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Journal articles on the topic 'Conflict resolution and peace studies'
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KATZ, NEIL H. "Conflict Resolution and Peace Studies." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 504, no. 1 (July 1989): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716289504001002.
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Habibal, Omar. "Evolution of International Peace and Conflict Resolution Studies." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 2, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v2i3.23.
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In this paper review of the International Peace literature, specifically exploring the contemporary trends that function to align International Peace theory and practice with dominant interests. I begin with a critical historical overview of the development of this field, looking at the primary influences that have shaped and continue to impact it. A variation on this, peace studies (irenology), is an interdisciplinary effort aiming at the prevention, de-escalation, and solution of conflicts by peaceful means, thereby seeking "victory" for all parties involved in the conflict. This is in contrast to military studies, which has as its aim on the efficient attainment of victory in conflicts, primarily by violent means to the satisfaction of one or more, but not all, parties involved. Disciplines involved may include philosophy, political science, geography, economics, psychology, sociology, international relations, history, anthropology, religious studies, and gender studies, as well as a variety of others. Relevant sub-disciplines of such fields, such as peace economics, may be regarded as belonging to peace and conflict studies also. This establishes a power disparity between the conflict actors and the conflict resolution theorists/ practitioners, exacerbating the distance between the two groups and privileging the latter.
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Aji, M. Prakoso, and Jerry Indrawan. "UNDERSTANDING PEACE STUDIES AS PART OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Jurnal Pertahanan & Bela Negara 9, no. 3 (December 13, 2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jpbh.v9i3.645.
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<p>Peace Studies is a discipline that is derived from International Relations. With the development of International Relations, they are dealing with cases related to conflicts and wars between states, as well as states with non-states. For this reason, Peace Studies was born so that it can focus on discussing issues surrounding conflict, war, and resolution efforts. Peace Studies in general are associated with the concept of conflict resolution. One method of conflict resolution in Peace Studies is the concept of conflict transformation. Conflict transformation is not only aimed at stopping conflict and to change patterns of negative relations between conflicting parties, but also to change the political, social and economic structure that causes the patterns of negative relations. Peace Studies offers a new analysis of how International Relations should look at the complexity of relations between actors. The author did not conduct field research related to this article, but conduct a conceptual research through literature study. The purpose of this article is to see how Peace Studies can help answer problems in International Relations related to conflicts or wars that occur internationally.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> peace studies, conflict, armed conflict, violence, and conflict transformation</p>
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Kriesberg, Louis. "CONFLICT RESOLUTION APPLICATIONS TO PEACE STUDIES." Peace & Change 16, no. 4 (October 1991): 400–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.1991.tb00677.x.
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Akinola, Adeoye O., and Ufo Okeke Uzodike. "Ubuntu and the Quest for Conflict Resolution in Africa." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 2 (October 28, 2017): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717736186.
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Many postcolonial African states have experienced violent conflicts, prompting the quest for viable approaches to conflict resolution and peace-building. Certain groups’ desire to control power and resources at the expense of others lies at the heart of the racism, civil wars, armed insurrections, terrorism, ethnic conflict, genocide, xenophobia, and intracommunity and domestic conflict prevalent in Africa, particularly in countries that experienced prolonged foreign domination. The quest for peace and security led to the resurgence of Ubuntu, an African humanist ideology, as an indigenous approach to conflict resolution and peace-building. This article explores the place of Ubuntu in the continent’s peace and security projects. Despite the utility of Ubuntu’s principles in a few postconflict societies, the article highlights the difficulties involved in its adoption by state institutions, mainly due to the complex interactions exemplified by the modern state. However, adherence to the principles of Ubuntu by state and nonstate actors would drastically reduce threats to peace and security in Africa.
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Malamud, R. "Peace Parks: Conservation and Conflict Resolution." Common Knowledge 14, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 495–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-2008-021.
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Ekpe, Dickson E. "The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (Unscr 1325) and The Challenges of Women Participation in Peace Building and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: Critical Analysis." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 6, no. 12 (January 2, 2020): 224–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.612.7332.
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In 31 October, 2000, the United Nations Security Council adopted and signed SC Resolution 1325 on Women Peace and Security. Resolution 1325 recognizes that civilian, particularly women and children are the worst affected by conflict. Resolution 1325 call for women participation in conflict prevention and resolution initiative, the integration of gender perspective in peace building, peace keeping mission and the protection of women in regions of conflict. The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peace keeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction; stressing the importance of equal participation in peace and security. In Africa, women participation in policy making, peace building and conflict resolution is still faced with setbacks despite the passing of the SCR 1325 two decades ago. Findings from this study has shown that, women have been subjected to domination by men as a result of persisting cultural stereotypes, abuse of religious and traditional practices, patriarchal societal structures in which economic, political and social power are dominated by men while women played the role of followers of male decision-makers. The study identifies such challenges for a change or reforms them. The paper reviewed many of the extant studies on the role and potentials of women in peace building and conflict resolution. Analyzing those challenges inhibiting the participation of women in peace process. The paper adopted the qualitative approach whereby data collected from secondary sources were reviewed, explained and analyzed within the purview of the study. The paper conclude, the views that bringing women into the peace process, as participation of women makes it sustainable and reduces possibility of inadequate outcome or failure of the entire process, may be an illusion. Unless the women are economically and politically empowered, as one of the outstanding equality of peace-makers or negotiators is the amount of political and economic influence they possessed. Only elite centric gender blind composition of negotiation and peace process team cannot ensure sustainable peace process as there could be no peace with one side so disadvantaged.
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Hydle, Ida. "An Anthropological Contribution to Peace and Conflict Resolution Studies." Contemporary Justice Review 9, no. 3 (September 2006): 257–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10282580600827876.
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Galtung, Johan. "Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution: The Need for Transdisciplinarity." Transcultural Psychiatry 47, no. 1 (February 2010): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461510362041.
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Sykes, Jolyon. "Book Review: Peace Journalism, War and Conflict Resolution." Media International Australia 146, no. 1 (February 2013): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1314600130.
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Kadir, Norizan Binti. "Peranan Wanita dalam Penyelesaian Konflik di Selatan Filipina." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 16, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol16no1.1.
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The roles played by the women in the conflict resolution involving the Muslim community in the Southern Philippines was not given the spotlight it deserved in the series of peace talks between the republic and the separatist groups. The roles of women were as if they were insignificant and of a passive manner while women were undeniably the important “stakeholder” beside the fact that the conflict that erupted affected this group the most amongst the population there. They are also capable to contribute to a new paradigm in conflict resolution. Realizing this, the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) passed Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security as a democratizing mechanism towards the encouragement of women in conflict resolution, protection amidst conflict, and peacemaking.
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Türk, Fulya. "EVALUATION OF THE EFFECTS OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION, PEACE EDUCATION AND PEER MEDIATION: A META-ANALYSIS STUDY." International Education Studies 11, no. 1 (December 22, 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v11n1p25.
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The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of conflict resolution, peace education and peer mediation on the conflict resolution skills of students via meta-analysis method.23 studies were determined to be in accordance with the study criteria. According to research findings conflict resolution, peace education and peer mediation education programs have a wide range of effect on the conflict resolution skills of students. In addition to this, the education program, education level, the type of application, publication type , the duration of application have been examined and evaluated. As a result, it can be stated that conflict resolution, peace education or peer mediation is effective in the constructive development of conflict resolution skills of the students.
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Lehrs, Lior. "Private Peace Entrepreneurs in Conflict Resolution Processes." International Negotiation 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341342.
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Private peace entrepreneurs (ppes) are private citizens with no official authority who initiate diplomatic correspondence with official representatives from the opposing side during a conflict in order to promote conflict resolution. This article outlines a theoretical framework for analyzing this phenomenon, drawing on a wide range of case studies. It defines the phenomenon and analyzes the power resources and factors that help theppeinfluence official processes. The article shows that althoughppes lack official authority and legal status, they have alternative, unofficial resources that help them influence the diplomatic sphere, and some have even played critical roles in conflict resolution efforts. The analysis distinguishes among different means of influence – through official decision makers, public opinion, the rival side, or a third side. The article offers insights about the individual private citizen as an actor in peace diplomacy and describes important historical figures who were excluded from history textbooks.
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Genyk, Mykola. "Methodological problems of interdisciplinary peace research." Political Studies, no. 1 (2021): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53317/2786-4774-2021-1-1.
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The increase in international tensions and the threat of global selfdestruction has determined the appearance of new interdisciplinary sciences aimed to investigate ways of contradictions resolving and raising the peace process’s effectiveness. Since the Second World War, issues of peace have become the object of study for several disciplines: polemology, eirenology, conflict resolution, and peace studies. They coexisted and rivalled in questions of methods and ways of cognition and achievement of peace. From 1960 to 1980, peace studies had been taking the first place. It had broadened and deepened the object and methods of peace research and been transformed into a separate interdisciplinary scientific field for studying and analyzing the preconditions for forging a lasting peace. Peace studies has combined conflict studies, development studies, philosophical-ethical reflections, historical context, and the international relations theory. Within peace research, two main schools have coalesced. The American traditional school (J. Burton) went in for peace keeping through predominantly analyzing international relations, arms control, disarmament, balance of power, and methods to establish peace „from the top”. The Scandinavian critical school (J. Galtung, B. V. A. Rolling, K. Boulding), based on updated social doctrine of the catholic church (the encyclicals of Pope John XXIII and Pope Paul VI), studied the underlying basis of conflict, having developed the theory of positive peace as a state of absence of not only direct but also of structural violence. Since the beginning of the 21st century, over 300 academic institutions and universities have been engaged in peace studies. Current peace research focuses on problems of global climate change, terrorism, sustainable development, failed states, and violation of human rights. At the same time, unsteady terminology is a significant problem of peace studies. R. Seidelman spoke about peace studies as a discipline in its infant stage. Evidently, a hybrid type of warfare, novel compound risks and threats to international security will promote the appearance of new directions of peace research. Key words: war, conflict, peace studies, peace research, peace process, conflict resolution, polemology.
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Cohen-Chen, Smadar, Richard J. Crisp, and Eran Halperin. "Hope Comes in Many Forms." Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, no. 2 (September 21, 2016): 153–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550616667612.
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In conflicts, political attitudes are based to some extent on the perception of the out-group as sharing the goal of peace and supporting steps to achieve it. However, intractable conflicts are characterized by inconsistent and negative interactions, which prevent clear messages of out-group support. This problem calls for alternative ways to convey support between groups in conflict. One such method is emotional expressions. The current research tested whether, in the absence of out-group support for peace, observing expressions of out-group hope induces conciliatory attitudes. Results from two experimental studies, conducted within the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, revealed support for this hypothesis. Expressions of Palestinian hope induced acceptance of a peace agreement through Israeli hope and positive perceptions of the proposal when out-group support expressions were low. Findings demonstrate the importance of hope as a means of conveying information within processes of conflict resolution, overriding messages of low out-group support for peace.
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Blake, Cecil. "The Role of Peace Communication in Conflict Resolution in Africa." Journal of Black Studies 28, no. 3 (January 1998): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479802800302.
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Kioko, Eric Mutisya. "Conflict Resolution and Crime Surveillance in Kenya: Local Peace Committees and Nyumba Kumi." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 1 (April 2017): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200101.
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In the wake of widespread interethnic “clashes” and al-Shabaab terrorist attacks in Kenya over the last few years, the state has embarked on the devolution of capacities for ensuring security and peace to the local level. The state gave the rights to handle specific local conflicts and crime prevention to local peace committees in an attempt to standardise an aspect of customary law, and to Nyumba Kumi committees in a strategy of anchoring community policing at the household level. These changes were conditioned and framed by ideas of decentralisation and the delegation of responsibilities from the state to the community level. In this paper, the following questions are raised: Are hybrid governance arrangements effective and appropriate? To what extent do peace committees and Nyumba Kumi provide institutional support for peaceful conflict management and crime prevention in Kenya? What guarantees and what constrains their success? The author draws on ethnographic data from the Maasai–Kikuyu borderlands near Lake Naivasha, a former hotspot of interethnic clashes.
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Gamaghelyan, Philip. "Towards an Inclusive Conception of Best Practices in Peace and Conflict Initiatives: The Case of the South Caucasus." International Negotiation 26, no. 1 (October 12, 2020): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10023.
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Abstract The field of peace and conflict studies has been maturing over the past few decades, not least thanks to the continual epistemological contestation between its philosophy and methodology. As a consequence, the methods of conflict resolution practice have been evolving. Dominated by realist approaches of conflict management during the Cold War, the field in the 1990s relied heavily on neo-liberal theories of economic interdependence, democracy building, and interest-based negotiations that can bring win-win outcomes. By the late 2000s, as the constructivist paradigm and critical theory started gaining ground in academia, the conceptual conversation shifted toward the possibilities of building inclusive societies and achieving structural and cultural peace via conflict transformation, rather than resolution, as the respective methodology.
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Hamid, Sadek. "Crescent and Dove." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 150–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i3.1247.
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What can be learned from Islamic teachings on questions of nonviolenceand peace building? Quite a lot according to the contributors of this newcollection of essays from Muslim theologians, academics, and peace activists.This is a timely contribution to the nascent field of Islamically in spired peacemaking and conflict-resolution studies, offering both intellectualand practical applications for those interested in engaging this difficultbut important task. The volume is divided in to two sections and containsten chapters. Part one presents theoretical discussions, which contextualizenotions of peace and conflict resolution from Islamic textual sourcesand analyses the concepts of peace, jihad, war, and martyrdom within theIslamic tradition. The second part is more empirical and profiles case studiesfrom human-rights activists, peacemaking organizations, and the workof prominent Islamic thinkers. It also has a glossary of conflict-resolutionterms and four appendixes, which provide useful resources. This volumeaddress three areas: the ethics of violence in Islam, nonviolence in the Islamictradition, and contemporary efforts at Islamic peacemaking ...
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Reilly, Niamh. "How Ending Impunity for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence Overwhelmed the UN Women, Peace, and Security Agenda: A Discursive Genealogy." Violence Against Women 24, no. 6 (July 2, 2017): 631–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801217716340.
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The recent unprecedented focus on ending impunity for conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is positive in many respects. However, it has narrowed the scope of Security Council Resolution 1325 and the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda it established in 2000. Through a critical discursive genealogy of the interrelation of two UN agendas—protection of civilians in armed conflict and women, peace, and security—the author traces how CRSV emerged as the defining issue of the latter while the transformative imperative of making women’s participation central to every UN endeavor for peace and security has failed to gain traction.
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El-Affendi, Abdelwahab. "Sudanese futures: one country or many?" Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910701812263.
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Conflict-prone Sudan is at a decisive cross-roads in its history as the multiple crises gripping the country force on the actors some stark choices. As the world focuses on the spiralling Darfur crisis and offers the wrong prescriptions for its resolution, the optimistically named Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) which ended the war in the south threatens to unravel under the weight of the diverging agendas of the main peace partners. Unless some radical steps are taken to restructure the Sudanese state and address the real causes of conflict in Darfur and elsewhere, the country could fragment and disintegrate, with disastrous consequences for regional peace and security.
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Fahmy, Shahira, and Rico Neumann. "Shooting War Or Peace Photographs? An Examination of Newswires’ Coverage of the Conflict in Gaza (2008-2009)." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 2 (September 19, 2011): NP1—NP26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211419355.
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According to Galtung, a peace journalism frame is one that highlights peace initiatives and tones down differences by promoting conflict resolution. A war journalism frame, in his view, is one that highlights differences between opposing parties, urging violence as means to a resolution. Thus, based on the above classification of these two competing frames of war coverage, this is one of the first studies to empirically test the model via a visual quantitative analysis. Using news photographs, this study analyzes the extent to which the Gaza War (2008-2009) was represented as war versus peace journalism in the three leading Western newswires (Associated Press, Reuters, and AFP/Getty Images). Findings indicate that all three wires combined provided a variety of visual frames to communicate a comprehensive coverage of the event. This observed pattern therefore highlights the role of gatekeeping in providing a broad-based understanding of conflicts. In other words, it becomes crucial to note that photo selections in terms of war versus peace journalism ultimately has an impact in shaping public opinion and influencing perceptions of news events. Furthermore, from a theoretical standpoint, this work expands the classification of war versus peace journalism by operationalizing these frames into concrete pictorial patterns from a visual communication perspective.
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Vandeginste, Stef. "Political Representation of Minorities as Collateral Damage or Gain: The Batwa in Burundi and Rwanda." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 1 (April 2014): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900101.
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There is a remarkable discrepancy between the political representation of the Batwa ethnic minority group in Burundi compared to in Rwanda. Whereas Rwanda's focus on citizenship prevents the Batwa from claiming recognition as a politically salient societal segment, Burundi's governance model, characterized by ethnic, consociational power-sharing, guarantees the political representation of the Batwa in the legislative assemblies. The difference is mainly due to the various modalities of political transition that both countries have experienced. While in Rwanda, regime change came about through a military victory, Burundi's transition from conflict to peace involved a long and complex peace-negotiations process, with international mediators viewing the armed conflict and its resolution in explicitly ethnic terms. The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement was a foundational moment for the recognition of the political participation rights of the Batwa in Burundi, despite the fact that they were not actively involved in Burundi's armed conflict, or in the peace negotiations. The comparative analysis in this paper offers insights into the potential of peace processes with respect to improved minority-rights protection following violent conflict.
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Huda, Qamar-ul. "Peacemaking in Iran." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i2.1488.
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The questions of whether religion can contribute toward resolving and preventingconflict, and to what extent a modern nation can balance culture,politics, and tradition, were raised at the one-day conference on “Dialoguesof Peace in Islam” hosted by the UNESCO Chair for Human Rights, Peaceand Democracy at Tehran’s Shahid Beheshti University.The conference provided interaction with the seven-member delegationof Muslim American scholars of Islam and conflict resolution who traveledin Iran for ten days during October 2007. They met with Iranian experts tobetter understand their approaches to peacemaking, conflict prevention, dialogue,and conflict resolution. They also met with lawyers, human rightsexperts, nongovernmental organizations, academicians, university students,social scientists, senior religious leaders, and theologians.Ayse Kadayifci (professor of conflict resolution studies,American University),and Amr Abdalla (professor and vice rector for academic affairs,University for Peace in Costa Rica) presented various western and Islamicmodels of conflict assessment and areas where thesemodelsmay ormay notconverge. The Iranian academicians focused on religion’s role in defendinghuman rights, democracy, and promoting equality. Abdul Hayy Weinman(professor, University of New Mexico) spoke about the Sunni-Shi`ah dialogues,areas for reconciliation, and effective practices in dialogic ...
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Kimani, Cassan. "FAITH BASED GROUPS ROLE IN CONFLICT SOLUTION IN NAIROBI SLUMS." European Journal of Philosophy, Culture and Religion 1, no. 1 (March 14, 2017): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.47672/ejpcr.219.
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Purpose: The general objective of the study was to determine faith based group’s role in conflict solution in Nairobi slums.Methodology: The study adopted a desktop descriptive research design.Results: Based on the findings the study concluded that form and causes of conflicts that faith based groups in Nairobi slums faced; social and economic effect of role faith based group’s role in conflict solution and major challenges encountered by faith based groups had a significant effect on conflict resolution in Nairobi slums. Study recommended that future studies can explore the role of individual roles in conflict solution in Nairobi slums.Policy Recommendation: This study provides implications for both policy and practice. Based on the study findings the study recommends that the government and FBOS should increase cooperation’s in their quest to foster peace in the society.
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Şahin, Sanem, and Christiana Karayianni. "Journalism matters: reporting peace in Cyprus." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 7-8 (June 2, 2020): 1360–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720923888.
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The article investigates journalism in societies that are working towards a peaceful resolution. Focusing on the ongoing peace process in Cyprus, it studies the influences and difficulties journalists experience when they report on the negotiations. The peace process in Cyprus, which has been divided since 1974 following a conflict between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, is continuing. Thematic analysis of the interviews conducted with 67 journalists identifies the key issues that affect journalists in Cyprus when they report on the conflict and peace negotiations. The results show that journalists experience tension between professional values and a sense of belonging and move between professional and national/ethnic identities to cope with it. The results also indicate that despite political and ideological pressures, journalists exercise agency, making attempts to challenge and alter them.
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Kempin Reuter, Tina. "Including Minority Rights in Peace Agreements: A Benefit or Obstacle to Peace Processes after Ethnic Conflicts?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 19, no. 4 (2012): 359–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-01904002.
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Dealing effectively and efficiently with minorities and minority problems in the aftermath of ethnic conflict is central to durable and stable peace. The inclusion of minority rights in peace agreements is seen as a mandatory step in the resolution of the conflict and political stability. While references to human rights and minority rights are common, it is the implementation process that often lacks clarity and thoroughness. On the basis of three case studies, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, and Kosovo, this study examines how human rights and minority rights provisions are put into practice and how they impact the peace process. Findings suggest that the inclusion of minority rights is only beneficial in cases in which relevant institutions and adequate political and civil society support were established to implement the provisions. Formal reference to ethnic problems or minority rights is not sufficient.
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Walter, Barbara F. "Re-Conceptualizing Conflict Resolution as a Three-Stage Process." International Negotiation 7, no. 3 (August 14, 2002): 299–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-00703003.
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Although the literature on international negotiation is rich with studies attempting to explain why some wars end in negotiated settlements while others do not, the theoretical and empirical work focuses almost entirely on explaining a single dichotomous variable: whether parties reach agreement or not. This article argues that in order to truly understand how conflicts end, the resolution process must be viewed as taking place in three distinct stages which begins with the decision to initiate negotiations, continues with the decision to strike a mutually agreeable bargain, and ends with the decision to implement the terms of a treaty. Each of these stages is likely to be driven by very different causal factors, and only by drawing clear conceptual and theoretical distinctions between the stages (and then testing them this way) can we begin to understand the full range of factors that truly bring peace.
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Larsson, Yvonne. "Children's Views on Peace and Justice." Gifted Education International 8, no. 1 (January 1992): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026142949200800110.
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There are reservations expressed by teachers in introducing courses on peace studies. Generally teachers can find no obvious place for such a study and nervous of public opinion, fear repercussions in unpredictable and anonymous ways. Historically, the study of ‘peace’ and ‘conflict resolution’ has been undertaken by military academies and defence colleges. Not surprisingly, these institutions have left the general public with a deep distrust and a suspicion that peace initiatives somehow play into the hands of real and imagined enemies. This is one of the major reasons that peace studies is such a controversial subject. Nevertheless, the consideration of peace does form part of many established courses and children are concerned about the prospects of peace and justice as this paper shows. International Year of Peace in 1986 provided the motivation for some teachers to encourage their pupils to think about peace and justice. It is particularly important for gifted pupils, as possible future leaders, to consider the implications of attitude to peace and justice.
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Suprapto, Wasis, Bunyamin Maftuh, Helius Sjamsuddin, and Elly Malihah. "Internalization of Living Value Education Program (LVEP) as A Based of Developing Conflict Resolution Model." JETL (Journal of Education, Teaching and Learning) 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26737/jetl.v6i1.2305.
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<p>Violence become a serious problem in this country. All parties including students have been involved in this swirl of problems. The phenomenon of violence in the educational environment can be minimized by <em>internalizing the Living Value Education Program </em>(LVEP) in learning activities. LVEP internalization is carried out as a reference basis in developing resolution models in social studies learning. This article focuses on examining (1) the process of internalizing values in social studies learning, (2) the importance of including LVEP in the learning process, and (3) making LVEP the basis for developing a conflict resolution model. Articles are reviewed using literature study. The results showed that (1) the process of internalizing values in social studies learning was carried out in order to prepare students to become good citizens. (2) LVEP contains universal values such as peace, respect, love, cooperation, happiness, honesty, humility, responsibility, simplicity, tolerance, freedom and unity which can be used as a reference in classroom learning activities. (3) LVEP can be used as a reference in developing a conflict resolution model because it contains values of peace-loving, tolerance, and upholds the value of national unity and integrity</p>
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Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Stereotypes and Prejudice in Conflict." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i1.1566.
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During the last twenty years, a discernible increase in the analysis of stereotypesand the role they assume during conflicts has occurred, with significantinterest emanating from the field of social psychology. For the authors ofStereotypes and Prejudice in Conflict: Representations of Arabs in IsraeliJewish Society, years of research have culminated in a publication thatunflinchingly explores such diverse topics as delegitimization tactics andunity as well as the development of perceptions among pre-schoolers.Daniel Bar-Tal, a professor in Tel Aviv University’s Psychology Department,is the author of several notable works on the issue, including SocialPsychology of Intergroup Conflict (Springer-Verlag: 1998) and HowChildren Understand War and Peace (Jossey Bass: 1999). Likewise, YonaTeichman, a clinical psychologist at Tel Aviv University, brings a level ofexpertise honed from extensive research on the development and applicationof an implicit, free-response measure of social representations based on thesystematic analysis of human figure drawings. Through this dynamic, theystrive to contribute to future peace endeavors by prompting the criticalanalysis of one’s own society and the processes that impede conflict resolution,while encouraging new perspectives that will end the violent cycles thatsustain conflict.From a strong opening chapter, the authors negotiate through twelvechapters adeptly, the most notable of which include chapter 4, “Representationof Arabs in Public Discourse”; chapter 5, “Representation of Arabs inSchool Textbooks”; and chapter 10, “Studies with Schoolchildren, Adolescents,and Young Adults.” All of these chapters are supported by a plethoraof tables comprising generalization, characterization, and negativity; color ...
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Lloyd Kornelsen. "The Role of Storytelling at the Intersection of Transformative Conflict Resolution and Peace Education." Storytelling, Self, Society 9, no. 2 (2013): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.13110/storselfsoci.9.2.0237.
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Edith Ruth, Natukunda-Togboa. "Peace, Culture and Communication: “Languaging” Post-conflict Disputes." English Linguistics Research 6, no. 4 (December 18, 2017): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v6n4p79.
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Language, which is rarely neutral, shapes perception and behavior. Consequently, it plays an important role in relation to conflict and peace. The language of conflict usually functions on the basis of using differences to promote violence. Interviews conducted on land disputes in the post-conflict context of Northern Uganda, showed that language can be used to reduce these differences and affirm dignity thus diffusing tensions. Our preceding studies of conflict discourse within returnee communities have endeavored to show how language use, by imposing certain misrepresentations as legitimate, undermines efforts of social reintegration, perpetuates conditions of negative peace and can pose a threat of returning to conflict.In this study of Gulu elders dealing with post-conflict disputes, language is perceived as a tool of positive peace. Borrowing from the sociocultural theory of mind and its application to concepts of language, the paper shows how language can foster open and inclusive communication and support the pursuit of peaceful cohabitation within returnee communities. It goes on to demonstrate how language, within the cultural institutions of returnee communities, constitutes power that can be used in “languaging” conflict resolution. According to the study, language has embedded within it actual relations of power, so much so that those who control it exercise an enormous influence on how the communities perceive conflict and peace-building and what behaviors they accept in relation to resolving post-conflict disputes.Consequently, the quick revitalization of traditional arrangements of dispute settlement has been possible in the area of Gulu because language is a strong social institution which has enhanced the efforts of peace maintenance in the Acholi post conflict context. Languaging or talking through disputes as an alternative discourse to conflict should be embraced as a strategy of empowering the voiceless. It is an effective and sustainable cost effective strategy for dealing with cyclic disputes especially when applied as complementary to other dispute settlement approaches.
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Nordquist, Kjell-Åke. "Autonomy, Local Voices and Conflict Resolution: Lessons from East Timor." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 1 (2013): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02001007.
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The civil society in East Timor – today The Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste – developed knowledge and views about different constitutional structures during some critical years before the country’s independence in 2002. “Autonomy” proved to be an effective generic concept for this purpose in dialogues and seminars, organised inside and outside East Timor, on the issue of the territory’s future international status. While a certain political autonomy structure, alongside with independence, were the two options in the 1999 UN-led referendum on East Timor’s final status, the concept of “autonomy” was used as a point of reference for the analysis of principally different structural options for small territories – from typical independence, via forms of limited independence and associated state arrangements, to autonomy and levels of integration. Naturally, existing autonomy arrangments are studied when relevant in peace processes, but the concept of “autonomy”, with its need for local adaptation and recognition of difference, brings also compromise and therefore creativity into a process of political wrangling. In addition, an autonomy perspective in peace processes raises the issue of human rights protection on national level – can it protect on the level of an autonomy? The autonomy concept provides, finally, a framework for its own legitimacy, in relation to human rights and other measures in defense of human dignity. To identify a potential autonomy, thus, means assessing the characteristics of difference in such a framework, a process that local voices in East Timor needed to pursue.
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Hussain, Fakhar, Muhammad Ikramullah Khan, Sarfraz Hussain, and Saadat Nawaz. "CPEC- AN ECONOMIC ENGINE FOR PEACE AND ITS IMPACT ON KASHMIR DISAGREEMENT." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 3 (June 5, 2021): 724–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9371.
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Purpose of the study: This research explores CPEC as a model of "Economic Interdependence" for being a mega driver of Globalization, which can bring economic equilibrium through development and interconnectivity for resolution of Kashmir dispute by connecting institutional and diplomatic channels to the economic interdependency.
Methodology: This research is based on secondary data collected from various sources like academic papers, electronic sources, Newspapers, Periodicals, Journals, organizational reports, and books. For interpretation of data, descriptive and analytical approach has to be adopted by using the deductive method of investigation.
Principal Findings: The main findings indicate that CPEC will provide grounds for minimizing conflicts on accounts of consistent regional and intra-regional economic connectivity. CPEC will transfigure the geographic position of Azad Jammu and Kashmir into an asset to be an economic engine for the establishment of peace in the region by amicable resolution of prolonged Kashmir dispute using economic connectivity.
Applications of this study: This research will be helpful for academics of peace and conflict studies, International Relations, diplomacy and strategic management, policymakers, diplomats of Pakistan, China, and India. It will contribute to the resolution of the Kashmir dispute.
Novelty/Originality of this study: The novelty/originality of this research lies in the attempt to correlate the concepts of "CPEC as an actor of economic interdependence" and "CPEC as a catalyst for the amicable resolution of Kashmir dispute."
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Shehzad, Hassan, Ahsan Raza, and Zubair Shafi Ghauri. "Conflict Resolution: Editorialization of Government- Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan Dialogue." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).02.
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Every newspaper publishes an editorial every day to state their official opinion on the most important of issues. Among public and official policymakers, editorials are taken seriously. This study undertook Pakistan’s two leading newspapers’ editorials – Dawn and The Nation - on the peace talks between the Pakistan government and the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The editorials published between January 2014 and July 2014 on the dialogues were studied. Using agenda-setting approach, this study found that Dawn published 67 and The Nation 61 editorials discussing stakeholders’ stance on the dialogue, dialogues bodies, and disruption of dialogues to terrorism and TTP terms. The study measured the editorials to answer research questions.
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Aguiar, Jeff. "Applied Theatre in Peacebuilding and Development." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 15, no. 1 (August 5, 2019): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316619866419.
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Blending autoethnographic approaches with critical analysis, this article explores the intersection of arts-based praxis in peacebuilding and development in peace studies and conflict resolution (PS/CR). In recent decades, arts-based approaches have emerged across the globe in post-conflict settings. Applied, or process, theatre constitutes a social ontology, analysing and digesting experiences and an acceptance of multiple methods that inform research, theory, and practice. Similar to experiential education, applied theatre methodology connects research, theory, and practice in an integrative setting, but how does it resonate with PS/CR in practice? How can peace practitioners access arts-based praxis in development efforts? What benefits do such approaches provide? The author proposes that applied theatre principles, inspired by Augusto Boal and his system called Theatre of the Oppressed, can strengthen existing connections between peace education and peacebuilding practice, whilst also providing opportunities to enhance leader and learner benefit through active engagement in various settings.
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Shnabel, Nurit, Yaniv Belhassen, and Shira Mor. "From victimhood to peace activism: The potential role of personal loss and inclusive victim beliefs." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 8 (May 6, 2017): 1144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217699463.
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Most of the literature on collective victimhood has focused on its negative consequences for conflict resolution. Only recently has the understanding emerged that collective victimhood can also play a role in reconciliation. The present research aimed to test this recent insight in the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. A sample of 200 Israeli Jews who participated in the 2015 Israeli–Palestinian Memorial Day ceremony organized by the Combatants for Peace organization completed online questionnaires. In line with our predictions, personal victimization (i.e., losing a significant other due to the conflict) and inclusive victim perceptions (i.e., perceptions of a “common victim identity,” namely, similarity between the ingroup’s and the outgroup’s suffering) predicted peace activism. However, perceptions of a common perpetrator identity failed to predict activism. These results were replicated in a sample of 106 Israeli Jews who participated in the 2016 ceremony. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
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Shelest, Hanna. "Imposed State-Building." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 3 (November 17, 2018): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04203003.
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For the past two years, there have been constant discussions about the possible ‘Bosnianisation’ of Ukrainian conflict management and peacebuilding, meaning both the Dayton process mechanism’s implementation and the possible ‘federalisation’ of Ukraine due to the Minsk agreements. While the two conflicts have significant differences in terms of roots, reasons and development, attempts at their resolution, as well as possible outcomes of the peace processes, have certain similarities. In this article, based on the constructivist approach and method of induction, the author compares the outcomes of the agreements reached in Dayton in 1995 and in Minsk in 2015 and analyses securitisation of state-building, ‘federalisation’ and identity issues during the peace negotiations, along with a state structure imposed by the external actors. Hereby we argue that the Dayton scenario in terms of the state-building is significantly different from what has happened in Ukraine due to their respective historical and ethnic backgrounds. Moreover, a peace agreement per se is not able to form a federal state if there are not sufficient preconditions for substantial decentralisation of the state.
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Desivilya, Helena Syna, and Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz. "The Case of CheckpointWatch: A Study of Organizational Practices in a Women's Human Rights Organization." Organization Studies 29, no. 6 (June 2008): 887–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840608088708.
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The present study aims to discern the ways whereby gender-role perceptions and women's perspectives on political conflict and peace processes inform the organizational development process, reflected in organizational structure and processes. In order to achieve this we studied CheckpointWatch, a women's voluntary organization devoted to monitoring and reporting human rights violations of Palestinians crossing Israeli military checkpoints. The research is a qualitative study. Data gathering was designed to collect information from two sources: (1) interviews with key informants in the organization, and (2) documents transmitted over the organization's internal communications network. The findings illustrate the complexities involved in the organizational development processes of a women's peace and human rights organization, its vacillation between transition into a more formalized NGO and its holding on to the social movement organization, grassroots stage. The study also demonstrates the significance of feminist ideology with its embedded complexity and internal paradoxes, which infiltrates into organizational structure, operational processes and activities. Finally, this research highlights the fundamental role of the cultural and sociopolitical context in women's organizational practices. Overall, the study contributes to organization studies by shedding light on the intricacies of organizational dynamics in women's Peace and conflict resolution organizations.
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Marsh, Kathryn. "Music as dialogic space in the promotion of peace, empathy and social inclusion." International Journal of Community Music 12, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijcm_00002_1.
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This article considers ways in which music can contribute to the development of social synchrony in situations of social uncertainty generated by global conflict and widespread population movements. Noting Lederach’s view that conflict resolution has an aesthetic and creative dimension, music can be seen to form a dialogic space in which shared meanings can be co-created and through which multiple and sometimes conflictual viewpoints can be expressed in order to facilitate peace-building. At the same time, the dialogic spaces entailed in musical interactions can promote empathy, whether these are initiated by individuals in naturally occurring social settings or on a larger scale by institutions committed to developing social inclusion or promoting conciliation. In exploring these issues, I draw on my current research involving newly arrived forced and voluntary migrant children and young people in Australia, in addition to research from the fields of music education, ethnomusicology, evolutionary musicology, psychology, refugee studies and peace studies.
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Dahl, Elizabeth S. "Oil and Water? The Philosophical Commitments of International Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution1." International Studies Review 14, no. 2 (June 2012): 240–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2012.01111.x.
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Özçelik, Sezai. "The analysis of Basque conflict and ETA in the 1990s: The kidnapping of Miguel Angel Blanco." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 2 (April 7, 2017): 1058. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i2.4429.
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Since the fall of the Franco’s regime in Spain, the Spanish governments have been dealing with the low-intensity conflict in their country, namely the Euskadi Ta Askatusuna (ETA) attacks. This article analyzes the Basque conflict within the framework of the conflict analysis and resolution perspective. First, it highlights the conflict issues among the Basque conflict parties. Second, it clarifies the conflict issues by focusing on kidnapping and assassination done by the ETA during 1990s. The special case of Miguel Angel Blanco who was a local Basque councilman is a case study. In order to shed light on the Blanco case, it is necessary to focus the conflict resolution dynamics of the Basque conflict. Third, the paper aims to examine the Blanco case in terms of conflict issue identification, conflict issue clarification, and conflict cultural analysis perspectives. The issue identification perspective focuses on identity, face, and instrumental issues of the Basque conflict. The issue clarification perspective concentrates on two conflicting parties’ perceptions and positions in the conflict. The cultural analysis perspective mainly attempts to analyze the cross-cultural differences between ETA and the Spanish government. Based on the analysis of Miguel Angel Blanco, this study concludes that it is necessary to reframe, re-identify and re-clarify the Basque conflict within the framework of conflict and peace studies.
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Kanaan, Taher H. "The Palestinian cause: the road to peace not travelled and the imperative of return to the basics." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 4 (October 1, 2008): 613–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802391134.
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With the end of 60 years since the termination of the British Mandate on Palestine and the first round of failure to effect a two-state solution of the conflict over Palestine, both sides to the conflict are no closer to a just, durable and peaceful solution. The peace process proved to be an end in itself, to be a fetish which commands elaborate rituals but one which tenders no genuine faith. There is a simple reason for this, namely, that the more powerful side to the conflict, blinded by the supremacy of its military might, has been pursuing a solution that reflects the imbalance of power, pure and simple. Like individuals who are immune to learning, there are also peoples who never learn. History teaches us that there are only two alternative bases for conflict resolution, each with entirely different prospects for stability and durability: (1) a basis which reflects the balance of brute force and weight of conquest; and, this is doomed to be unstable and short-lived; (2) a basis which reflects fidelity to moral norms and international rules of law; and, this is the basis which assures long-term stability and durability.
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Vandeginste, Stef. "Power-Sharing, Conflict and Transition in Burundi: Twenty Years of Trial and Error." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 3 (December 2009): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400304.
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For the past twenty years, Burundi has experimented with power-sharing as an instrument of political liberalisation, democratisation and conflict resolution. This contribution analyses the different meanings the concept of power-sharing has had throughout Burundi's recent and extremely violent political transition, in particular during the lengthy peace process. It shows how national and international actors have found inspiration in the toolbox of consociationalism to negotiate and design the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi signed in August 2000 and its post-transition Constitution. Power-sharing has been instrumental in achieving the – short-term – objective of war termination. It has also de-ethnicised political competition and reduced the (potentially) destabilising effect of elections. Measured against more ambitious state-building objectives (democracy, rule of law, accountable and effective governance), power-sharing has (so far) not been able to make a difference. Several factors and developments threaten the “survival” of the power-sharing model in Burundi.
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Irurozqui, Marta. "Political Leadership and Popular Consent: Party Strategies in Bolivia, 1880–1899." Americas 53, no. 3 (January 1997): 395–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008031.
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The governmental era of the Bolivian conservative parties—Constitutional, Democrat, and Conservative—encompasses the historical period from Bolivia’s withdrawal from the Pacific War (1880), which saw a Peruvian-Bolivian alliance against Chile, to the outbreak of the Federal War of 1899 between conservatives and liberals. Within this period of infighting lies the genesis of the Bolivian political party system. With the establishment of a truce in 1880 between Chile and Bolivia, without which Bolivia would have had to definitively withdraw from the conflict and break its Peruvian alliance, two positions arose concerning a resolution of the conflict: the continuation of the war or peace. These polar solutions adhered to the first ideological substratum of the Bolivian political parties, making it possible to define the various factions of the elite in light of the new political restructuring and the role of the State.
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Tessler, Mark, and Ina Warriner. "Gender, Feminism, and Attitudes toward International Conflict: Exploring Relationships with Survey Data from the Middle East." World Politics 49, no. 2 (January 1997): 250–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1997.0005.
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In an effort to contribute to the dialogue between gender studies and international studies, this report presents findings from an empirical investigation based on the integrated secondary analysis of survey data from Israel, Egypt, Palestine, and Kuwait. The goal is to assess the utility of both gender and attitudes pertaining to the circumstances of women in accounting for variance in views about war and peace, and thereafter to examine the degree to which political system attributes constitute conditionalities associated with important variable relationships. Major findings include the absence of gender-linked differences in attitudes toward international conflict in all four of the societies studied and a significant relationship in each of these societies between attitudes toward gender equality and attitudes toward international conflict. Based on data from the Arab world and Israel, with attitudes about a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict treated as the dependent variable, the research also aspires to shed light on more practical considerations pertaining to the international relations of the Middle East.
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Giulianotti, Richard. "Sport, peacemaking and conflict resolution: a contextual analysis and modelling of the sport, development and peace sector." Ethnic and Racial Studies 34, no. 2 (November 4, 2010): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2010.522245.
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Massaro, Thomas. "The Peace Advocacy of Pope Francis: Jesuit Perspectives." Journal of Jesuit Studies 8, no. 4 (September 3, 2021): 523–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-08040001.
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Abstract Among the distinctive features of the papal ministry of Francis is an active dedication to peacemaking that bears noteworthy marks of his Jesuit background. A number of elements within Jesuit spirituality and history contribute to the distinctive stance that Francis assumes toward supporting peace and building the structures and conditions that encourage nonviolent resolution of conflicts worldwide. The pope’s dialogic style of diplomacy proceeds through pointed words, timely apostolic visits, and rich symbolic gestures aimed at peacebuilding and reconciliation.
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MAMO, ANDREW. "Getting to Peace: Roger Fisher's Scholarship in International Law and the Social Sciences." Leiden Journal of International Law 29, no. 4 (November 2, 2016): 1061–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156516000509.
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AbstractThis article examines Roger Fisher's scholarship in international law in the decades prior to the publication of Getting to Yes. Fisher engaged with the same major questions as other international law scholars during the Cold War, but his scholarship was distinguished by the degree to which he grappled with the cutting-edge social science of the mid-century. Even as Fisher collaborated with game theorists and nuclear strategists to understand the theory of conflict, he maintained a critical view of the basic assumptions of game theoretic analysis – defending certain normative elements of the methodology even as he denied its descriptive claims. Subsequent work sought to generate robust descriptions of the role of law in international decision-making during crises. Fisher's normative and descriptive studies of the role of law in such crises led directly to Getting to Yes, creating a body of ‘meta-game theory’ that situated formal studies of conflict within a lawyer's understanding of dispute resolution. Fisher's engagement with social scientists helps illuminate current methodological debates in international law by highlighting the stakes of these theoretical questions and the tensions between scholarship and practice in international law.