Dissertations / Theses: 'Conflict in Kosovo'

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Percival, Valerie. "Health reform in post conflict Kosovo." Thesis, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (University of London), 2008. http://researchonline.lshtm.ac.uk/682374/.

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The international community undertakes complex interventions in states emerging from war. These interventions include broad efforts to reform the political and institutional structures of the state. After the United Nations took political control of Kosovo in June 1999, it embarked on such a reform program, extremely ambitious in nature. This thesis examines the efforts to rehabilitate and reform the health sector. The immediate post-conflict environment in Kosovo was extremely chaotic. Hundreds of millions of dollars poured into the province, funding the operations of several hundred non-governmental organisations. The initial efforts of the international community in the health sector were focused on coordinating resources and the activities of these organisations. However, Kosovo' s health system was in clear need of widespread reform. The system had been devastated by years of neglect and months of conflict. A reform program was undertaken, with the objectives of establishing a primary care based system, increasing the quality of secondary and tertiary care, modernizing the public health system, and ensuring a cost-effective, equitable health system. By 2004, the reform program had largely failed to meet these objectives. This study examines the reasons that health reform was so difficult utilizing a combination of methods, i.e. a review of literature on peacebuilding, health and conflict, and health reform; analysis of the implementation of reform utilizing primary evidence such as policy documents and health data; and interviews with key stakeholders. Results show two important lessons for other post-conflict interventions. First, the reform program neglected building the capacity of government institutions. If the state does not have the capacity to implement reforms, the sustainability of the health reform process will be undermined. And second, the Kosovo reform program failed to build the foundation for reform before initiating ambitious projects to modernize the health sector.

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Sulejmanovic, Selma. "Russia And The Kosovo Conflict: 1998-2008." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609472/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to study Russian foreign policy towards Kosovo during the period between 1998 and 2008 in light of the school of thought that claims that Russia'
s foreign policy toward Kosovo resembles the Cold War confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. This thesis argues that Russia&rsquo
s role in the Kosovo war and its aftermath is motivated by Russia&rsquo
s interest in being seen as a great power in international system rather than using Kosovo in order to confront the United States. Besides an introduction and conclusion, the thesis consists of four main chapters. The second chapter presents historical background and discusses Russian foreign policy during the wars of secession in Yugoslavia. The third chapter focuses on Russian foreign policy and the 1998 &ndash
1999 war in Kosovo, while the fourth chapter covers the Russian role in the post-conflict settlement in Kosovo. Finally, the fifth chapter deals with Russian foreign policy as it relates to the resolved Kosovo situation.

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Latham, Marc Lynton. "British media coverage of the Kosovo conflict." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2005. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/683/.

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New Labour presented Nato's Kosovo campaign in 1999 as Britain's first war fought for purely humanitarian reasons, and this framing of the Nato campaign seemed to become the dominant image of the conflict in the British media. This study uses a framing conceptual framework to analyse the British media's coverage of the Kosovo Conflict, and tries to identify hegemonic influences on that media coverage; the analysis therefore works on a cultural and political level. The study uses framing as it has been used in previous social-political studies, as a tool for analysing whether Nato's framing of their campaign dominated the media discourse, in line with the hegemonic model. The objectives of the study are to analyse whether the media were sufficiently independent from the Nato perspective to provide the public with a balanced and informed view of Nato's Kosovo campaign; whether the humanitarian aspect of the Nato campaign brought a change in the traditional reporting of Britain at war in the UK media; whether the reorganisation of the Nato media operation brought an improved coverage for Nato in the second half of their campaign, and whether a newspaper being editorially anti-war affected the rest of its content to any noticeable degree. A triangulation of qualitative and quantitative research methods has led to the conclusion that the British media over-relied on Nato sources, and usually reported from a Nato perspective, in line with the hegemonic model, but provided a certain level of plurality in their opinions, and reporting of events, with Nato collateral damage receiving an especially prominent coverage. These findings seem to be in line with most recent research on the US and UK media when their nation is at war, although conclusions made by researchers with different expectations and interpretations, using different samples and methodologies, often lead to contrasting opinions on the performance of the media.

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Pattas, Ioannis. "The Kosovo conflict : emerging relationships and implications for Greece." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FPattas.pdf.

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Ranito, Jovana Jezdimirovic. "Limitations to post-conflict cooperative security : Kosovo 1999-2009." Master's thesis, FEUC, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/11532.

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Dunkley, Christopher. "Theatre and human rights : approaches to playwriting the Kosovo conflict." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400917.

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Rapp, Christopher G. "Kosovo : the ethno-national dilemma and policy options for conflict resolution /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA357070.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998.
"December 1998." Thesis advisor(s):Abenheim, Donald ; Eyre, Dana. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-82). Also available online.

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Cockell, John G. "Managing Self Determination in Ethnic Conflict : International Society and Kosovo Crisis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498139.

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Vaschenko, Vitalii. "Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.

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Beysoylu, Cemaliye. "EU integration and conflict resolution : the cases of Cyprus and Kosovo." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6433/.

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The European Union has long been interpreted as the main catalyser of interstate conflict resolution. The Integration process between EU member states has been interpreted as the source of transforming their methods of resolution from military means to dialogue. However since the end of Cold War, The EU’s conflict resolution capacity has been challenged by a new form of conflict: identity driven intra-state conflict. Taking this position as a starting point, this research investigates whether the traditional mechanism of European integration can also be effective on the deeply divided and war-torn societies of intrastate conflicts. This research conducts a comparative case study analysis to explore and analyse the efficiency of European integration as a method of intra-state conflict resolution in the cases of Kosovo and Cyprus. The first objective of the research is to understand and evaluate the impact of the EU integration process on political elites and wider society in the two case studies. Secondly, the research compares the effectiveness of the European integration process on conflict resolution taking place within its accession states, potential candidates and within member states. Through the comparison between the Cyprus and Kosovo cases, the research aims at developing a better understanding of the EU’s impact on intrastate conflict resolution. In so doing, the research empirically enriches the relevant literature through the primary data collected and analysed. Secondly, the research contributes to the field with a new case study on Kosovo. Finally, the research also contributes to the literature on Kosovo and Cyprus conflicts.

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Ardolic, Mimoza. "Kosovo & Montenegro : Why Different Outcomes?" Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1911.

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Abstract

University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences

Course: PO 5363, Political Science

Title: Kosovo & Montenegro – Why Different Outcomes?

Author: Mimoza Ardolic

Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt

Date: 2008-01-15

The purpose of this study has been to assess why the pursuit for independence turned out to be a matter of such difficulty in the case of Kosovo and not in Montenegro, seeing as they are two apparent similar cases.

The research questions are:

 How can it be that two analogous situations where two regions (Kosovo and Montenegro), quite similar in several aspects, want independence from the same country (Serbia) result in so different outcomes?

 Why has Kosovo’s attempt to achieve self-government been such a difficulty?

 Why did Montenegro manage to achieve autonomy without (great) difficulties?

The findings are that despite the similarity between these two cases, they have ample differing characteristics as well. The factors detected are that whilst the Kosovo conflict is characterized by: a troublesome history, no common ground, an existing deep hatred, Russian opposition and the nationalist Milošević; the Montenegrin case is set apart by: an intertwining, rather peaceful history, friendly relations, Russian cordiality and the nationalist Djukanović.

The interpretation of these elements according to the nationalist theory is as follows: Milošević and Djukanović (and their ideology: nationalism) are the real causes. The other elements are mere means to their ambition for nation building. The difference between these two men and the elements (their means) explains the different outcomes in the two cases.

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Rushiti, Arben. "La communauté internationale face à la crise du Kosovo : de l'éclatement de l'ex-Yougoslavie à l'intervention de l'OTAN (1991-1999)." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018GREAH035.

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De l’éclatement de l’ex-Yougoslavie en 1991 à la montée des tensions à la fin de 1997, la crise du Kosovo a été insuffisamment considérée par la communauté internationale, qui était accaparée par la gestion des conflits ouverts en Croatie et en Bosnie. Mais l’éclatement du conflit armé au début de 1998 poussa la communauté internationale à réagir au Kosovo. Or, cette réaction était à la fois tardive et insuffisante pour permettre de parvenir à une solution diplomatique du conflit. L’une des interrogations de ce travail est donc de déterminer si un règlement politique et pacifique du conflit était possible. Si, avant le conflit armé, tout n’a pas été tenté pour prévenir son éclatement, les chances de trouver une solution politique une fois les hostilités déclenchées, étaient illusoires. Aussi, toutes les initiatives entreprises par la communauté internationale au cours de l’année 1998 et le début de 1999 échouèrent.L’absence d’une solution diplomatique conduisit l’OTAN à intervenir militairement contre l’ex-République fédérale de Yougoslavie, entre mars et juin 1999. Les raisons qui ont motivé cette intervention constituent un autre questionnement important de cette thèse. Dans cette crise, l’OTAN semble avoir subi l’évolution de la situation plus qu’elle ne l’a précédée et anticipée. Selon notre hypothèse, l’Alliance atlantique s’est impliquée dans le conflit en espérant que ses menaces lui éviteraient une intervention militaire qu'elle croyait brève lorsque celle-ci devint inévitable. En entendant mettre fin au conflit par une démonstration de force contre Belgrade, l’OTAN se retrouva donc engagée dans une guerre qu'elle devait mener jusqu'au bout, car il en allait de sa propre crédibilité. Si d’autres facteurs ont également joué un rôle important, l’enjeu de crédibilité nous semble donc constituer l'élément déclencheur de l’intervention de l’OTAN, puis son moteur au fur et à mesure qu’elle se prolongeait et s’intensifiait
From the collapse of former Yugoslavia in 1991 to the rising tensions at the end of 1997, the crisis of Kosovo had not been sufficiently considered by the international community, which was preoccupied with the management of open conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia. However, the outbreak of the armed conflict in early 1998 pushed the international community to react in Kosovo. That reaction was both late and insufficient to achieve a diplomatic solution for the conflict. One of the research questions of this work was to determine whether a political and peaceful resolution of the conflict was indeed possible. If, before the armed conflict, everything was not attempted to prevent its outbreak, chances to find a political solution, once the hostilities began, were illusory. Therefore, all of the initiatives undertaken by the international community during 1998, and in early 1999, were to no avail.In absence of any diplomatic solution, NATO intervened militarily against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, from March to June 1999. The reasons behind this intervention constitute another important question of this thesis. In this crisis, NATO seems to have undergone the evolution of the situation rather than precede and anticipate it. According to our hypothesis, the Atlantic Alliance was involved in the conflict hoping that, by its threats, would avoid the need for a military intervention; and when the intervention became inevitable, NATO believed it to be short. Waiting to put an end to the conflict through military force demonstration against Belgrade, NATO found itself engaged in a war that had to be carried to the end, because its own credibility was at stake. While other factors have also played an important role, the issue of credibility seems to us to have been the major element that triggered NATO's intervention, and as such became its driving force as the intervention prolongated and intensified progressively

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13

von, Schmettow Jan. "Cooking Peace? : Authoritative mediators' formulation in the Aceh conflict 2004-2005 and the Kosovo conflict 2005-2007." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-446153.

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Many mediators exercise power across borders, facilitating talks, formulating agendas and manipulating interests of hostile parties. However, the problem of how mediators justify their use of power and how the terms of this justification legitimate mediators’ strategic conduct has not been systematically theorized and tested in the leverage literature yet. A configurational theory can provide varied combinations of mediator authority types and strategy. Two types, legal-rational authority and expert authority, will be conceptualized in relation to formulation strategy. The theory hypothesizes that an authoritative mediator’s acceptable formulation suppresses strategic bargaining and nurtures principled bargaining, propitious for agenda-based mediation success. The theory will be tested by an empirical puzzle. UN mediation on Kosovo (2005-2007) and NGO mediation on Aceh (2004-2005) have both been conducted by a directive approach but negotiations failed in the former case and succeeded in the latter. While the general co-variation supports the hypothesis from authoritative formulation, tracing the causal mechanism reveals that the theory cannot explain agenda-based mediation success in Aceh. Among other questions, a new puzzle suggests the viability of mediators’ varied speech acts as a fruitful research problem.

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Buldanlioglu, Sahin Selver. "Building the State and the Nation in Kosovo and East TimorAfter Conflict." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3328.

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The study of externally-led democratisation in conflict-affected societies has expanded over the last two decades. The introduction of democracy from the outside has attracted extensive scholarly interest in accordance with the increasing engagement of the United Nations and other international agents in attempting to build long-lasting domestic, regional and international peace through promoting democratic forms of government in the post-Cold War era. The studies conducted to investigate democratisation in post-conflict societies have focused on the construction of government institutions and transferring necessary institutional competencies due to the fact that externally-driven democratisation policies target the state rather than the nation. In this respect, some studies undertaken to examine the process of democratisation in post-conflict societies pointed to the need for sequencing of tasks such as establishing security, law and order and building strong and capable government institutions in the first place. Their focus, however, has still remained on the state rather than the nation. Through examining two case studies, this thesis emphasises two significant points: 1) achieving successful democratic transformation in conflict-affected societies requires not only the construction of functioning central state institutions but also the creation of a shared sense of national community; and 2) sequencing of post-conflict reconstruction tasks therefore should also involve building a sense of national cohesion through promoting social communication, participation and inclusion in political, institutional and social processes while postponing the competitive or potentially conflictual aspects of democracy. The need to integrate the creation of a sense of shared national community into studies of democracy promotion in societies emerging from conflict stems from the fact that the reconstruction of post-conflict societies involves two separate but complementary and interacting processes. These processes were examined under two headings: state-building and nation-building. The construction of well-functioning, effective government institutions and the achievement of a sense of national community were found to be vital, inter-connected factors to consolidate democratic rule promoted by external actors. The lack of or a weak sense of social cohesion has an undermining effect on the capacity of state institutions to exercise authority and effectively and democratically perform their roles and duties. Failing to deliver their functions to the public and exercise political authority throughout the entire territory, weak state institutions, in return, do not provide a suitable environment for consolidating democratic rule, which requires the execution of the rule of law and protection and guaranteeing of citizens’ political rights.

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Head, Naomi Claire. "Conflict and communication : critical theory, international relations and the intervention in Kosovo." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2007. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/238/.

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This thesis examines contemporary developments in critical theory and good international citizenship in order to develop a normative framework for the evaluation of humanitarian intervention. Situated at the interface of critical theory and practice in international relations, the thesis investigates the concepts of legitimacy, normativity and evaluative standards, and explores problems surrounding their practical application in relation to NATO's intervention in Kosovo in 1999. The research builds on recent developments in discourse ethics to formulate, ground, test and evaluate a critical theoretical framework. This framework is presented as a series of `communicative imperatives' which might inform initiatives in conflict resolution. The `communicative imperatives' are derived from an analysis of contemporary debates around Habermasian discourse ethics and good international citizenship. The research thus explores several existing applications of Habermasian discourse ethics in international relations, notably Linklater's, and examines recurrent concerns relating to the relationship between the universal and the particular in normative international theory. The argument draws upon Benhabib's procedural emphasis, Shapcott's move towards Gadamerian hermeneutics and feminist critiques of discourse ethics in order to formulate a conception of dialogue that gives critical purchase on contemporary practices of exclusion and coercion; practices that all too often remain unproblematised. What emerges is a clearer understanding of the need for communicative fairness in processes of conflict resolution - rather than a substantive standard of right - and an appraisal of how such a procedural evaluation can be justified and applied. This, then, is a theoretical analysis of the potential and limitations of an evaluative framework which prioritises `good communication' in the practices of international deliberations. It seeks to test the communicative imperatives in the particularity of the deliberations surrounding the intervention in Kosovo. Consequently, it draws conclusions about communicative practice during the conflict and the implications of a communicative model both for international relations and what it means to be a good international citizen.

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Gawrys, Michaela Lynn. "The Implications of Changing Border Structure: A Case Study in Kosovo." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1614975636475224.

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Landau, Dana M. "International normative commitments to multi-ethnicity : the case of Kosovo, 1999-2012." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:724f8052-96ff-49b3-bd9b-c5fcf967a094.

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Following the war in Kosovo in 1999, the international community embarked on the most extensive international peace- and state-building project to date. From the early UN administration of Kosovo until the end of 'supervised independence' in 2012, various international organisations played a critical role in shaping the post-war polity. Throughout this engagement, the international community was driven by normative commitments to multi-ethnicity. However, while international organisations were committed to making Kosovo 'multi-ethnic', lack of clarity prevailed about what this goal entailed, or why it was so important. The thesis seeks to answer two inter-related questions: what was meant by multi-ethnicity on the part of its proponents, and what explains the prominence of commitments to this idea. Taking the form of three sections, the thesis examines these commitments' origins, manifestations, and explanations. International normative commitments to multi-ethnicity are found to originate in a shifting conception of the relationship between ethnic diversity and legitimate statehood during the twentieth century. Their manifestations in Kosovo are studied in three policy domains: the return of displaced persons, decentralisation of government to the local level, and minority rights. The thesis finds that international efforts in the pursuit of multi-ethnicity in Kosovo exhibited conflicting notions of multi-ethnicity, which shifted from integrationist ambitions to notions that reconciled the reality of segregation between ethnic groups on the ground through a 'politics of recognition'. The goal of multi-ethnicity remained, but was transformed. Explanations for the commitments to multi-ethnicity are found in both normative and consequentialist considerations, by uncovering unspoken underlying assumptions, and in the identity and self-image concerns of international actors. These findings indicate the power of the normative environment in shaping the actions of international organisations and provide insights into the thus far under-theorised normative dimension of the international state-building project in Kosovo.

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Wierse, Kerstin A. "Post-Conflict: Peacebuilding im Kosovo die internationale Verwaltung von Territorien als Methode des Peacebuilding." Köln München Heymann, 2007. http://d-nb.info/990723127/04.

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Wierse, Kerstin A. "Post-Conflict: Peacebuilding im Kosovo : die internationale Verwaltung von Territorien als Methode des Peacebuilding." Köln ; München Heymann, 2008. http://d-nb.info/990723127/04.

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Yabanci, Bilge. "Legitimation of EU conflict resolution through local actors : cases of Kosovo and North Cyprus." Thesis, University of Bath, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648949.

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Conflict resolution constitutes a crucial aspect of the European Union’s foreign policy objectives and external actions. Despite its centrality, there is a profound mismatch between the academic level discussions about the EU’s role and impact on various conflicts of ethno-political nature and what actually takes place in practice, as the EU conflict resolution agenda unfolds within different local settings. Adopting an analytical perspective of legitimation based on local support, the thesis seeks to understand how and when local agency impacts EU conflict resolution. Subsequently, the framework is applied to analyse the complex interaction between fragmented local groups (political elites, non-state organisations and public) and the EU (as a framework and as a policy-actor) in two grand conflict resolution projects of the EU: Kosovo and North Cyprus. The thesis finds that local groups have a distinctive ability to confer or withdraw support to certain EU policies, to push the EU to introduce or alter mechanisms for local participation into policy-setting process and to counter and disqualify the EU’s normative arguments and policy choices with alternative normative arguments. Diverse local agents actively select norms and reinterpret them in order to match them with their extant ideas with an aim to push the Union to pursue a local vision of conflict resolution. This process of re-interpretation or localisation has behavioural implications on local groups as well. It approximates the conflict resolution process to local priorities and expectations; otherwise, the EU starts to lose its appeal to local groups to maintain its decisive role in the conflict resolution process. These findings help us complement the EU literature which analyse conflict resolution through Europeanisation/socialisation and conditionality perspectives. Local groups are not merely passive recipients of EU benefits. Nor do they go through a linear process of socialisation and natural acceptance of the EU agenda in the long-term. By analysing the reasons and implications of increasing local resistance in Kosovo and North Cyprus, the thesis also bridges the theoretical gap between the EU literature and broad conflict resolution studies which promotes a genuine focus to the ‘everyday concerns’ of local groups.

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Frank, Cornelia. "Aufstieg und Transformation eines Gewaltakteurs : die Befreiungsarmee des Kosovo (UÇK)." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4807/.

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Following an interpretive sociological approach, the article analyses the rise and transformation of the UÇK in terms of social order and the resulting implications for a solution of the Kosovo status question. Combining Elias’ concept of society with Bourdieu’s categories of capital, the development of the UÇK can be “understood” from an interpretive point of view. In the social space of war, the UÇK rose as a result of increasing capital. As the war ended, the UÇK fell apart because it was unable to accomplish the indispensable functions of any social order.

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Kissopoulos, Lisa. "Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.

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Mosse, M. "The journey to positive peace : grassroots peace building in Kosovo." Thesis, Coventry University, 2012. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/802d449c-d2b2-47d9-9505-a22cae423cac/1.

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This thesis examines grassroots peace building in Kosovo during the period 2001 - 2008 and seeks to understand how international actors have best supported, or otherwise, a process of deepening peace at this level. The research centres on analysis of thirty-three in-depth interviews with the main actors from this field. Through analysing interpretations of peace and peace building in Kosovo, I identify a contradiction between on the one hand, the dominant approach of building peace through relationships (favoured by international actors); and on the other, the need for peace to address personal needs. This means helping individuals come to terms with the past, and affecting a broader normalization of people’s everyday lives. I assert that a ‘deepening’ of peace in Kosovo will ultimately come about through offering young people more opportunities to ‘open up their hearts and minds’ - to broaden their horizons in ways that they feel empowered to view themselves and the world around them through a critical lens. This research identifies negative attitudes and behaviours amongst external actors in Kosovo, and illustrates how our personal qualities and conduct are of primary importance when it comes to peace building. In doing so, I identify a need for a higher level of self-awareness, commitment and empathy amongst external actors. Whilst reports have emerged which seek to evaluate the impact of peace building in Kosovo, this research examines the experiences of those engaged in such endeavours and encompasses a strong story-telling element. It also seeks to ground the issues at stake within a broader understanding of Kosovo’s social and historical landscape.

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Rajtrová, Eva. "Role OSN a její efektivita při řešení mezinárodních konfliktů: Případová studie etnicko-kulturní konflikt v Kosovu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18112.

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The thesis deals with the role of the United Nations in resolution of international ethnic conflicts. The aim of the thesis is to try to evaluate the activities of United Nations in resolution of the Kosovo ethnic -- cultural conflict. The thesis sets the problem into context of United Nations' approach to ethnic conflicts. It analyses the historical development of the Kosovo conflict and the impact of the United Nations' activities. On basis of the gathered knowledge the thesis concludes that in spite of many partial problems, the activity of United Nations in Kosovo may be considered effective.

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Potter, Michael. "Inclusion in post-conflict political institutions : the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Kosovo Assembly in comparative perspective." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.728392.

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This research tests the hypothesis that post-conflict power-sharing systems are less inclusive on the grounds that they are designed to accommodate those participating in conflict, rather than for the governance of a society in general, with all its diversity. The importance of the research is that, if power-sharing systems are seen as a means for managing violent inter-communal conflict, there needs to be an understanding of the pitfalls of such an approach. Seeing to the immediate needs of groups engaged in violence not only marginalises other identities, but also rewards more extreme methods of political expression with access to political power and decision-making privileges. The particular research draws on two cases that have approached power-sharing differently since the late 1990s: Northern Ireland as a consociational system and Kosovo as a power-sharing system with minority community safeguards. The research draws specifically on primary interview material in both contexts, focussing on gender and minority ethnic identity, as a contribution to the wider literature on these two conflicts in particular and on ethnic conflict management more broadly. Specifically, this is the first occasion on which these two cases have been subjected to in-depth comparative analysis. The analysis utilises theories of political inclusion, specifically drawing on deliberative democracy. This is operationalised through an analytical framework developed by Yvonne Galligan and Sara Clavero (2008). The research set out to examine whether post-conflict power-sharing legislatures exclude identities not associated with the conflict they are intended to manage. The evidence is that they do. Such political institutions are dominated by conflict elites or parties aligned along conflict lines and the primary capital of political debate relates to the conflict paradigm. Whether the political landscape is a legacy of a persistent conflict model anyway or whether political institutions help to mould and shape such preoccupations, the political structures that privilege conflict identity certainly sustain such a system. The research also demonstrated the effectiveness of the Galligan/Clavero framework as a robust analytical tool for the measurement of political inclusion, not just for gender democracy, for which it was designed, but for other identities.

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Jackson, Liliana. "Natos intervention i Kosovo 1999 : En ställningstagande idéanalys av Natos argumentation om begreppet humanitära interventioner." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-44464.

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This thesis is an analysis based on the problem of defining a humanitarian intervention and argues when or not, it is appropriate to operate it. The interest lies in finding out whether the argument itself is justifiable,not whether the act of interference was justifiable. My hypothesis is that both private and international operatios misuse the definition "humanitarian interventions" as an excuse to trespass the laws of war. Behind the idea of protecting human rights, freedom and democracy, is the liberalist idea of all individuals being equal. The respect for their freedom and rights drives outside actors to intervene when crimes are comitted against them. I wished to discuss Nato's argument for "the Right to Intervene" in order to avoid ahumanitarian crises in Kosovo 1999. I intended to try the intellectual validity and reasoning behind their argument but it was more difficult than I'd expected. Because the sources to their statements were inconclusive, the conclusion turned out to be difficult to assess, though there is a vague idea of Nato's point of view being unreasonable in comparison to their actions.

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Georgiadou, Stella. "Is the EU a normative power in the field of conflict transformation? : the cases of Cyprus and Kosovo." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/69724/.

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Cooley, Laurence Peter. "Transformation or regulation? : understanding the European Union's approach to conflict resolution in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Kosovo." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4627/.

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This thesis analyses the European Union’s approach to conflict resolution in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Kosovo. It identifies the nature of the Union’s policies in the three countries, as well as explaining these policy preferences and how they are legitimised. In doing so, it contributes to a debate in the literature on the EU’s role in conflict resolution, between those who suggest that the Union’s influence is oriented towards the transformation of conflict parties’ identities, and those who argue instead that its policies have encouraged the recognition and accommodation of existing identities. The thesis employs a constructivist institutionalist framework with which to understand EU actors’ policy preferences. Applying this through discourse analysis of policy documents and official speeches as well as interviews with key policy-makers, I offer support to the view that the EU’s approach is one of conflict regulation rather than transformation. This approach is underpinned by a paradigm that sees conflicts as driven by a fundamental incompatibility between the interests and identities of different ethnic groups. Such an approach has been legitimised not by reference to norms with a basis in EU law, but rather to practice in specific member states and to the nature of the Union itself, which EU actors view as having brought peace and stability to Europe through the accommodation of national identities.

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Mora, Agathe Camille. "Rough justice : an ethnography of property restitution and the law in post-war Kosovo." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31296.

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This thesis is an ethnography of the practice of property restitution in post-war Kosovo. The site of the largest European Union rule of law mission (EULEX) outside its member states, Kosovo is a paradigmatic case of liberal interventionism and state building under the banner of human rights. The thesis is based on 14 months (May 2012 to July 2013) of multi-sited, ethnographic fieldwork in and around the Kosovo Property Agency (KPA), the administrative, mass claims mechanism put in place by the UN to adjudicate war-related property claims between 2006 and 2016. Working with claimants and respondents, administrative clerks, national and international lawyers, commissioners and Supreme Court judges, this study presents novel insights into the everyday workings of the law from within an institution that remained largely closed to the public eye. I investigate the ways in which property, and property rights were reconfigured in post-war Kosovo through the processing of claims at the KPA. To understand how restitution worked, I probe the practices of technical-legal knowledge production by examining key moments of mass claims adjudication: the reframing of grievances in the language of the law, the making of institutional, legal knowledge, the legal analysis of files, and the implementation of decisions. Through this, I look at the consequences of the juridification of normative ideals (human rights and the rule of law) on the restitution process, its protagonists, and the law itself. My ethnographic material suggests rethinking the value of binary analyses of victims and perpetrators, the universal and the vernacularised, 'law of the books' and 'law in action', the extraordinary and the ordinary, and traces the everyday production of 'rough justice'. Building on current debates in anthropology of law on the bureaucratisation of human rights, transitional justice, and legal practice, my research reveals the tensions between the ideals of human rights that underpin the process of property restitution and the legal and political realities of transition.

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Straková, Zlata. "Trvale udržitelný rozvoj a postkonfliktní rekonstrukce. Případová studie: válka v Kosovu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264217.

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The Master thesis connects a concept of sustainable development and post-conflict reconstruction and uses this connection to analyze post-conflict reconstruction after Kosovo war in 1998 - 1999. The situation is analyzed in four dimensions - economic, social, political and environmental and the thesis examines how much importance is given to the different dimensions. The dimensions are analyzed according to different stages of post-conflict reconstruction. The conclusion of the analysis is that the environmental dimension was given less importance than the others and the development was not sustainable.

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Johansson, Alex. "The inter-ethnic relationship between Serbs and Albanians : A field study in Kosovo." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-155836.

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The inter-ethnic conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo have persisted since the war in Kosovo in 1999, even though it has been improved in recent years. A friendly relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo is vital for the future of Kosovo, and for the security in the Balkan region. The aim with this study is to explain how the relationship between Serbs and Albanians has changed since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008. Interviews have been conducted with six Serbs and six Albanians living in Kosovo. The interviews were mainly based on three key moments which were considered to have had an influence on the inter-ethnic relationship. The results from the interviews showed that these three key moments have resulted in antagonism between, but also within the two ethnic groups. However, the growth of antagonism seems to have been a consequence of how politicians and media on both sides in Kosovohave handled these key moments, rather than as a consequence of the key moments per se.

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Slinn, Hazel Ann. "The development and performance of professional identity within a resistance culture: Kosovo-Albanian teachers' stories from the conflict years." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488574.

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This study explores how teachers create and perform their professional identities within a resistance culture. It is set in Kosovo and covers the period from 1974 when the province was granted autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, through to the present day, when Independence has recently been declared. It presents the experiences of a small selection of Kosovo-Albanian teachers who were part of a widespread civil resistance, taking the view that a group's collective history is created by bringing together individual experiences. This study interprets some of these experiences.

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Puric, Melisa. "Operation Allied Force : A critical discourse analysis of how Serbian newspapers reported the NATO intervention in the Kosovo conflict." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-190171.

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Kofi Annan- a Ghanaian diplomat who served as the seventh Secretary-General of the United Nations, posed a question on moral and ethics in the international society, “...if humanitarian intervention is, indeed, an unacceptable assault on sovereignty, how should we respond to a Rwanda, to a Srebrenica – to gross and systematic violations of human rights that affect every precept of our common humanity?”. Upon answering this question of moral obligation, one must first turn to the self. The purpose of this study is thus by using the case study of NATO interventions in Serbia, find understanding of the construct of national identity in relation to foreign affairs affecting domestic stature and the stance against the domestic nations action. By using the method of critical discourse analysis within the post-structuralist theory, three main discursive positions, tensions and struggles have been identified that the NATO-bombings have given rise to in the Serbian context. It is studied how these discursive framings are depicted in Serbian newspapers, and discussed in relation to national self.

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Campbell, William Clarence. "A STUDY OF THE MORAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE EMPLOYEES OF THE TAX ADMINISTRATION OF KOSOVO BASED ON THE DEFINING ISSUES TEST." NSUWorks, 2009. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/hsbe_etd/16.

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The population of Kosovo had suffered years of abuse, ethnic cleansing, turmoil, human atrocities, and constant conflict--the results of which plunged Kosovo into costly war. Following the war, Kosovo was placed under the protection of the United Nations in 1999. Kosovo received many years of support and developmental assistance from the international community. Kosovo became a sovereign nation in February 2008. Kosovo's government immediately recognized the importance of serving the needs of the people with responsibility and integrity. There is no institution more important to the successful development of a sovereign nation and their economy than the ethical administration of a tax authority. In the spring of 2008, after Kosovo's declaration of independence, this study was initiated to determine the moral maturity of the members of the Tax Authority of Kosovo. This study provides an extensive review of the current situation in Kosovo and discusses ethical considerations in tax administration. The paper further provides a comprehensive discussion of ethical concerns and discusses the importance of moral development in the tax administration of Kosovo. Recommendations for managers and future research are presented.

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Willcox, David R. "Propaganda, the British press and contemporary war : a comparative study of the Gulf War 1990-1991 and Kosovo conflict 1999." Thesis, University of Kent, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410598.

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Smith, Henry. "Inter-relationships between Small Arms Control and Peace Building Activities in Countries Emerging from Conflict. An Examination of the Inter-relationships between Programmes to Control Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) and Peace Building Activities in Countries Emerging from Violent Conflict." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6297.

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Efforts to control small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the periods following violent conflict can have positive or negative impacts on peacebuilding efforts. Similarly, peacebuilding activities can both support or endanger efforts to place SALW under greater control. Despite the regular occurrence of SALW control and peacebuilding activities in the same time and space in post violent conflict contexts, there is insignificant analysis of how the two sets of activities interrelate, and how these interelationships can be strengthened to improve the contribution that SALW control efforts make to peacebuilding, and vice-versa. The effects of interrelationships over time (contingency); in the same geographic space (complementarity) and the effects of public perceptions and social construction are particularly important and provide a framework for establishing these interrelationships through analysing a wide universe of cases of SALW control attempted in countries emerging from violent conflict, five mini-cases studies and a major analysis of interrelationships in Kosovo.

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Kaba, Idlir. "The Role of Identity Perceptions on Security : The Western Balkans Case." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-89989.

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This thesis tries to provide valuable insight and explain the role of identity perceptions on security as a means to avert conflicts and security threats. The aim is to provide an identity based explanation to security problems. Constructivism and „social identity theory‟ are its theoretical points of departure which help us understand how we construct social identities and have the tendency to be prejudicial towards others. Our prejudices and negative identity perceptions play a major role in security issues. We will use process tracing to find how identity perceptions are constructed and how they affect security. More explicitly we will trace the process of how identities were affected by historical events as well as the ethnocentric interpretation of these historical events. For thorough analysis, Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia are chosen as case studies. The findings will hopefully propose better solutions to security problems and built knowledge applicable to other similar security threats.

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Odai, Minja. "The Impact of Creative Ambiguity - A Case Study of the Aftermath of the Kosovo-Serbia Brussels Agreement 2013." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21606.

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Creative ambiguity as a negotiation strategy is used often in peace agreements and refers to when ambiguities are used in agreements to serve as a positive motivation to get over obstacles. While it has many positive impacts, the use of creative ambiguity also often times shifts the burden of the negotiation phase to the implementations phase, and thus can result into agreements that are not implemented as well as plummeting the relations between the parties affected. This thesis aims to understand how the use of creative ambiguity in the Brussels Agreement between Kosovo and Serbia had an impact on the heightened conflict between the countries. This thesis is a single instrumental case study that illustrates the issue of creative ambiguity through the case of the Brussels Agreement. Through analysing interferences from material mainly collected from both countries’ government websites, this study conducted that the use of creative ambiguity had a harmful impact not only on the relations between Kosovo and Serbia, but also on the implementation of the agreement.

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Hluzáková, Barbora. "Riešenie konfliktu v Bosne a Hercegovine a Kosove (s dôrazom na OSN)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-16112.

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This paper analyses proceeding of international community headed by United Nations by Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo conflict resolution. It examines roles of the most important international actors within particular conflict resolution phases that are represented by policy lines defined by Boutros Boutros-Ghali and used by UN. It verifies statement that international community has participated by conflict resolution in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Kosovo in every phase and has used instruments of all policy lines. The first chapter defines single policy lines that international community has at its disposal when conflict resolving. Reasons and course of conflicts are outlined within the second chapter. The third and fourth chapter analyse in particular subchapters international community activities in relation to preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Kosovo.

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Roff, Katherine Louise. "Barbaric mistakes: Western print media’s portrayal of “ethnic” conflicts." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7878.

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This study addressed the question: “Does Western media framing of different actors in ethnic conflict influence the likelihood of intervention being advocated in the media?” In order to answer this question, this study used a content analysis of USA, UK and Australian print media, and explored the media framing of conflicts in Rwanda, Kosovo, and East Timor. The study examined newspaper articles prior to intervention and, using Piers Robinson’s media framing model (2000), measured the quantity of “empathetic” and “distancing” coverage in relation to suggestions for intervention. The results of this study show that simplified representations of these complex conflicts often lead to a dangerous polarisation in Western media. Ethnic conflicts are discussed either within a “barbaric” frame, where readers are presented with well-defined heroes, victims and villains and are encouraged to support intervention; or with a “native” narrative, where the situation is reported as a distant problem between “squabbling tribes”, and the media consumer is encouraged to support non-intervention.

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Staňková, Daniela. "Role OBSE při prevenci konfliktu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192518.

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This Master Thesis focuses on one of the most significant instrument of conflict prevention in the OSCE -- the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM). The aim of this thesis is to find out which determinants of his involvement contributed to the prevention of Civil War in the FYROM and why it failed in Kosovo. The first part looks into the theory of conflict prevention. The second chapter introduces the OSCE and focuses on function, mandate and activities of the HCNM. The third chapter analyzes and compares the involvement of the HCNM in the FYROM and Kosovo.

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Sharbin, Jude. "A Life in War and Peace : A structured focused comparison on the behaviors of the warring parties in the Kosovo conflict which are dependent on the veto of one or more of the permanent members in the UNSC." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-430560.

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The aim of this research was to find out whether or not the use of the veto by one or more of the permanent members in the UNSC had an impact on the behaviors of the warring parties by looking at the interventions that would be imposed by the Council. Much of the research on this topic looks at what it takes for a conflict to get to the UNSC and what happens after sanctions are put into place, but what about if the resolution does not receive support and is not adopted? Two cases are looked at using the structured focused comparison method in relation to two conflict periods in the Kosovo conflict, before the veto (during-UNSC) and after the veto (post-UNSC) asking the question how can the use of the veto in the UNSC by one, or more, of the permanent members of the Security Council impact a conflict? The evidence collected shows that the hypothesis was not supported due to there not being a large change in the behavior of the warring parties from one conflict period to the next. The conclusion shows that the impact by the UNSC on the conflict was not severe.

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Varela, Águeda Andreia da Purificação. "A acção da ONU na prevenção e no combate aos crimes contra a Humanidade em territórios de conflito: O caso do tráfico humano no Kosovo." Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/9240.

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Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciências Políticas e Relações Internacionais
Durante o conflito na ex-Jugoslávia a prática de crimes contra a Humanidade foi uma constante. Desde expulsões de milhares de pessoas do país, prisões indiscriminadas em campos de concentração e desaparecimentos até aos assassínios, o clima vivido era de medo e ameaça. Na zona do Kosovo a situação não era diferente: «o Exército de Libertação do Kosovo (KLA) apareceu e, a partir de 1996, começou a praticar atentados para provocar a repressão sérvia» originando um confronto em constante crescimento – «o KLA assassinava um ou dois polícias ou soldados; o exército federal queimava uma aldeia e expulsava a população, muitas vezes matando gente.» Enquanto estes crimes aconteciam, as Nações Unidas tentavam negociar com o KLA e com o governo da antiga Jugoslávia, mas no terreno, as suas acções não estavam a ter sucesso na protecção do povo kosovar. Os rumores sobre a ocorrência de tráfico humano dentro do território kosovar começaram a ganhar consistência já no final do conflito, mas só após o fim da guerra, com as investigações realizadas por organizações internacionais e por pessoas como a procuradora Carla Del Ponte, foi possível chegar a indícios concretos. «Numerous indications seem to confirm that, during the period immediately after the end of the armed conflict, (…), organs were removed from some prisoners at a clinic on Albanian territory.» A 12 de Junho de 1999, sem o consentimento do Conselho de Segurança, as forças da NATO atacaram o território kosovar para forçar o fim do conflito e a aceitação das directivas da ONU pelo governo jugoslavo. No fim da guerra, o Kosovo ficou sob a administração da Missão de Administração Interna para o Kosovo das Nações Unidas, mas durante o período de tempo que decorreu entre o fim do conflito e a tomada da administração do território, as violações contra os direitos humanos do povo kosovar sofreu um aumento em grande escala.

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Pashayev, Fuad. "La médiation dans la résolution des conflits internationaux : Martti Ahtisaari à Aceh et au Kosovo." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01D093.

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Cette recherche analyse la médiation dans la résolution des conflits internationaux, à partir de deux interventions médiatives de Martti Ahtisaari, au milieu des années 2000. Cet ancien secrétaire général-adjoint des Nations unies, ancien président finlandais, prix Nobel de la paix 2008, se voit comme l'homme du centre et non l'homme du milieu. Il se perçoit intimement comme l'homme-de de la paix, son véritable co-décideur. Cette étude dévoile sa coulisse médiative selon une approche empruntée à E. Goffman. Ce travail s'appuie sur une trentaine d'entretiens, réalisées avec des personnalités impliqués dans le deux médiations. Notre approche donne la parole aux «adversaires médiatifs» du célèbre finlandais sous-représentés dans la littérature disponible, à l'instar de l'expert australien Damien Kingsbury. Nous avons aussi mobilisé des images animées ou fixes ; certaines sont inédites. La thèse examine les rapports entre médiation et négociation, via le rôle de divers acteurs internationaux, comme le ONG, l'UE, les États-Unis et l'ONU
This research analyzes mediation in the resolution of international conflicts, based on two mediation processes run by Martti Ahtisaari in the mid of 2000s. This former Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations, former Finnish President, Nobel Peace Prize 2008 sees himself as the center man and not the middle man. Equally, he is convinced that he is the key man of peace and remains its true co-decision-maker. This study reveals its mediation slide based on an approach borrowed from E. Goffman. This work is based on some thirty interviews, made with personalities involved in bath mediation processes. Our approach also gives voice to the famous "Finnish mediative opponents", who are underrepresented in the available literature, such as the Australian expert Damien Kingsbury. We also mobilized moving or fixed images; some of which are unpublished. The thesis examines the relationship between mediation and negotiation, throughout the role of various international actors such as NGOs, the EU, the United States and the UN

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HAMANN, EDUARDA PASSARELLI. "THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL ACTORS IN THE PREVENTION OF VIOLENT CONFLICTS: SILENCE IN KOSOVO, VOICES IN MACEDONIA (1989-2001)." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2007. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=10847@1.

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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
A literatura de prevenção de conflitos violentos que trata de eficácia da ação preventiva ressalta que as chances de sucesso tendem a aumentar quando a prevenção é estrutural e quando a abordagem é multissetorial. A pesquisa realizada indica que, antes de se falar na eficácia da ação preventiva, deve-se verificar a existência das condicionantes da ação preventiva, que limitam ou favorecem o envolvimento de atores internacionais. Argumenta-se que a ação preventiva internacional está condicionada a três elementos: (i) a construção de um conceito de prevenção; (ii) a criação de mecanismos que visem à implementação de tal conceito; e (iii) a interpretação do contexto local como sendo passível de interferência com objetivos preventivos. A pesquisa conclui que, nos casos do Kosovo e da ex-República Iugoslava da Macedônia, a promoção do discurso de prevenção por atores internacionais não leva necessariamente à sua adaptação institucional. Além disso, ainda que mecanismos estejam disponíveis aos potenciais preventores internacionais, só serão implementados se a situação concreta for interpretada como passível de prevenção. Destaca-se ainda que os casos em estudo reforçam o entendimento da literatura ao demonstrar que as chances de sucesso das medidas preventivas foram menores no Kosovo devido à inação e à ação superficial, tardia e descoordenada de alguns atores internacionais. A ação preventiva na Macedônia, por sua vez, teve maiores chances de sucesso porque teria sido estrutural e multissetorial - devido à interpretação que se fez do contexto local na época da iminência das crises.
According to the literature of conflict prevention who deals with the effectiveness of preventive action, chances of success tend to rise when prevention is structural, and when it occurs within a multitrack framework. The results of this research indicate that, before dealing with the effectiveness of preventive action, one must verify the conditionalities of preventive action, which limit or encourage the involvement of international actors in the prevention of violent conflicts. It is argued that international preventive action is conditioned by three elements: (i) the construction of a concept of conflict prevention; (ii) the creation of mechanisms to implement the concept; and (iii) the interpretation of the local context as being preventable by international interference. In the cases of Kosovo and of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the promotion of a preventive discourse by international actors is not enough to induce to institutional changes. Besides, even when mechanisms are available to potential international preventors, they would only be implemented if the situation in loco is interpreted as being preventable. The cases under analysis reinforce the main argument of the literature and demonstrate that chances of success of preventive action were lower in Kosovo because of inaction and also superficial, late and uncoordinated action of the few relevant actors. In its turn, preventive action in Macedonia had higher chances of success because it was a structural and multitrack effort of different actors, thanks to the interpretation of the situation in loco on the very edge of the crises.

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Fernandes, Inês Ferreira. "Dois olhares sobre o jornalismo em áreas de conflito armado: o jornalístico e o militar: Kosovo - 1999/2001." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3275.

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Haddad, Rayan. "Les processus d'insertion de conflits exogènes dans un espace public communautarisé : captations libanaises des crises du Kosovo, du 11 septembre, d'Afghanistan, et d'Irak." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0044.

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Cette recherche se propose d’examiner les contours de l’adaptation de l’espace libanais « post-anomique » à la contextualité mondiale au-delà des points de repère westphaliens, et de voir plus précisément comment l’espace sociétal d’un Weak State gère des cas de « turbulence » issus de la scène mondiale, et par quels processus certaines crises exogènes s’y insèrent en tant que partie intégrante du débat « local ». L’imbrication des dynamiques de « localisation » et de « globalisation » est incontestable ici ; elle ne signifie pas que l’on doit s’abstenir (de tenter) de dégager la prédominance particulière en œuvre (dans telle ou telle situation) au niveau des dynamiques d’interaction en question. Nous avons donc jugé utile d’opérer une distinction (souple) entre deux concepts : la « sensibilité » libanaise (en tant que désignant le rapport intéressé à certains événements internationaux tumultueux) et la « vulnérabilité » libanaise (en référence aux convulsions dangereuses de l’environnement immédiat du pays des Cèdres). La première est liée de manière prédominante (et processuelle) à l’activisme normatif efficient de divers entrepreneurs identitaires dans « l’espace public » (touché par une crise simultanée de l’Etat et de la société civile). La seconde est principalement la résultante du jeu de « forces géopolitiques » bien peu soucieuses de la défense des droits humains fondamentaux au Moyen-Orient et du devenir de ses peuples. Les deux concepts obéissent à des dynamiques enchâssées que nous essayons de repérer et d’expliquer à travers les représentations et les politiques de divers acteurs, à l’échelle locale et globale
This research examines the adaptations of the Lebanese “post-anomic” public sphere to the world political context beyond the Westphalian coordinates. It highlights how the societal sphere of a Weak State deals with cases of “turbulence” emerging from the world scene. More specifically, it identifies the processes through which specific “exogenous” crises are incorporated into the “local” Lebanese debate. The intertwinement of the dynamics of “localization” and “globalization” is here clearly illustrated; but this does not preclude any attempt to assess (on a case by case basis) the relative and differing importance of these dynamics within the interaction. We have hence deemed useful to make a (loose) distinction between two concepts: Lebanese “sensitivity” (designating the “local” relation – not devoid of interest - to certain tumultuous international events) and Lebanese “vulnerability” (referring to the dangerous convulsions in Lebanon’s immediate environment). The former concept is predominantly (and processually) related to an efficient normative activism on the part of identity entrepreneurs in the “public sphere” (affected by a simultaneous crisis of state and civil society). The latter concept is foremost the consequence of the interplay of “geopolitical forces” that are not guided in their policy-making by considerations pertaining to fundamental human rights in the Middle East nor to the future of the region’s peoples. The two abovementioned concepts follow intertwined dynamics that we attempt to identify and explain through the analysis of the representations and the policies of various actors at the local and global levels

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Galfano, Christopher J. "Operation Allied Force and the Weinberger-Powell Doctrine an analysis /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490930.

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Jakupi, Arta [Verfasser], Guerra Max [Akademischer Betreuer] Welch, Frank [Akademischer Betreuer] Eckardt, Naser [Akademischer Betreuer] Kabashi, Meier Hans [Gutachter] Rudolf, and Jens [Gutachter] Geelhaar. "The Effect of the International Community Presence in the Urban Development of Post Conflict City Case Study: Kosova / Arta Jakupi ; Gutachter: Hans Rudolf Meier, Jens Geelhaar ; Max Welch Guerra, Frank Eckardt, Naser Kabashi." Weimar : Institut für Europäische Urbanistik, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1115807315/34.

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Jakupi, Arta Verfasser], Guerra Max [Akademischer Betreuer] [Welch, Frank [Akademischer Betreuer] Eckardt, Naser [Akademischer Betreuer] Kabashi, Meier Hans [Gutachter] Rudolf, and Jens [Gutachter] Geelhaar. "The Effect of the International Community Presence in the Urban Development of Post Conflict City Case Study: Kosova / Arta Jakupi ; Gutachter: Hans Rudolf Meier, Jens Geelhaar ; Max Welch Guerra, Frank Eckardt, Naser Kabashi." Weimar : Institut für Europäische Urbanistik, 2013. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:wim2-20130130-18314.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Conflict in Kosovo'

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