how Afghans perceive things to be. On to this must be grafted factors about their environment, beliefs, and character that most affect their response. The physical characteristics of their environment are easy to define and describe, but their character, relationship to Islam, and how the two combine and affect their mode of warfare is more complex – a knot of truly Gordian proportions. However, if the past is accurately factored into the present, this enables contextual understanding, which is the key to unlocking the puzzle.
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Pötzsch, Holger. "Book review: Picturing Afghanistan: The photography of foreign conflict." Media, War & Conflict 6, no. 2 (August 2013): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635213487416.

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49

Burki, Talha. "Conflict in Afghanistan takes an increasing toll on civilians." Lancet 388, no. 10040 (July 2016): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(16)31023-6.

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Coyne, Christopher J., and Adam Pellillo. "Economic reconstruction amidst conflict: Insights from Afghanistan and Iraq." Defence and Peace Economics 22, no. 6 (December 2011): 627–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10242694.2010.535392.

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