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Journal articles on the topic 'Conflict in Kosovo'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 24 April 2022

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1

Szeląg, Paulina. "The political engagement of women in post-conflict Kosovo." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (December 2021): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.7.

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The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito’s presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.

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2

de Krnjevic-Miskovic, Damjan. "The conflict in Kosovo." Society 39, no. 6 (September 2002): 82–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-002-1009-1.

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3

Mustafa, Saxhide, Fatos Berani, and Hajdin Berisha. "Managing Organizational Conflicts: A Study among Organizations in Kosovo." Journal of Educational and Social Research 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jesr-2019-0003.

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Abstract Organizations and managers during their organizational activities, not rarely face different conflicts. Managers, depending on their gender, use different ways to resolve these conflicts while this reflects on their subordinates. The purpose of this study is to analyse the most common approaches applied to resolve conflicts in organizations in Kosovo and the impact of gender on the choice of style to handle conflicts. The study employs a quantitative approach whilst convenience sampling method is used for the purpose of selecting respondents. The study is conducted in ten largest companies in Kosovo in which hundred employees and fifty managers were included. A structured questionnaire is used to collect primary data and necessary tests were conducted through SPSS. Results reveal that managers use the integrative style more than other styles during the conflict management process; gender partially affects the choice of the style and the style of conflict management affects the likelihood of managers among employees. The study suggests that the field of conflict management among organizations in Kosovo needs more academic research.

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Lukic, Reneo. "Greater Serbia: A New Reality in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 1 (1994): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408309.

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“We Serbs must militarily defeat our enemies and conquer the territories we need.”Vojislav Maksimovic, MemberBosnian Serb Parliament“I don't see what's wrong with Greater Serbia. There's nothing wrong with a greater Germany, or with Great Britain.”Bosnian Serb LeaderRadovan KaradžićThe break-up of Yugoslavia has come about as a result of national, economic and political conflicts which by the end of 1987 had taken on unprecedented dimensions. At that point, latent political conflicts between various republics came into the open. More specifically, the conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo had turned into a low-intensity war. Under Slobodan Miloševićs leadership in Serbia, the Serbo-Slovenian conflict over Kosovo deepened, forcing other republics and provinces to take sides. The Slovenian leadership opposed a military solution to the Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo. By 1990 the Serbo-Slovenian conflict had spilled over into Croatia, completely polarizing the Yugoslav political elite into two distinct camps; one encompassed Slovenia and Croatia, the other Serbia and Montenegro, with Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina playing the role of unsuccessful mediators.

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Ackermann, Alice. "Macedonia and the Kosovo conflict." International Spectator 33, no. 4 (October 1998): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729808456832.

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6

Defreese, Michelle. "Kosovo: Cultural Heritage in Conflict." Journal of Conflict Archaeology 5, no. 1 (June 2009): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157407709x12634580640614.

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7

Reitan, Ruth. "Strategic Nonviolent Conflict in Kosovo." Peace & Change 25, no. 1 (January 2000): 70–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0149-0508.00142.

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8

KRASNIQI, Milot, Laura TAHIRI, and Azem KOLLONI. "The Reform of Public Administration in Kosovo." PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 4, no. 2 (August 31, 2020): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v4i2.175.

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The reform of Public Administration in Kosovo is an essential part of the State-Building process. By the administrative reform, the Government aims to modernize the Public Administration, to strengthen its capacities and to make it more efficient and accountable. The post-conflict period in Kosovo from 1999 when the building of the new Public Administration in Kosovo began until the beginning of the administrative reform is a relatively difficult period for Kosovo. The reform of the Public Administration in Kosovo is manifested in two ways: first, in relation to its own development structure and, secondly, in relation to the functions it performs, the effects which are realized and the services provided to Institutions and citizens. The implementation of E-Government in Public Administration in Kosovo enables all efficient categories of Government services, at any time and from any distance, in order to meet daily needs of citizens. E-Government modernizes the administration and enables the creation of an efficient and accountable management at all levels of administration. Through the provision of electronic services to citizens, Kosova will be part of Europe.

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9

Muharremi, Robert. "Conflicting Rules of Recognition: UN Security Council Resolution 1244 or the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo." German Law Journal 15, no. 4 (July 1, 2014): 719–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220001909x.

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Kosovo's declaration of independence in 2008 and the United Nation's claim that UN Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) (“Resolution 1244”) remains in effect have resulted in the unique case of two competing legal systems, both of which claim legitimacy and supremacy in Kosovo. While Kosovar authorities claim to exercise exclusive and sovereign authority over Kosovo based on the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, the UN, acting through the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (“UNMIK”), maintains that Resolution 1244 vests administrative authority over Kosovo in the Special Representative of the Secretary-General (“SRSG”). This conflict is best exemplified in a number of judgments rendered by the Special Chamber of the Supreme Court of Kosovo on Privatization Agency Related Matters (“Special Chamber”) and the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo. The purpose of this Article is to illustrate the problems that have emerged in the process of the creation of a new legal system in Kosovo and the emergence of a new rule of recognition which is reflected in conflicting judgments of the Special Chamber and the Constitutional Court.

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Nowakowska-Krystman, Aneta, and Marzena Żakowska. "Conflict in Kosovo through the Conceptual Framework of Stakeholders." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 14, no. 4 (2015): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.14.4.06.

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11

Ahtisaari, Martti. "Conflict resolution—the case of Kosovo." Irish Studies in International Affairs 19, no. -1 (January 1, 2008): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2008.19.183.

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12

HERACLIDES, ALEXIS. "The Kosovo Conflict and its Resolution." Security Dialogue 28, no. 3 (September 1997): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010697028003006.

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Ahtisaari, Martti. "Conflict Resolution: The Case of Kosovo." Irish Studies in International Affairs 19, no. 1 (2008): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2008.0000.

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Han, Alex E. "Education and Healthcare Reforms in Post-Conflict Setting: Case Studies in Kosovo." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 8, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v8i2.613.

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Kosovo is a small country that was first declared an independent state on 17 February 2008. Albanians make up 90% of the overall population, whereas the Serbs, Turks, Bosnians, and Roma make up to 10% of the total population as the minority group. Before 1999, Kosovo was part of the Yugoslav organization, but after the March –June 1999 conflicts, the North Atlantic Treaty Forces (NATO), thus bringing Kosovo under United Nations administration (Solana, 114-120). Post-conflict recovery is heavy for Kosovo as it entails rebuilding numerous systems' infrastructure for both the healthcare system and education system (Solana, 114-120). The infrastructure and procedures need to be carefully reorganized to curb both communicable and non-communicable diseases to restructure family care and also to better the education provided in Kosovo. The new state is experiencing a slow economic growth rate of less than 4% causing a slow growth rate of both the education and the healthcare system. This rate of economic growth is caused by almost half of the Kosovo people being unemployed and young. The state of the education system in Kosovo has been affected by many different players that have over the years disintegrated the education system and particularly left adverse effects on children and women. According to the PISA international exam for international students OECD exam that was conducted to test the ability of learners to study, Kosovo students became the last three position out of the 73 counties that took the test for math and reading. This shows that the quality of education at these schools is still low. This indicated poor planning in the Kosovo education system for instance the high congestion in schools since due to the overcrowding, students do not get to experience the personalized teaching they require hence both the learners and teachers end up feeling stressed, poor funding for schools in Kosovo, poor working standards and low salaries for teachers. These reforms were to help Albania to reform from the adverse effects of conflict by the Serbians. The aim of these reforms for both healthcare and education was to improve the current unfavorable conditions like lack of equipment as the learners would sit on the floor and write on each other’s backs and hospitals lacked equipment for work.

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Todorovski, D., J. Zevenbergen, and P. van der Molen. "Conflict and post-conflict land administration – the case of Kosovo." Survey Review 48, no. 350 (February 29, 2016): 316–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1752270615y.0000000044.

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Petrović, Boban, Janko Međedović, Olivera Radović, and Sanja Radetić Lovrić. "Conspiracy mentality in post-conflict societies: Relations with the ethos of conflict and readiness for reconciliation." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 15, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v15i1.1695.

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After almost 20 years since the end of the armed conflicts in former Yugoslavia, we are witnesses to the fact that the main causes of the conflicts have not been overcome. Reconciliation between ethnic groups that had been in conflict by means of economic and political cooperation, must have a psychological foundation. This study investigates the relations between Conspiracy Mentality, basic lexical social attitudes, and the factors important for Croatian-Serbian and Kosovo Albanian-Serbian reconciliation, i.e., the Ethos of Conflict and the Readiness for Reconciliation. We hypothesize that Conspiracy Mentality will predict the propensity for reconciliation over and above basic social attitudes, and that will mediate the relations between basic social attitudes and factors contributing (or preventing) reconciliation. With the samples of Serbs from Central Serbia (n = 307) and Northern Kosovo (n = 271), Conspiracy Mentality, Ethos of Conflict, Readiness for Reconciliation and five basic lexical social attitudes (Traditional Religiosity, Unmitigated Self-Interest, Communal Rationalism, Subjective Spirituality, and Inequality-Aversion) were measured. Results showed that Conspiracy Mentality is negatively related to the Readiness for Reconciliation and positively to the Ethos of Conflict. Additionally, Conspiracy Mentality predicts Ethos of Conflict over and above the basic social attitudes. Finally, Conspiracy Mentality mediates the relationships between Traditional Religiosity, Inequality-Aversion and Subjective Spirituality on the one hand, and Ethos of Conflict on the other. The results suggest that Conspiracy Mentality should be taken into consideration when creating policies and programmes focused on reconciliation.

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BIZJAK, MATJAŽ. "MINSKA NEVARNOST NA KOSOVU V OBDOBJU OD 1999 DO 2001." KONCEPT KREPITVE ODPORNOSTI DRUŽBE/THE CONCEPT OF STRENGHTENING THE RESILIENCE OF SOCIETY, VOLUME 22/ISSUE 4 (October 23, 2020): 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.22.4.6.

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Povzetek Mine sta na Kosovu polagali tako jugoslovanska stran kot tudi kosovsko-albanske oborožene formacije. Program humanitarnega razminiranja se je začel izvajati takoj po koncu vojaških aktivnosti in je bil končan decembra 2001. Podatki o postavljenih minah so se zbirali že od začetka sovražnosti. Začetne ocene minske nevarnosti so bile pretirane. Na jugoslovanski strani so mine polagali vojska, enote ministrstva za notranje zadeve in paravojaki. Jugoslovanska vojska je polagala mine skladno s taktiko JLA. Nasprotna kosovsko-albanska stran je polagala predvsem manjše skupine min. Glede na vojaško-tehnični sporazum je jugoslovanska vojska enotam Kforja predala 624 zapisnikov minskih polj. Na Kosovu so mine polagali še po koncu spopadov. Ključne besede protitankovske mine, protipehotne mine, humanitarno razminiranje, Kosovo. Abstract In Kosovo, landmines were laid by both parties involved. The humanitarian demining program started immediately after the end of the military activities and was successfully completed in December 2001. Data on the landmines were collected from the beginning of the hostilities. According to various information, the initial mine risk assessments were exaggerated. On the Yugoslav side, landmines were used by the military, units of the Ministry of the Interior and paramilitary units. The Yugoslav Army was laying mines in line with the tactics of the Yugoslav People’s Army. The opposing Kosovo-Albanian side, however, was mainly laying small groups of landmines. According to the military technical agreement, the Yugoslav Army handed over 624 minefield records to KFOR units. In Kosovo, landmines were also being laid after the end of the conflict. Key words Anti-tank landmines, anti-personnel landmines, humanitarian demining, Kosovo.

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Storz, Nora, Borja Martinovic, Maykel Verkuyten, Iris Žeželj, Charis Psaltis, and Sonia Roccas. "Collective psychological ownership and reconciliation in territorial conflicts." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 8, no. 1 (July 13, 2020): 404–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v8i1.1145.

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Collective psychological ownership refers to people’s perception that an object, place, or idea belongs to their own group. We considered this concept in the context of territorial conflicts and proposed that (1) collective psychological ownership is distinct from place attachment, (2) higher ingroup identifiers are more likely to claim collective ownership and feel attached to the territory, yet (3) only ownership claims are related to lower support for reconciliation. These hypotheses were tested in two studies using structural equation modelling. Study 1 addressed the Kosovo conflict, based on Serbian participants living in Serbia (N = 264). We found that collective psychological ownership and place attachment were distinct. Moreover, higher Serbian identifiers had a stronger sense of collective ownership of Kosovo and were more attached to it. Those with stronger feelings of collective ownership supported reconciliation with Albanians less, while place attachment did not hinder reconciliation. Study 2 replicated these findings among a new sample of Serbs in Serbia (N = 173), among Serbs in Kosovo (N = 129), and in two other conflict settings: among Greek Cypriots in Cyprus (N = 135) and Jews in Israel (N = 109). Altogether, we provide evidence that collective psychological ownership can represent an obstacle to reconciliation in conflict regions.

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Cheterian, Vicken. "Karabakh conflict after Kosovo: no way out?" Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (September 2012): 703–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.705269.

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A series of events in 2008 influenced the Karabakh conflict resolution efforts: the Kosovo declaration of independence, the August war, and Russian recognition of independent Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Two new diplomatic initiatives to resolve the Karabakh conflict were launched immediately after the August war, one by Russia and the second by Turkey. This article discusses why the two initiatives failed, and the structural problems of Karabakh conflict resolution efforts.

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O'Hanlon, Katherine P., and Boris Budosan. "Post-Disaster Recovery: A Case Study of Human Resource Deployment in the Health Sector in Post-Conflict Kosovo." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, no. 1 (February 2011): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x10000051.

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AbstractIntroduction: A professional understanding of disasters, paired with the need for health service development, can provide opportunities for the recovery and improvement of the health sector. Investment in training capacity ranks among the top priorities of a recovering health sector. The recovery and development of primary healthcare delivery systems has been implemented by various international and local health players in the aftermath of conflicts around the world. However, human resource development in the post-conflict environment has not been evaluated and/or published appropriately in the medical literature.Objective: In this retrospective, descriptive study, the authors describe the strategy and evaluate the effectiveness of a field-based training program for primary healthcare doctors implemented by the US-based international non-governmental organization, the International Medical Corps, after the conflict in Kosovo in 1999.Methods: A six-month, comprehensive education and training program on primary healthcare issues was delivered to 134 Kosovar primary healthcare physicians in 10 Kosovo municipalities in 1999 and 2000. Qualitative and quantitative data were collected. The qualitative methods included open-ended, semi-structured, key informant interviews, structured focus groups, and unstructured participant observations. The quantitative method was multiple-choice knowledge tests.Results: The education and training program proved to be culturally appropriate and well-accepted by local communities. The program met its overall objective to refresh the knowledge of primary care doctors on various primary healthcare issues and set the stage for further strengthening and development of primary health services and their required human resources in Kosovo.Conclusions: The comprehensive education and training of primary healthcare doctors in Kosovo was a feasible, much appreciated, and effective intervention implemented in a difficult post-conflict environment. This training was one of the early steps in the modernization of primary healthcare services in Kosovo. Later, primary health care was strengthened by the introduction of a Department of Family Medicine at the university, which includes a residency program. The intervention described in this study has the potential to be reproduced in other post-disaster environments, especially in resource-poor settings with long-time troubled health sectors in developing countries.

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Korovilas, James P. "The Economic Sustainability of Post-conflict Kosovo." Post-Communist Economies 14, no. 1 (March 2002): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631370120116716.

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Korovilas, James P. "Is Privatisation in Post-conflict Kosovo Possible?" Comparative Economic Studies 48, no. 2 (June 2006): 326–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ces.8100111.

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23

Shpiro, Shlomo. "Conflict Media Strategies and the Politics of Counter-Terrorism." Politics 22, no. 2 (May 2002): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00162.

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This article argues that the events of 11 September 2001, and the subsequent ‘war on terror’, have highlighted the role of the media in both the coverage and conduct of modern conflict. The article concentrates on the ‘conflict media strategies’ pursued by belligerents and examines the development and refinement of such strategies over time, from the Second World War through to the conflict in Afghanistan. Using data from Vietnam, the Falklands, the Gulf, Kosovo and other conflicts, I argue that an effective conflict media strategy is an essential tool of warfare that is used by states and terrorist groups alike.

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Shrivastava, B. K., and Manmohan Agrawal. "Ethnic Identity and Humanitarian Intervention: The Case of Kosovo." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 3 (July 2005): 157–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840506100307.

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In this paper we look at the background of the Kosovo problem, its intensification since the 1980s in particular, the response of the international community leading finally to bombing. We also look at whether the international community was able to achieve its objective of preventing ethnic violence and cleansing. Yugoslavia had been a mosaic of ethnic groups with long histories of conflict but without segregated housing patterns. While the other ethnic groups feared Serbian domination in Yugoslavia where the Serbs were the largest ethnic group, the Serbs feared domination in the regions where they were in a minority. Ethnic conflict was aggravated by the economic crisis in the 80s which widened economic disparities, and also because of differences about the relative importance of the state and the market in economic management. The Serbs favoured a more controlled economy and the others a more liberal economy. The conflict in Kosovo flared up with the Serbs trying to limit Kosovar autonomy; the Kosovars retaliated by demanding greater autonomy initially and independence later. The resulting armed conflict led to considerable killing. The international community leaned heavily on the Serbs and their leader Milosevic to stop the repression, but failed. Ultimately the western countries had to resort to bombing. While this resulted in the capitulation by the Serbs, the problem was not solved as now the Kosovars started purging the Serbs. If the objective was to preserve a multi-ethnic Yugoslavia, the Western powers seemed to have failed.

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Zdravkovic-Zonta, Helena. "Serbs as threat the extreme negative portrayal of the Serb “minority” in Albanian-language newspapers in Kosovo." Balcanica, no. 42 (2011): 165–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1142165z.

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Through perpetuating negative stereotypes and rigid dichotomous identities, the media play a significant part in sustaining conflict dynamics in Kosovo. Examining their discourse in terms of ideological production and representations is crucial in order to understand the power relations between the majority and the minority, the identity politics involved in sustaining them, and the intractability of the conflict. In an effort to provide a deeper understanding of the intractable conflict in Kosovo, and the role of the media in protracting it, this study uses critical discourse analysis to examine articles related to issues affecting the Serb community, published in Albanian language print media. The master narrative that comes out of the analysis is that of ?threat? - the threat that Kosovo Albanians continue to face from Serbs and Serbia; a threat that is portrayed as historical and constant. The discourse further strengthens the conflict dynamics of opposition, polarization and even hatred. This master narrative implies that Serbs are enemies, to be feared, contested, fought against; conflict is thus the normal state of affairs. The study also looks at the implications of media discourse for reconciliation efforts and the prospects of the Serb minority in Kosovo society, arguing that when the Other is presented as dangerous and threatening, fear of the Other and a desire to eliminate the threat, physically and symbolically, become perceived as a ?natural? response, and thus constitute a significant conflict-sustaining dynamic.

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Medjedovic, Janko, and Boban Petrovic. "Predictors of party evaluation in post-conflict society: The case of Serbia." Psihologija 46, no. 1 (2013): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi1301027m.

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The goal of present study is to increase understanding of evaluation of political parties by exploring their relations with dispositional constructs conceptually related to political behavior. These are: personality traits, social attitudes and the Ethos of conflict, which emerges from protracted violent conflict between societies. The conflict examined in this study involves Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Principal components analysis conducted on parties? preferences isolated two dimensions which can be broadly interpreted as Socio-liberal and National-conservative orientation. Regression analyses have shown that these two dimensions are explained mostly by the Ethos of conflict, followed by social attitudes and personality traits. Personality traits of Honesty and Originality predict evaluation towards Socio-liberal parties. High patriotism and a positive evaluation of one?s own nation characterize supporters of National-conservative parties, while Socio-liberal participants have low patriotic attitudes and do not consider that the aims of Serbian politics in Kosovo automatically exclude the Kosovo Albanian aims.

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Bullman, Tim, and Aaron Schneiderman. "Suicide Risk Among US Peacekeepers Serving in the Bosnia and Kosovo Theater, 1996–2002." American Journal of Epidemiology 188, no. 10 (May 30, 2019): 1768–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aje/kwz135.

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Abstract The risk of suicide among US military personnel deployed for peacekeeping missions is unknown. We compared the risk of suicide through December 2014 among 70,608 veterans who deployed as peacekeepers to Bosnia and Kosovo between 1996 and 2002 with that of 141,715 veterans who served in the military between 1996 and 2002 but were not deployed to Bosnia and Kosovo. Both cohorts also were compared after removing those who had other conflict deployments. Suicide risk among Bosnia- and Kosovo-deployed veterans (BKDVs) relative to non-BKDVs was assessed using a hazard ratio. Among all veterans, without excluding those with other conflict deployments, deployment to Bosnia and Kosovo was not associated with an increased risk of suicide (hazard ratio = 0.83, 95%, confidence interval: 0.72, 0.96). Removing those with other conflict deployments, BKDVs again had a decreased risk of suicide compared to non-BKDVs (hazard ratio = 0.84, 95% confidence interval: 0.72, 0.99). The rates of suicide among all 4 groups were higher than expected based on the US population. The risk of suicide based on US population comparison was greater among non-BKDVs than BKDVs. The absence of an increased risk of suicide associated with Bosnia and Kosovo deployment may be due to predeployment psychological and behavioral characteristics that affect fitness for deployment.

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Istrefi, Remzije, and Arben Hajrullahu. "Conflict-Related Sexual Violence in Kosovo and Lessons to be Learned from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (November 29, 2021): 198–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-bja10038.

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Abstract This article examines challenges in seeking justice for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (crsv) survivors in Kosovo. It analyses the roles and responsibilities of international missions and how deficiencies impact the prosecution and adjudication of crsv by Kosovo’s justice system. A key question is why two decades after the 1998–1999 war in Kosovo survivors of crsv cannot find justice? The end of the international mandates, the large number of war crime cases transferred, unfinished files, and the necessity for specific expertise in handling the gender-based violence are some of the existing challenges which undermine the prosecution and adjudication of crsv in Kosovo. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (icty) established accountability for sexual violence in armed conflicts. This article seeks to scaffold the icty experience by developing an accurate and comprehensive understanding of the nature of crsv and by examining its impact on survivors and victims’ alike. This paper then explores how a contexualist interpretation of international and domestic criminal law provisions can prioritise the prosecution of crsv amid other pressing needs in Kosovo.

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Sula-Raxhimi, Enkelejda. "Reading the Present Through the Past: The Roma in Postwar Kosovo." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (March 2019): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.23.

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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between memory, political violence, and identity among the Roma minorities in Kosovo. In the aftermath of the 1998–1999 conflict in Kosovo, countless Roma were forced to escape Albanian retaliation, accused of being Serb collaborators. Many had to resettle in enclaves near Fushë Kosovë on the outskirts of Kosovo’s capital Prishtina, others left for Serbian-controlled northern Kosovo or to neighboring countries or to Western Europe. Through an ethnographic investigation with displaced Roma families around Prishtina and in Prizren, the article examines how the communities mobilize collective memories of the violent past to adapt to a new political situation, find their place, and navigate their present within Kosovo’s social, economic, and political landscape. It shows that the past is a constant reminder of compromised loyalties toward the majority group, which in turn dictates their (non)relations. Roma voices and narratives about the violent past are not part of the dominant and official discourse; they are counter-memories, telling a story that is silenced and unrecognized by the majority.

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Rossi, Michael. "Ending the impasse in Kosovo: partition, decentralization, or consociationalism?" Nationalities Papers 42, no. 5 (September 2014): 867–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.937683.

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This paper argues that current Western-backed approaches to conflict resolution in Kosovo have failed to alter Serbia's policy toward the region and have contributed to the exacerbation of political tensions between Belgrade and Brussels, while deepening ethnic cleavages between Serb and Albanian communities. While there is no possibility of Kosovo returning to Serbia's control, there is an equal unlikelihood that Serbian-populated regions of Kosovo, especially the north, will submit to Pristina's authority. Most importantly, there is little hope that Kosovo can gain full international recognition and membership in international organizations without a compromise settlement with Serbia. While territorial partition has long been a suggested option, I conclude that the best possible solution for Kosovo, given the positions of all parties involved, is a process of significant decentralization beyond the internationally supported measures in the Ahtisaari Plan. A model of consociational power sharing is one in which Serbian and Albanian municipalities are granted high levels of autonomy similar to arrangements made for Bosnia. While this solution may not be ideal and further weakens central authority, I argue that consociationalism reduces the problems of ethnic conflict, encourages local self-government, and preserves the overall territorial integrity of Kosovo.

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Atanasova, Ivanka Nedeva. "Transborder Ethnic Minorities and Their Impact on the Security of Southeastern Europe*." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 2 (June 2004): 355–440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000230232.

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Ethnic issues have a paramount impact on the security of Southeastern Europe. The most recent proof of that has been NATO's involvement in the conflict between the Serbian government and the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Only NATO's involvement could reverse the highly destabilizing effect of the expulsion of over a million of the Kosovar Albanians by the Serb army and paramilitary forces beyond Kosovo's borders.

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Tkalec, Marina, and Ivan Žilić. "Does proximity to conflict affect tourism: Evidence from NATO bombing." PLOS ONE 16, no. 10 (October 20, 2021): e0258195. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0258195.

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Although conflict, war, violence, and terrorism affect tourism, research that identifies possible channels of these effects is scarce. We explore if the adverse effects are channelled through proximity to conflict areas. We use the conflict in Kosovo in 1999 and the country Croatia as a quasi-natural experiment and take advantage of the specific north-west to south-east orientation of Croatian Adriatic counties to identify the effect of NATO bombing in Kosovo on tourism outcomes as well as the potential proximity channel. Using data on the population of Croatian firms and the difference-in-differences identification strategy we find that tourism companies’ revenues decreased significantly due to NATO bombing, especially in accommodation services and in companies with 50 or more employees. However, using a synthetic control approach we find that the adverse effect is only transitory. Analysing heterogeneous effects with respect to the distance of the firm from Kosovo—using a linear and a more flexible model—we find compelling evidence that within-country proximity to conflict is not a significant channel through which the negative effect propagates.

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Coppieters, Bruno. "Conflict resolution after the 2008 Georgia–Russia War: the Taiwan and Kosovo models as tools for mobilization and comparison." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (September 2012): 677–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.705267.

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The Taiwan model of conflict transformation and the Kosovo model of conflict settlement have specific features, and are useful for analyzing the Georgian and Russian policies toward Abkhazia and South Ossetia. There is a similarity between the Georgian strategy of engagement and the Taiwan model, with its declared readiness to interact with the other party regardless of any setbacks arising over the issue of status. Unlike the Taiwan model, however, the Georgian strategy includes no concrete view on how to involve the authorities controlling the breakaway territories or, in particular, how to have a positive impact on their relations with the outside world. A comparison between the Kosovo model and Russian policies toward these two entities demonstrates that, in deciding to recognize Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Moscow largely drew on the moral and legal arguments put forward for the recognition of Kosovo. Russia has established political oversight over these entities, to a certain extent mirroring the Western policy of supervised independence for Kosovo. But Russia is still unable to adopt a conflict resolution policy toward Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Georgia that is based on regional integration prospects, in contrast to Western policies toward the Balkans.

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Baracani, Elena. "The European Union and Conflict Prevention. What Europeanization?" World Political Science 12, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0013.

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AbstractThis article presents the main empirical findings of the analysis of the European Union’s activity for conflict prevention in three case studies – Cyprus, Kosovo and Palestine. After having clarified the meaning of conflict ‘resolution’, ‘prevention’ and ‘Europeanization’, it is proposed a classification of the main foreign policy tools at the disposal of the Union to intervene before the escalation of the conflicts, during and after it. Then, the article focuses on the empirical findings of the Europeanization of the conflicts in the case studies, and therefore not only on the instruments used and on the norms promoted, but also on the mechanisms and the conditions that have enabled or not the Union to exert its leverage.

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Shirlina, Valeria O. "Medialandscape of Kosovo and Metohija." Век информации (сетевое издание) 5, no. 2(15) (May 31, 2021): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com52(15)3.

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Based on previously poorly studied empirical material, the article examines the process of forming the national media system of Kosovo and Metohija as an example of the functioning of the media in the zone of religious-ethnic conflict under the influence of political and economic factors.

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Balidemaj, Albina, and Festina Balidemaj. "Globalization and Health in Kosovo." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2014): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v2i1.p193-198.

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Kosovo and the region have had a traditionally long history of problems with the health care system. The situation worsened since the ex-Yugoslav conflict in the nineties when Kosovo inherited a large, hierarchical, and centralized healthcare system from socialist Yugoslavia (UNDP, 2013). This paper focuses on the effects of globalization on health in Kosovo; more specifically the effect of Global Food Trade in Kosovo's health and the development of information technology and telemedicine in Kosovo. Further, this paper focuses on the opportunities for Kosovars to obtain healthcare outside of Kosovo as well as prospects for the medical personnel to practice their profession abroad.

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SOKOLOVA, P., and P. TIMOFEEV. "KOSOVO CONFLICT AND FRANCE’S ROLE IN ITS RESOLUTION." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2019): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2019-4-50-67.

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38

Falk, Richard. "The Kosovo Advisory Opinion: Conflict Resolution and Precedent." American Journal of International Law 105, no. 1 (January 2011): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.105.1.0050.

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The somewhat surprising majority view in the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) assessing Kosovo's declaration of independence has some bearingon prospects for an eventual end to the bitter conflict between Kosovo and Serbia. It may also have some relevance for a variety of political movements around the world whose leaders might be more inclined than previously to tempt fate by declaring their people and territory to be internationally independent of the sovereign state within which they are now geographically located. Significantly,the ICJ majority sidestepped the question put to it by the General Assembly, in a move objectionable to the four dissenting judges,recasting it in such a way as to limit its response to whether Kosovo's declaration of independence, issued on February 17,2008, was “in accordance with international law” to the rather bland assertion that the declaration did not violate international law. The Court did not say, and explicitly ruled out any interpretation suggesting, that Kosovo's declaration was acceptable under international law, although by Lotus reasoning, what a state is not expressly prohibited from doing is permitted.3 The majority also expressed its view that the declaration was not to be viewed as decidingupon Kosovo's final status in world diplomacy.

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Earnest, James. "Post-conflict reconstruction – a case study in Kosovo." International Journal of Emergency Services 4, no. 1 (July 13, 2015): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijes-02-2015-0009.

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Purpose – Rehabilitation and reconstruction of social and economic infrastructure in a post-conflict environment are complex, long-debated issues in development cooperation. In addition to war creating large-scale human suffering, generating refugees, displacing populations, engendering psychological distress, obliterating infrastructure and transforming the economy, in post-conflict situations, deepening chaos and disorder can be found at the highest social, economic and political levels; serious developmental challenges remain insufficiently addressed. Repairing war-damaged infrastructure in order to reactivate the local economy is a challenge for all post-conflict countries. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – The study was designed to examine planning and execution of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR). The use of a mixed-method research approach combining both quantitative and qualitative data collection was used to explore planning and implementation of PCR infrastructure projects in Kosovo. The data collection in the field was undertaken for a period of eight weeks, from July to September 2008. A total of 420 respondents were involved in the study process, as follows: key informants (four), pilot test (12), semi-structured interviews (36), project manager/engineers survey (231), chief of mission/country director survey (117), and focus group (20). To meet the needs of the society and recognise the required functional components of project management, the overall contexts of managing projects in a post-conflict environment have been discussed in the study. Findings – Planning and implementing reconstruction projects in areas affected by conflict have proven to be far more challenging than expected and responses by practitioners, aid agencies, and government regarded as inadequate. The changing political, economic, and social factors in Kosovo after the war in 1999 have had a significant influence on the limited adoption of a project management methodology in development and reconstruction projects. The findings from the exploratory study were aimed at improving understanding of the planning, pre-designing, and implementation of infrastructure projects. The findings indicated a need to promote a better understanding of how projects are undertaken at all levels of the organisation, and to describe processes, procedures, and tools used for the actual application of projects. The findings of the study identified a poor quality of planning and implementation of reconstruction projects in an environment of complexity, change, and uncertainty. The study also raised some very significant findings for a broader approach to community involvement in project identification, planning, and implementation. Infrastructure projects implemented in Kosovo were used to develop a conceptual framework for designing projects and programmes more likely to yield positive outcomes for post-conflict society. Originality/value – The study was done by the researcher in Kosovo.

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40

Parker, P. J. "Kosovo 1999 - A Surgical Template for Modern Conflict." Journal of the Royal Army Medical Corps 146, no. 3 (October 1, 2000): 199–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jramc-146-03-09.

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41

Booth, K. "The Kosovo Report: Conflict, International Response, Lessons Learned." Journal of Refugee Studies 14, no. 3 (September 1, 2001): 336–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/14.3.336.

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42

Brinker, Joe. "Kosovo Report: Conflict, International Response, Lessons Learned (review)." Human Rights Quarterly 26, no. 3 (2004): 791–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2004.0031.

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43

Maria Brudenell, Anna. "Russia's Role in the Kosovo Conflict of 1999." RUSI Journal 153, no. 1 (February 2008): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840801984615.

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Leszkiewicz, Magdalena. "INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION’S ACTIVITY FOR SECURITY AND BUILDING PEACE IN KOSOVO." Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka - Refleksje 31, no. 31 (September 28, 2018): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8600.

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The ethnic conflict between the Serbs and the Albanians in Kosovo led to the outbreak of armed conflict accompanied by violence and acts of genocide. It forced international organizations to take decisive action to end the conflict, as well as start a process of building peace and stabilize the situation in the region. NATO, the UN, the OSCE and the EU played a major role in these activities. The author of the article has analyzed the role of these organizations in efforts to restore peace and stabilize the political situation in the region undertaken as part of Operation Allied Force, KFOR and the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK).

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Hajrullahu, Arben. "The Serbia Kosovo Dispute and the European Integration Perspective." European Foreign Affairs Review 24, Issue 1 (February 1, 2019): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2019007.

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This article examines the causes and consequences of the limited progress achieved to overcome the lasting conflict between Serbia and Kosovo. This dispute shows that international and local politics in the Western Balkans are characterized by myopia-like symptoms. Whereas the USA remains focused on other areas of the globe, the EU continues to be divided over the issue of Kosovo statehood, while also exhibiting, for years now, a de facto enlargement fatigue. Fundamental differences among the two parties to the conflict and their diametrically opposed positions undermine the real perspective for lasting peace and EU integration, despite the fact that Serbia and Kosovo prepare to engage in new phases of dialogue. The article concludes that the vision of Europeanization and the EU membership for Serbia and Kosovo, as equal partners in a wider community of states, continues to remain the desire and aim of those whom exclude violence and fighting among neighbours.

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46

Rusu, S. "Book Review. Kosovo Report. Conflict, International Response, Lessons Learned Independent International Commission on Kosovo." International Journal of Refugee Law 12, no. 4 (October 1, 2000): 696–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/12.4.696.

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47

Jolicoeur, Pierre, and Frederic Labarre. "The Kosovo Model: A (Bad) Precedent for Conflict Management in the Caucasus?" Connections: The Quarterly Journal 13, no. 3 (2014): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.13.3.03.

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Eliades, M. James, Julian Lis, Joilo Barbosa, and Michael J. VanRooyen. "Post-War Kosovo: Part 2. Assessment of Emergency Medicine Leadership Development Strategy." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 16, no. 4 (December 2001): 268–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00043417.

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AbstractSince the return of the refugee population to Kosovo, attempts at development of an emergency medical system in Kosovo have met with varied success, and have been hampered by unforeseen barriers. These barriers have been exacerbated by the lack of detailed health system assessments. A multimodal approach of data collection and analysis was used to identify potential barriers, and determine the appropriate level of intervention for emergency medicine (EM) development in Kosovo. The four step, multi-modal, data collection tool utilized: 1) demographic and health systems data; 2) focus group discussions with health-care workers; 3) individual interviews with key individuals in EM development; and 4) Q-Analysis of the attitudes and opinions of EM leaders.Results indicated that Emergency Medicine in Kosovo is under-developed. This method of combined quantitative and qualitative analysis identified a number of developmental needs in the Kosovar health system. There has been litde formal training, the EMS system lacks organization, equipment, and a reliable communication system, and centralized emergency centers, other than the center at Prishtina Hospital, are inadequate. Group discussions and interviews support the desire by Kosovar health-care workers to establish EM, and highlight a number of concerns. A Q-methodology analysis of the attitudes of potential leaders in the field, supported these concerns and identified two attitudinal groups with deeper insights into their opinions on the development of such a system.This study suggests that a multi-modal assessment of health systems can provide important information about the need for emergency health system improvements in Kosovo. This methodology may serve as a model for future, system-wide assessments in post-conflict health system reconstruction.

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Torosyan, Tigran. "To the Resolution of Intractable Conflicts: Nagorno-Karabakh and Kosovo." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 17, no. 4 (2013): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130407.

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Self-determination conflicts remain among the most complicated issues of the international negotiations, and they require long-term efforts. They often transform into intractable conflicts, the theory of which plays more informative role rather than contributes to their solution. The solution is difficult not only because it is a complex inter-disciplinary task, but also because very often it is necessary to involve mediation. The mediators, carrying out often their direct mission, create also new problems due to the interests of related countries. In order to reveal the reasons behind the current problems comparative analysis of Nagorno-Karabakh and Kosovo conflicts has been done. A new paradigm and based on it a new strategy of international negotiations over conflict resolution are proposed, which will allow to significantly increase the efficiency of negotiations, to find solutions for intractable conflicts and prevent the emergence of new ones.

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Dobra, Bardhyl, and Michiel S. de Vries. "Privatization in an Adverse Institutional Context: The Case of Kosovo." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nispa-2016-0001.

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AbstractRegarding the effectiveness of privatization, two schools of thought are distinguished: a school in favor of privatization in general and a school that judges the success of privatization to be dependent on the institutional context. This article discusses the arguments of both schools and presents a case study on the privatization processes that did take place in Kosovo. The Kosovo case is a critical case as Kosovo was a post-conflict country with a deplorable institutional setting at the time it initiated the privatization processes. If privatization was successful anyway, this would make for a strong argument in favor of privatization in general.The outcomes of the case study show, however, many unintended and negative effects of privatization in the Kosovo context. The conclusion, therefore, disputes the claim that privatization is beneficial in general, irrespective of the institutional setting. Instead, the article makes a plea for creating a favorable institutional setting before starting far-reaching transformations through large-scale privatization.The issues arising from this article are important for policy-makers and international missions considering implementing similar programs to other post-conflict countries.

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