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1
Popescu, Corneliu-Liviu, and Jean-Marc Sorel. La protection des personnes vulnérables en temps de conflit armé. Bruxelles: Bruylant, 2010.
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2
Pas de paix sans justice: Le dilemme de la paix et de la justice en sortie de conflit armé. Paris: Presses de la fondation nationale des sciences politiques, 2011.
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3
Sanjuan, Rafael Arturo Prieto. Contribution à l'étude de la responsabilité internationale des entités non-étatiques participant à un conflit armé non-international: Thèse pour obtenir le grade de docteur de l'université Panthéon-Assas Paris II, discipline droit, présentée et soutenue publiquement le 10 novembre 2000. Villeneuve-d'Ascq: Presses universitaires du septentrion, 2002.
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4
Korea/Canada North Pacific Arms Control Workshop (1997 Seoul, Korea). The 1997 Korea/Canada North Pacific Arms Control Workshop proceedings, 27 to 29 May 1997: Promoting peace on the Korean Peninsula through arms control : preveventing regional conflicts : workshop proceedings prepared for Non-Proliferation, Arms Control and Disarmament Division, Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada. [Ottawa?]: Korean Institute for Defence Analysis, 1997.
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5
I, Hamad Taj, Swarts Frederick A. 1952-, and Smart Anne R, eds. Culture of responsibility and the role of NGOs. St. Paul, Minn: Paragon House, 2003.
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6
William H, Boothby. 18 Non-International Armed Conflict. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198728504.003.0018.
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This chapter considers how the law of weaponry applies to Non-International Armed Conflict (NIAC). Some object to the idea that a State can bind the rebels as to the law that is to be applied in a NIAC. These objections are considered. Of course, arms control treaties with their comprehensive, all-embracing prohibitions apply equally in both classes of conflict. The CCW’s scope has been extended for participating States and customary law applies, occasionally unequally, to both IACs and NIACs. Nevertheless, important differences remain and this chapter explores these differences, and notes the tendency for the law applying to IACs and NIACs to converge. The chapter then addresses what would need to change to achieve total convergence.
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Maness, Ryan C., and Brandon Valeriano. International Cyber Conflict and National Security. Edited by Derek S. Reveron, Nikolas K. Gvosdev, and John A. Cloud. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190680015.013.25.
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Cyber conflict is often called the fifth domain of conflict. As more and more systems, networks, and information become digitized, there is contestation as to the growing nature of the threat and how exactly this domain can be exploited to coerce the enemy for either geopolitical or financial gain. Some argue that the cyber threat is exponentially growing and that offensive dominance reigns, making cyber conflict extremely unstable. Others contest that the threat is overblown and is more socially constructed. In this chapter we take a middle ground and find that much of the cyber conflict and security discourse has gotten it wrong through conjecture and worst- (or best-) case scenarios. We argue that a system of norms must be built upon and preserved to keep cyberspace a domain of relative openness and nonescalation. Arms races and deterrence strategies are not the path forward for a secure, prosperous cyberspace.
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Ayson, Robert. The Anarchical Society and the Control of Global Violence. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198779605.003.0007.
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In The Anarchical Society Bull treats violent conflict as a feature of international politics that cannot be abolished, but must be managed. With appropriate rules, which are often informal, managed violence can approximate an institution of international society. Bull’s treatment of violence reflects his earlier study of strategy and arms control, displayed in his classic The Control of the Arms Race. His arguments about the control of global violence still have purchase in a world where the superpower nuclear arms competition is no longer the central international security challenge. As America’s difficult experience in the Middle East indicates, states need to observe rules of restraint on violence even when dealing with violent non-state actors. Today’s Asia, strained by the competition between China and the United States, can only have peace and prosperity if there are rules which restrain violence. An accidental and unmanaged equilibrium of power will not do.
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William H, Boothby. 1 Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198728504.003.0001.
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This relatively brief chapter introduces the book as a whole. It positions weapons law within the framework of international law in general, and of the law of armed conflict in particular, noting the important distinctions between international and non-international armed conflicts, and between the law on the resort to the use of force and that which regulates the conduct of hostilities. The logical flow of the book is presented, and certain terms that are vital to the ensuing discussion, namely weapons, means of warfare and methods of warfare are explained. The all-important distinction between weapons law and the legal rules that regulate targeting is noted. A concluding section addresses the recently-adopted Arms Trade Treaty.
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Cohen, Amichai, and David Zlotogorski. Proportionality in International Humanitarian Law. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197556726.001.0001.
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The principle of proportionality is one of the cornerstones of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Almost all states involved in armed conflicts recognize that it is prohibited to launch an attack that is expected to cause incidental harm to civilians that exceeds the direct military advantage anticipated from the attack. This prohibition is included in military manuals, taught in professional courses, and accepted as almost axiomatic. And yet, the exact meaning of this principle is vague. Almost every issue is in dispute—from the most elementary question of how to compare civilian harm and military advantage, to the possible obligation to employ accurate but expensive weapons. Controversy is especially rife regarding asymmetrical conflicts, in which many modern democracies are involved. How exactly should proportionality be implemented when the enemy is not an army, but a non-state actor embedded within a civilian population? What does it mean to use precautions in attack, when almost every attack is directed at objects that are used for both military and civilian purposes?
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William H, Boothby. Weapons and the Law of Armed Conflict. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198728504.001.0001.
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This book brings the legal rules governing the use of weapons in armed conflict together into a single volume and interprets and applies those principles and rules to particular weapons technologies. It is the essential reference book for anyone dealing or concerned with the international law applying to weaponry. After relating the historical evolution of weapons law, identifying its sources and discussing the important customary principles that are the foundation of the subject, the book explains to the reader in a logical sequence of chapters how treaty and customary rules apply to particular categories of weapon or to relevant technologies, both traditional and novel. Having explained to the reader how the existing law applies across the full range of weapons technologies, the book discusses how this dynamic field of international law may be expected to develop in the years ahead. This new edition tackles challenging weapons law issues such as the new treaty law on expanding bullets and on the arms trade, novel technologies in the fields of chemistry and biology, the topical controversies associated with autonomous and automated weapon systems, and how law applies to weapons in outer space and to cyber weapons. The law applicable in non-international armed conflicts is summarized; compliance and weapon reviews are carefully explained; and recent international and national military manuals, and other developments in the wider literature, are thoroughly reflected throughout the text.
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Walker, William. The International Nuclear Order after the Cold War—Progress and Regress. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198828945.003.0005.
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The nuclear weapon’s emergence as an instrument of rivalry and deterrence, coupled with desire to use nuclear technology for civil purposes, created a pressing need, which continues, for the regulation of nuclear activity and relations. During the Cold War, a rule-based international nuclear order took shape around institutions of arms control and non-proliferation, resting upon ideas of mutual restraint, obligation, and eventual abolition whilst maintaining room for nuclear deterrence in specific contexts. Extended and deepened between the mid-1980s and 1990s, the order has since suffered a loss of coherence and respect for reasons including further weapon proliferation, Russia’s return to Cold War-style nuclear posturing, loss of US authority and consistency, regional conflict, and failure to honor Non-Proliferation Treaty pledges on disarmament. The Nuclear Weapon Ban Treaty has been one response. The greatest ordering challenges may come from technological changes, in cyber and other domains, threatening the safety and reliability of nuclear deterrence.
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Arbatov, A., S. Oznobishchev, and M. Yevtodyeva, eds. Russia: arms control, disarmament and international security. IMEMO supplement to the Russian edition of the SIPRI Yearbook 2019. Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO), 23, Profsoyuznaya Str., Moscow, 117997, Russian Federation, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/978-5-9535-0578-9.
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The volume provides IMEMO contributions to the Russian Edition of the 2019 SIPRI Yearbook: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security. It covers such important issues as challenges and options for strategic arms control, risks to the non-proliferation regime, threats of military use of artifi cial intelligence and current state of Russia–NATO relations. This year’s volume also provides research on problems of development of the Middle East confl icts, activity of the Islamic State in the Middle East and Asia, Indian and Pakistani nuclear doctrines and strategies and the possibilities for cooperation and competition between countries in the Arctic region.
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Walt, Stephen M. Realism and Security. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.286.
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Political Realism has been described as the “oldest theory” of international politics, as well as the “dominant” one. Central to the realist tradition is the concept of “security.” Realism sees the insecurity of states as the main problem in international relations. It depicts the international system as a realm where “self-help” is the primary motivation; states must provide security for themselves because no other agency or actor can be counted on to do so. However, realists offer different explanations for why security is scarce, emphasizing a range of underlying mechanisms and causal factors such as man’s innate desire for power; conflicts of interest that arise between states possessing different resource endowments, economic systems, and political orders; and the “ordering principle” of international anarchy. They also propose numerous factors that can intensify or ameliorate the basic security problem, such as polarity, shifts in the overall balance of power, the “offense–defense balance,” and domestic politics. Several alternative approaches to international relations have challenged the basic realist account of the security problem, three of which are democratic peace theory, economic liberalism, and social constructivism. Furthermore, realism outlines various strategies that states can pursue in order to make themselves more secure, such as maximizing power, international alliances, arms racing, socialization and innovation, and institutions and diplomacy. Scholars continue to debate the historical roots, conceptual foundations, and predictive accuracy of realism. New avenues of research cover issues such as civil war, ethnic conflict, mass violence, September 11, and the Iraq War.
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Cronin, Bruce. Security Regimes: Collective Security and Security Communities. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.296.
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The twentieth century was marked by the proliferation of security regimes, and collective security in particular. Under a collective security arrangement, all states at either a regional or global level agree to resolve their disputes peacefully, collectively oppose acts of aggression, and actively defend those who are victims of such aggression. It is based on the premise that security is indivisible, that is, each state’s security is intricately tied to the security of others, and no nation can be completely secure so long as the territory, independence, and populations of other states are seriously threatened. However, over the past several decades, ethnic conflicts, civil wars, guerrilla insurgencies, and other forms of internal violence have dramatically increased, even as large-scale interstate wars have declined. In addition to these sources of instability and conflict, political repression and extreme human rights abuses by governments against their populations (particularly genocide and ethnic cleansing) often generate massive refugee flows, illegal arms trafficking, and the rise of paramilitary guerrilla armies, all of which could disrupt neighboring states and regional stability. Thus, the concept of security adopted by international and regional regimes over the past few decades has expanded from the threat and use of force for deterrence and enforcement to include nation- and state-building, peacekeeping, and peace-making.
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Lieber, Keir A., and Daryl G. Press. The Myth of the Nuclear Revolution. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749292.001.0001.
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Leading analysts have predicted for decades that nuclear weapons would help pacify international politics. The core notion is that countries protected by these fearsome weapons can stop competing so intensely with their adversaries: they can end their arms races, scale back their alliances, and stop jockeying for strategic territory. But rarely have theory and practice been so opposed. Why do international relations in the nuclear age remain so competitive? Indeed, why are today's major geopolitical rivalries intensifying? This book tackles the central puzzle of the nuclear age: the persistence of intense geopolitical competition in the shadow of nuclear weapons. The book explains why the Cold War superpowers raced so feverishly against each other; why the creation of “mutual assured destruction” does not ensure peace; and why the rapid technological changes of the 21st century will weaken deterrence in critical hotspots around the world. By explaining how the nuclear revolution falls short, the book discovers answers to the most pressing questions about deterrence in the coming decades: how much capability is required for a reliable nuclear deterrent, how conventional conflicts may become nuclear wars, and how great care is required now to prevent new technology from ushering in an age of nuclear instability.
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Lucas, George. Military Ethics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780199336890.001.0001.
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What significance does “ethics” have for the men and women serving in the military forces of nations around the world? What core values and moral principles collectively guide the members of this “military profession?” This book explains these essential moral foundations, along with “just war theory,” international relations, and international law. The ethical foundations that define the “Profession of Arms” have developed over millennia from the shared moral values, unique role responsibilities, and occasional reflection by individual members the profession on their own practices - eventually coming to serve as the basis for the “Law of Armed Conflict” itself. This book focuses upon the ordinary men and women around the world who wear a military uniform and are committed to the defense of their countries and their fellow citizens. It is about what they do, how they do it, what they think about it, how they behave when carrying out their activities, and how they are expected to behave, both on and off the battlefield (whether in, or out of, uniform) - and what everyone (and not just military personnel themselves) needs to know about this. The book also examines how military personnel are treated and regarded by those whom they have sworn to defend and protect, as well as how they treat and regard one another within their respective services and organizational settings. Finally, the book discusses the transformations in military professionalism occasioned by new developments in armed conflict, ranging counterinsurgency warfare and humanitarian military intervention, to cyber conflict, military robotics, and private military contracting. From China to Russia, author George Lucas effectively sheds light on today’s military ethics in existence throughout the world. What Everyone Needs to Know® is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press.
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Stephenson, Carolyn. Peace Research/Peace Studies: A Twentieth Century Intellectual History. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.273.
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Peace research is a component of the field of international relations (IR) that focuses on the causes of war and violence as well as the conditions of peace. The origins of peace research can be traced to the works of Plato, Thucydides, Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes, and Immanuel Kant. The central debate in peace research revolved around the question of whether peace is to be defined simply as the absence of war and direct violence (“negative peace”) or the whether the concept encompasses both the absence of war and direct violence plus the presence of social justice (“positive peace”). Three primary waves of peace studies worldwide since its beginnings between the world wars can be identified: the first wave, roughly from the 1930s to 1960s, focused largely on the causes of war; the second wave was concerned with radicalization and democratization of peace studies; and the third wave saw the rise of two dominant fields—those of nuclear weapons, arms control and disarmament, and conflict resolution/management. During the 1990s, there was a renewed attention to research on topics such as sanctions, peacemaking, the concept of a culture of peace, environment, development, and conflict. Peace research and peace studies have in some ways brought about a transformation not only of dominant power structures, but also of the very concept of power itself. However, there are areas that need improvement, such as developing alternatives to armed conflict and injustice.
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Bolt, Paul J., and Sharyl N. Cross. China, Russia, and Twenty-First Century Global Geopolitics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198719519.001.0001.
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This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the Chinese–Russian bilateral relationship, grounded in a historical perspective, and discusses the implications of the partnership between these two major powers for world order and global geopolitics. The volume compares the national worldviews, priorities, and strategic visions for the Chinese and Russian leadership, examining several aspects of the relationship in detail. The energy trade is the most important component of economic ties, although both sides desire to broaden trade and investments. In the military realm, Russia sells advanced arms to China, and the two countries engage in regular joint exercises. Diplomatically, these two Eurasian powers take similar approaches to conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, and also cooperate on non-traditional security issues, including preventing colored revolutions, cyber management, and terrorism. These issue areas illustrate four themes. Russia and China have common interests that cement their partnership, including security, protecting authoritarian institutions, and reshaping aspects of the global order. They are key players challenging the United States and the Western liberal order, influencing not only regional issues, but also international norms and institutions. Nevertheless, Western nations remain important for China and Russia. Both seek better relations with the West, but on the basis of “mutual respect” and “equality.” Lastly, Russia and China have frictions in their relationship, and not all of their interests overlap. While the relationship has grown, particularly since 2014, China and Russia are partners but not allies.
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Godsey, William D. The Sinews of Habsburg Power. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198809395.001.0001.
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This book explores the domestic foundations of the immense growth of central European Habsburg power from the rise of a permanent standing army after the Thirty Years War to the end of the Napoleonic wars. With a force that grew in size from around 25,000 soldiers to half a million in the War of the Sixth Coalition, the Habsburg monarchy participated in shifting international constellations of rivalry and in some two dozen armed conflicts. Raising forces of such magnitude constituted a central task of Habsburg government, one that required the cooperation of society and its elites. The monarchy’s composite-territorial structures in the guise of the Lower Austrian Estates—a leading representative body and privileged corps—formed a vital, if changing, element underlying Habsburg international success and resilience. With its capital at Vienna, the archduchy below the river Enns (the historic designation of Lower Austria) was geographically, politically, and financially a key Habsburg possession. Fiscal-military exigency induced the Estates to take part in new and evolving arrangements of power that served the purposes of government; in turn the Estates were able in previously little-understood ways to preserve vital interests in a changing world. The Estates survived because they were necessary, not only thanks to their increasing financial potency but because they offered a politically viable way of exacting ever-larger quantities of money and other resources from local society. These circumstances persisted as ruling became more regularized and formalized, and as the very understanding of the Estates as a social and political phenomenon evolved.
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Swarts, Frederick A., and Taj I. Hamad. Culture of Responsibility and the Role of Ngos. Continuum International Publishing Group, 2003.
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