Journal articles on the topic 'Confraternity of the Holy Name of Mary'

This article is a study of how the Amsterdam Sephardi congregation organized its educational system starting in the early 1600s. On 25 May 1616, the two existing congregations at the time, Bet Jacob [House of Jacob] and Neve Salom [Dwellings of Peace], founded the “Hebra Kedosa Talmud Torah” [Holy Confraternity Talmud Torah], an institution that was to fund the education of male children and youth. On that day, the lay congregational leaders elected two interim officers to organize the festivities two days later on Shavuot, the Jewish festival traditionally associated with the initiation of children in the study of the Torah. The newly formed school educated male children as young as five years old and consisted of six grades, starting with the teaching of the Hebrew alphabet, and ending with the Talmud. In 1637, the congregation founded the “Ets Haim” [Tree of Life] confraternity to provide stipends to older, deserving, and talented students, so that they remained in school. A third stage took place in 1639 when the three congregations united into one under the name “Kahal Kadosh Talmud Torah,” and the merged school consisted of seven grades. The author argues that this educational system was a blending of attributes from the Jewish medieval tradition and the Iberian Jesuit system which emphasized the character formation of its students that the lay founders of the Sephardi congregation had experienced while they were living as conversos in Spain or Portugal.

Pope John Paul II in the encyclical Ecclesia de Eucharistia called Mary a ‘Woman of the Eucharist’. He pointed out the attitudes that can be described as Eucharistic. This article, using the principle of analogy and maintaining an appropriate balance, shows St. Joseph as a model of the Eucharistic ap- proach of every Christian. The life of Saint Joseph was characterized by deep faith and love for God and man, the ability to hear and receive the word of God and the constant willingness to sacrifice his life in order to be able to fulfill the will of God. All these qualities are needed to participate in the Eucharist in a conscious and active way. These attitudes result from participation in the Eucharist and should shape the life of every Christian. In addition, it should be emphasized that the Church introduced the name of St. Joseph to the Eucharistic prayers and ordered it to be mentioned immediately after Mary. Placing the name of St. Joseph in the most important prayer of the Holy Mass, introduces him to the heart of the Eucharist.

This Chronicle opens in 1702, the first year of the long rule of Abbess Mary of the Holy Cross, elected the previous December by 42 votes out of 64. She proved an outstanding superior whose works (printed and MS.) gain her a niche in Gillow's Bibliographical Dictionary, whose life drew a written tribute from Bishop Bonaventure Giffard and whose teachings inspired a book by Alban Butler. After the dissensions of the previous decade she restored spiritual health and harmony to the community and placed it on a more flourishing footing than for many years, receiving to profession thirty-four religious in 25 years (1707–32). Abbess Howard—if that was indeed her surname— entered into association with other religious houses by mutual agreement to participate in good works, prayers and merits: with the Benedictine Abbey of St. Amand at Rouen, whose Abbess was a great friend; with that of Val de Grace in Paris where she herself had lived and been converted; in 1711 with the Carmelites and in 1714 (a renewal of a former association) with the Capuchins. In addition the community's friend and benefactor M. de Tot had in 1703 founded a confraternity in honour of Our Lady and St. Joseph which some of the English nobility joined, including Lady Middleton and Lady Strickland.

A holiness of a man is the result of God’s grace and its acceptance by the person involved. A major role is played by examples set by other holy individuals, the environment a person is raised in and those who later help co-create this environment. This corresponds with a man’s mental and spiritual development, greatly impacted by spirituality. In the case of Aelred (1110–1167), a Cistercian abbot of the English monastery in Rievaulx, the saints who shaped his spirituality were the saints of the 7th/8th Centuries, the golden era of Northumberland, where Aelred was born and raised (Hexham and Durham), as well as the universal influence of Benedictine spirituality (6th–11th Centuries), crowned by the Cistercian reform. In effect, Aelred could quote examples of holy role models who he himself valued and revered. Based on his life and his works, we can name the following saints: Cuthbert, holy Cistercian founders, Bernard of Clairvaux, Augustine, Benedict of Nurse, Edward the Confessor, Dunstan, John the Evangelist, Ninian and the Virgin Mary.

One of the many spectacular pastoral initiatives of Primate Stefan Wyszyński was the coronation of cult Marian images with papal crowns. He did forty-seven of them, one of the last was the coronation of the statue of Our Lady of Sejny (Sejny is a town in north-eastern Poland). The article analyses the coronation sermon delivered on this occasion on September 7, 1975 in Sejny. The crowned figure belongs to the iconographic type of the so-called Shrine Madonnas, or the group of Pomeranian sculptures, the creation of which was linked to the Teutonic Order. Its origin and history are unknown. In 1602, together with the foundation of the Dominican monastery, it appeared in Sejny and very quickly became worshiped. This cult survived the dissolution of the monastery and is still alive today. The controversial iconography of Mary with the Child – a sculpture housing the Holy Trinity (Throne of Grace) – was a challenge for the guardians of the sanctuary. From the 17th to 19th centuries, we observe the slow withdrawing of the actual image of a sculpture and making its likeness for the purposes of worship: from covering the figure with a metal robe to prohibiting a ban on the opening of the statue. The coronation sermon bears Trinitarian overtones and is entirely intended to convey to the faithful the truth about the operation of the Holy Trinity in the life of the Church and Its special relationship with Mary. In his conclusion, Primate Wyszyński gave the cult figure a new name: Mary of the Holy Trinity. Thus, he revitalized the medieval iconography, using not only its original ideological significance, but also inscribing it in the current post-conciliar Trinitarian Mariology, contained in the Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium, as well as in the Apostolic Exhortation by Paul VI Marialis Cultus. It is the only coronation sermon delivered by Primate Wyszyński inspired entirely by the iconography of the crowned cult image.

JohannPezzl's account ofVienna in the 1780s was conceived from the perspective of an enlightened supporter of Joseph II. Pezzl divided this account into numerous small sections, including one on “The Twelfth of September,” the date of the defeat of the Turks outside Vienna in 1683. As Maureen Healy notes, the new austerity of Joseph II, who did not favor excessively ceremonial occasions, moderated the annual celebration of that date. However, for a whole century, the religious commemoration of the date 12 September (which was also the festival of the Holy Name of Mary) preserved the historical memory of the liberation of Vienna in a manner that is more often associated with modern (rather than early modern) commemorations.

Akmenynė, now a village in the Šalčininkai district, was known at first just as a privately-owned land, and later as an estate called Kamionka, a Polish name deriving from the name of the river Kamena. Based on iconographic materials and other relevant documents kept in the Wroblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences, the present article aims to discuss the architecture of the wooden church built in 1928–1929 and its interior equipment, as well as a wooden manor that had existed in the 17th century – the early 19th century and a wooden church that had stood on its estate. In the mid-17th century, the Akmenynė estate consisted of a wooden house and farm buildings. In the 18th century, the walls of the main room of the representational house were upholstered with fabric and paper and decorated with paintings. In the second half of the 17th century, there had already been built the wooden church equipped with liturgical vessels and other attributes. It had two paintings depicting the Holy Virgin Mary and St. Bishop Stanislaus, with three more pictures, those of the Virgin Mary, Our Lord Jesus, and St. Antony of Padua. One of the authors (or the only author) of the Project of the present Church of St. Terese of the Holy Infant Jesus could have been the manager and work supervisor of the construction on this church, Anton Filipowicz-Dubowik. Most of its equipment and inventory was made and acquired in the end of the third decade and in the fourth decade of the 20th century. The painting of St. Terese of the Holy Infant Jesus is different in composition from other pictures, which were painted based on the first portrait images of the saint. Such items as the holy water font created by the stonecutter J. Szemetowicz based on a drawing by an unknown artist and the sacristy cabinet acquired by the efforts of the painter Piotr Żyngiel testify to the collaboration between the parish priest of the Akmenynė church and painters who studied at the Faculty of Art of the Vilnius Stephen Batory University. Most of the liturgical vessels were produced by Michael Newiadomski’s Vilnius workshop of liturgical supplies, and one of the reliquaries, by the Charewicz factory of liturgical vessels. It may be assumed that an unknown author who created the linocut The Stations of the Cross, as well as craftsmen of a few Vilnius workshops who produced liturgical vessels and other supplies could have used projects and drawings of Gracian Achrem-Achremowicz. Keywords: Akmenynė church on the manor estate in the 17th – early 19th century; Church of St. Terese of the Holy Infant Jesus in the early 20th century; architecture; inventory; creators.

Summary This author of this article has tracked down the Latin source of the Marian Sermons of Jan of Szamotuły aka Paterek (c. 1480-1519). The extant MS of the Sermons, is dated to the early 16th century. They cover the stories of the Immaculate Conception, the Nativity, the Holy Name, and the Life of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Although indebted in their structure and theological content to medieval scholastic treaties, they were generally believed to be Jan of Szamotuły’s own work. Now we know that his source was a volume of sermons Stellarium coronae Benedictae Mariae Virginis, written by the Hungarian Franciscan Pelbart of Temesvar (c. 1435-1504). The two texts are compared with a view of identifying the characteristic features of the Polish translation (paraphrase). The article also presents some conjectures about the date and circumstances of the writing of the Sermons and their prospective use.

The object of the proposed article is the Christian ohionim of the Mother of God in the poetic discourse of Taras Shevchenko. This proper name, together with the propriatives God, the Lord, forms the core of the sacredness of the studied texts. An indepth analysis of the “Kobzar” gives grounds to claim that its author was a deeply religious man who knew the Scriptures well and used it creatively in artistic practice. Evidence of this are the historical and philosophical poems “Mary” and “Neophytes”, in which biblical and secular motifs are organically intertwined, which is directly reflected in the level of verbalization (active use of Old Slavonic, God’s names, biblical expressions). On the basis of the theantropocentric approach, the peculiarities of the existence of the ohionim of the Mother of God in the texts of different genres are clarified. Up to the aim, a paradigmatic approach is used: all the names of the Mother of Jesus Christ recorded in the discourse are embedded in a nominative paradigm, each component of which (Mary, Mother, Mother of God, Mother Mary, Virgin, Immaculate, Queen of Heaven, Ever-immaculate, Good, All-Good, All-Holy, worthy, pure in wives, blessed in wives, great in wives mourning joy, holy power of all saints, our world unseen, my most glorious paradise, our beauty, world green, fragrant green lily) is characterized in terms of its semantic content and semantic specification, established correlations between them. A comparative analysis based on the semasiological procedure of the lexical resource that is part of the appellation and at the same time exists as a propriative unit was done. Special attention is paid to the connecting capabilities of the described ohionim, its ability to appear in the subjective, object, attributive function and thus to identify the features of semantic-syntactic valence. Episodes from the earthly and heavenly life of Mother Mary are clearly based on the valence pattern. The lexical-semantic compatibility of the theonym of the Mother of God with attributive modifiers in the form of agreed and uncoordinated definitions is comprehensively interpreted, their constitutive possibilities are clarified. It is proved that sacredness is one of the immanent features of Taras Shevchenko’s poetic idiostyle. Keywords: ohionim of the Mother of God, nominative paradigm, poetic discourse of Taras Shevchenko, syntagmatic resource, semantics.

Archaeological research in the crypts of the Church of the Holy Name of the Virgin Mary in Szczuczyn has been carried out since 2012. Many years of research have made it possible to identify some of the buried people, including the Piarists who served as the hosts of the church. One of the monks identified was Stanislaw Marszycki, who took the name Simeon of St Joseph after his monastic vows. Identification of the Piarist was possible thanks to the information on the coffin. On the deceased’s vestments rested a wooden crucifix, which can be interpreted as part of the deceased’s individual equipment. The crucifix was subjected to wood species identification using a microscope with transmitted light. This made it possible to determine that it was made from the wood of the common yew tree (Taxus baccata L.). Yew wood is a valuable material and was used to make both large boatbuilding components, furniture, and weapons, and was also readily used in 18th- -century gardens. The yew was also a tree around which there was a great deal of superstition. Because of its toxicity and longevity, it was treated as both a tree of death and life. The cross from the monk’s coffin, according to superstition, might have guarded the deceased against evil, been an individual object with which the deceased was associated, or perhaps was chosen because yew wood was eminently polishable and with a beautiful colouration.

In the historiography of Vladikavkaz, there are many works devoted to the Ossetian settlement of the city, the Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Ossetian church) in Vladikavkaz, but almost no mention is made of the second Ossetian settlement and the construction of a church on its territory. Meanwhile, the history of the Ossetian population of the Vladimir (Novo-Ossetian) settlement is also worthy of attention. The article reveals the reasons for the creation of the second Ossetian Orthodox parish in Vladikavkaz, the issues of building a church in the name of the Holy Great Martyr George the Victorious. It is noteworthy that not only local Ossetians, but also Russian residents of the settlement actively participated in the organization of the Ossetian parish and the construction of the temple. The construction of the temple was also facilitated by retired and current officers. Assistance was provided by the city authorities and the Vladikavkaz and Mozdok diocese. Funds were allocated for the construction and improvement of the temple from the budget of the Holy Governing Synod. As in the Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin of the city, only the Ossetian clergy served in the St. George’s Church in Vladikavkaz. At the same time, the temple provided nourishment to the entire Orthodox population of Vladimirskaya Slobidka, regardless of nationality. Despite the short history, the second Ossetian parish of Vladikavkaz played its missionary role in strengthening Orthodoxy among the Ossetian population of the city, in educating local residents. For writing this work, newspaper publications of that time and materials of the Central State Archive of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania (TsGA RSO-A) were used.

The sacred icon painter Antonios Agorastos became known after the recording of his inscribed icons in Skopelos by Pavlos Lazaridis, covering a period of 30 years 1667-1703. The signed icons that we studied in Tyrnavos are the two icons of the Virgin Mary and Christ in the iconostasis of the church of Saint Anargyros on either side of the Beautiful Gate. The aim of the research is the study of the pigments of the hagiographer and the evaluation of other nonsigned icons. In a golden background, the Virgin Mary is depicted enthroned in the form of the Infant. She is depicted sitting frontally holding Christ in front of her. At the bottom right is an inscription with the painter's name, by the hand of Antonios sub deacon Agorastos Kritos (1668). Also, in a golden background, Jesus Christ is depicted enthroned in the type of Pantocrator. With his right hand he blesses and with his left he holds an open evangelist painting of holy icons. For the measurements of the pigments in the icons, the following techniques were used: a) Raman spectroscopy Thunder Optics - Gem Raman System with 532nm laser excitation, while before identification, the spectra were subjected to a procedure such as baseline correction, Savitzky - Golay smoothing - normalization and b) the XRF spectrometer Niton XLp 818 technique with an excitation source of 241 Αm. Analysis of Raman and XRF spectra was performed with the help of Spectragryph software. The identification of pigments using the two complementary techniques revealed the use of a variety of inorganic pigments such as lead white, copper green (verdigris), copper blue (azurite), for yellow (realgar), iron ochres (red and yellow) and cinnabar for the red colour.

Based on new archival research, the article focuses on previously unknown information about wooden altarpieces in Rab and Šibenik. The documents created by the Rab notary Ivan Božidar Kašić, which are keptin the State Archive at Zadar, contain a contract about the making of a wooden superstructure (palla) for the high altar in the Church of St. Andrew and its original altar painting. The contract bears the date of 19 April 1623 and obliges Piero Sandrioli, an indorador and resident of Zadar, to make an altarpieces according to a set design, fifteen-feet high and nine-and-a-half-feet wide, together with a canvas painting of the Blessed Virgin Mary and paintings depicting the scenes of the Most Holy Rosary. He was required to paint the figure of St. Dominic to the right of the Virgin, the figure of St. Catherine of Siena to her left, and, next to the Virgin’s feet at the bottom of the painting, the scenes on the topic of the Most Holy Rosary. The rest of the altarpieces had to correspond to the aforementioned design in all respects. The whole structure (probably referring to the wooden superstructure and the painting) had to be carved, delivered to the Church of St. Andrew and set up on the altar at the expense of Pietro Sandrioli. Once in Rab, after the delivery of the wooden altarpiece and the painting, Sandrioli was also required to gild the altarpiece. The entire task had to be completed by the following December. As soon as the work was completed, Sandrioli was to be paid the amount of 250 ducats and here it is mentioned that he had already received 360 lire. Apart from the described altar superstructure from Rab, the same mistro Pietro Sandrioli da Venecia indorador is mentioned in connection to the making of the former high altar in the Church of St. Dominic at Šibenik. This document of 13 June 1628 has been preserved in the records of the Šibenik notary Ante Vrančić which are also kept in the State Archive at Zadar. The document states that Lorenzo Corradis, a representative and intermediary on behalf of the confraternity of the Virgin of the Most Holy Rosary from the Church of St. Dominic, paid Pietro Sandrioli, the indorador of Venice, 376 lire which is also confirmed by a receipt issued for the services of carving and painting undertaken in Venice for the wooden high altar of the Virgin of the Most Holy Rosary.As confirmed by Pietro Sandrioli himself, only 180 of those 376 lire had been spent and he owed Lorenzo Corradis the amount of 196 lire. In other words, he owed him the amount which could be somewhat higher or lower than the stated sum but which would correspond to the amount of money that was actually spent. The next step was to see a Venetian notary who was to issue Corradis with a confirmation that the amount of 180 lire was spent to pay for the work of the master craftsman, and this would guarantee that the money was indeed spent. For this purpose, the indorador Pietro Sandrioli, in the company of the aforementioned witnesses, promised and committed to provide a trustworthy and original confirmation issued by a Venetian notary in which these master carvers and painters would state the exact cost of their work while under oath. Then, he would bring or send this confirmation from Venice by the end of the following January. In the event of Sandrioli’s failure to send or bring the confirmation by the end of the following January, he was to be replaced by another master indorador, Zuanne Voicovich, who would be responsible for the payment of the 196 lire in full. Although this document merely regulates some expenditures, it can still be used to establish that the work on the wooden high altar for the Church of St. Dominic at Šibenik was begun before 13 June 1628 when, it seems, it was still ongoing; that the majority of work was done in Venice, and that the indoradori Pietro Sandrioli and Zuanne Voicovich were involved in the production together with numerous unnamed master wood-carvers and painters. It may be concluded that Sandrioli and Voicovich were at that time in Šibenik together, and that they worked on the completion of the altar, decorating it with gilding. Since Pietro Sandrioli was mentioned in the Rab document of 1623 as a resident of Zadar, it can be suggested with a high degree of certainty that he worked for the commissioners who were based in the capital of Dalmatia and its environments. In Venice, the term indoradóri or doradóri denoted those craftsmen who used gold or silver foils to decorate various hand-made objects, most frequently those made of wood. The Indoradóri did not have a guild of their own but formed one of the branches of the confraternity of painters, a member ofwhich, between 1597 and 1610, was a certain Piero de Zen Sandrioli, probably the same master craftsman who worked on the wooden altarpieces at Rab and Šibenik. On the basis of the analysis of archival records and other examples of the production of carved and gilded wooden altars in seventeenth-century Venice and Dalmatia, it is concluded that the making of the wooden altar superstructure from Rab was a task shared by a number of master craftsmen who specialized in the various aspects of carpentry such as the marangoni, tornitori, figuristi, ornatisti and indoradori. Pietro Sandrioli, apart from being responsible for the tasks of an indorador, probably acted as an intermediary of sorts between them and the commissioners. After Pietro Salamone (Hvar, Zadar) and Jacopo Costantini (Trogir), Pietro Sandrioli is the third Venetian indorador to have worked for Dalmatian patrons in the late sixteenth and the early decades of the seventeenth century. Since the indorador Costantini also made the canvas painting of the Virgin and Child with St. Dominic and a donor for the wooden altar in the Dominican church at Trogir, it can be assumed that the indorador Sandrioli may have also been responsible for the painting of the now lost Virgin of the Most Holy Rosary with SS Dominic and Catherine of Siena, which was inset in the wooden altar superstructure of the main altar of the Church of St. Andrew.

The article examines the history of the emergence and dedication of the main dzuar (sacred place) of the Ossetian settlement. Modern tradition associates its foundation with the cholera epidemic of 1892 and gives two main versions of dedication – Huytsauy-dzuar (Huytsauy dzuar, ‘God’s dzuar’) and Irykauy-dzuar (Irykhæuy dzuar, ‘Dzuar of the Ossetian settlement’). Meanwhile, the emergence of this dzuar is associated with the return of the Alan (Ossetian) population to the Alan plain. In the 70-80s of the 18th century, near the medieval Alan settlement, Tagaur settlers founded the villages of Zaurovo and Dzaudzhikau. According to the existing tradition, they symbolically transferred with them the dzuar, which was especially revered in the places of residence they left behind, which was called Nog-dzuar (Nog dzuar, ‘New dzuar’) from the village of Dallag-Kani. The complex dedication of Nog-dzuar is associated with two images - Mad-Mayram and Rynybarduag. The special veneration of Mad-Mayram in Dallag-Kani arose in the 18th century, with the appearance here of the icon of the Mother of God, which later became known as the Mozdok icon. The second holy place was dedicated to the patron saint of infectious diseases Rynybarduag, the veneration of which was actualized in connection with the plague epidemic in the same 18th century. During the 19th - early 20th centuries, the residents of the Ossetian settlement retained the name Nog-dzuar. Over time, the image of Rynybarduag was forgotten, and the functions of protection from epidemics were transferred to Mad-Mayram. The Ossetian Church of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, built in 1814–1815, was also called Nog-dzuar by the citizens, which was in religious connection with this dzuar. During the Soviet period, the influx of new population and anti-religious state policy led to the gradual replacement of the complex dedication of Nog dzuar with the more universal Huytsauy-dzuar and Irykauy-dzuar, which became equally understandable to the significantly renewed population of the Ossetian Slobodka.

Many questions in the research of the Transcarpathia pictorial art remain not taken up and one of them is the uprise of the artists with academic education. In this work we present known and new facts of the life and work of Mykhailo Mankovych (1785–1853) – one of the first Transcarpathian artists who graduated from Vienna Academy of Arts. Among the researches that have promoted the artist's name we can mention those of S. Pap, O. Izvorin and H. Ostrovskyi. They hsve touched upon the artist's work analyzing the development of art in the region. Among recent researches it is important to mention the works of M. Syrokhman and L. Kupchynska. Mykhailo Mankovych was born into the family of Greek-Catholic priest in the village of Blažove and got education in Sabinov and Levoča (Slovakia). In 1800he entered the theological seminary in Uzhgorod, where on the exam bishop Andrii Bachynskyi noticed his talent having seen the sketch the student made of him. This happened in 1802 and, as the source tells, still in that year bishop sent seminarian to study at Vienna Academy of Arts and provided him witha stipend.However, according to the information from Vienna archive, Mykhailo Mankovych began his study in 1806. In the time of studying he got via Krakow to Lviv, where he was engaged in church painting for three years, and also visited Kyiv and Moscow under the guise of Basilian monk. After travels he returned to Vienna and became a cantor in St. Barbara church. According to the letter of Tomas Mankovych Mykhailo Mankovych returned to Šariš county in 1815 and got married with Maria Bachynska, a widow. Mentioned among his first works at the territory of historic Mukachevo eparchy is the St. Michael church iconostasis in the village of Turi Remety dated with 1809. His next known work was iconostasis of 1814 for the St. Michael church in the village of Čabalovce, Prešov region (Slovakia). After this he made painting for the iconostasis of the Dormition of the Blessed Virgin Mary church in the town of Rakhiv. The latin inscription on the back side of «Last Supper»says that Mykhailo Mankovych and his assistant Luka Mihalko completed painting in the church on the holiday of Sts. Peter and Paul in 1819 when Vasyl Mikloshi was a priest and Mykhailo Kovach was a cantor.In 1820 the artist was performing the wall painting and icon painting in the Dormition of the Blessed Virgin Mary church in Domanyntsi (now Uzhgorod) and this is fixed in the inscription on the back side of the iconostasis. For all later repaintings which have caused the changing of colours, the author's composition and drawing is mainly preserved. Especially well preserved is the painting of «Deesis»composition. The composition of «Dormition of the Blessed Virgin Mary»resemblesthe work in Rakhiv both by form and by peculiarities of apostles images. In 1824 the artist preformed painting for the iconostasis of St. Michael church in the town of Mizhhiria. The icons here are painted on a high professional level, the painting is organically combined with refined carving. In Mizhhiria Mykhailo Mankovych worked in cooperation with professional carver Vasyl Lendiel (Bazilius Lengyel) from the town of Hajdudorog (Hungary). In 1825 Mykhailo Mankovych was busy with iconostasis for St. Michael church in Neresnytsia, Tiachiv district. Unfortunately the wooden church together with iconostasis burnt down in 2003and we can speak about its painting onle in the past tense. The information about the church and iconostasis written on the reverse side of the «Last Supper»icon was fixed by M. Syrokhman. The inscription tells that the church was constructed in 1813,iconostasis was made by Petro Tomashko in 1822 and icons were painted by Mykhailo Mankovych and his assistant Olexandr Dukovskyi in 1825. In 1825 Mankovych painted icons for iconostasis of St. John the Baptist church in the village of Pastilky, Perechyn district. Both painting and carving Mykhailo Mankovych began his study in 1806. In the time of studying he got via Krakow to Lviv, where he was engaged in church painting for three years, and also visited Kyiv and Moscow under the guise of Basilian monk. After travels he returned to Vienna and became a cantor in St. Barbara church. According to the letter of Tomas Mankovych Mykhailo Mankovych returned to Šariš county in 1815 and got married with Maria Bachynska, a widow. Mentioned among his first works at the territory of historic Mukachevo eparchy is the St. Michael church iconostasis in the village of Turi Remety dated with 1809. His next known work was iconostasis of 1814 for the St. Michael church in the village of Čabalovce, Prešov region (Slovakia). After this he made painting for the iconostasis of the Dormition of the Blessed Virgin Mary church in the town of Rakhiv. The latin inscription on the back side of «Last Supper»says that Mykhailo Mankovych and his assistant Luka Mihalko completed painting in the church on the holiday of Sts. Peter and Paul in 1819 when Vasyl Mikloshi was a priest and Mykhailo Kovach was a cantor. In 1820 the artist was performing the wall painting and icon painting in the Dormition of the Blessed Virgin Mary church in Domanyntsi (now Uzhgorod) and this is fixed in the inscription on the back side of the iconostasis. For all later repaintings which have caused the changing of colours, the author's composition and drawing is mainly preserved. Especially well preserved is the painting of «Deesis»composition. The composition of «Dormition of the Blessed Virgin Mary»resembles the work in Rakhiv both by form and by peculiarities of apostles images. In 1824 the artist preformed painting for the iconostasis of St. Michael church in the town of Mizhhiria. The icons here are painted on a high professional level, the painting is organically combined with refined carving. In Mizhhiria Mykhailo Mankovych worked in cooperation with professional carver Vasyl Lendiel (Bazilius Lengyel) from the town of Hajdudorog (Hungary). In 1825 Mykhailo Mankovych was busy with iconostasis for St. Michael church in Neresnytsia, Tiachiv district. Unfortunately the wooden church together with iconostasis burnt down in 2003and we can speak about its painting onle in the past tense. The information about the church and iconostasis written on the reverse side of the «Last Supper»icon was fixed by M. Syrokhman. The inscription tells that the church was constructed in 1813,iconostasis was made by Petro Tomashko in 1822 and icons were painted by Mykhailo Mankovych and his assistant Olexandr Dukovskyi in 1825. In 1825 Mankovych painted icons for iconostasis of St. John the Baptist church in the village of Pastilky, Perechyn district. Both painting and carving of the iconostasis of five tiers impress with their perfect level and notable influence of Empir aesthetics. Here again the inscription at the reverse side of the «Last Supper»icon informs of the author Mykhailo Mankovych and his assistant Olexandr Dukovskyi. Five years later the painter works in the Sts. Kuzma and Damian church in the village of Fulanka, not far from Presov (Slovakia). It was in 1830 and 1931 he works in the village of Niagovo (Slovakia) painting icons for the iconostasis of Protection of the Blessed Virgin Mary church. Preserved from the old iconostasis are the icons of Holy Mother with Christ, Jesus Christ, St. Nicholasand St. Michael. The named works evoke special interest, their Renaissance and baroque painting served as pattern the artist's approach. Especially notable is the image of Holy Mother with Christ which resembles rather Lady-Madonna leaning upon a rectangular support with author's signature and date 1831 on it. Her headdress resembles turban which we can see at Raffaello'swork «Madonna della Sedia». Of special interest is the icon of Christ the Great Archbishop – at his opened book we see the inscription: «Mankovisc Pinxit 1831». His next work was iconostasis for St. Michael church in the village of Midianytsia, Irshava district in 1933, and in 1841 he performed a wall painting in St. Michael church in Turia Pasika, Perechyn district. Unfortunately here the wall painting was repainted and iconostasis was replaced with a new one similar to those produced by «Rejti and Benedek»firm. In 1842 Mankovych painted icons for St. Michael church in the village of Inovce (Slovakia). Perhaps it was due to the poverty of local community that he didn't use giliding here as it was usual for most of his works. Especially interesting is Pieta composition which is used as the altar icon. Icons for the iconostasis of the Holy Spirit church in the village of Kushnytsia, Irshava district madein 1847can be considered his last work. Mykhailo Mankovych died in 1853 in Uzhgorod and was burried there.

One of the most outstanding wandering singer-instrumentalists in the Western Ukrainian Polissya region was Andriyan Danylyuk (1929–2005), a native of the vil- lage of Hirnyky in the Volyn region. Equipped first with a reel tape recorder and later with a cassette recorder, he devoted significant effort to recording his repertoire, as well as collecting materials from his colleagues. In this capacity, he proved to be like a diligent and productive folklorist, whose primary professional goal was to compile and maintain a working collection of materials. As a result, his efforts left an invalu- able legacy of numerous audio recordings and a few handwritten notebooks. Andriyan Danylyuk himself was a remarkable wandering performer, distin- guished by his vocal skill and mastery of the harmonica. His personal collection com- prises 46 cassettes and 32 reels of various durations, primarily featuring religious and moralistic psalms, alongside occasional folk songs. Of these recordings, 212 pieces were performed by Danylyuk himself, while 44 were performed by other singers, including some prose genres. Particularly notable are his six meticulously filled note- books, created with the assistance of his wife and children. These notebooks contain predominantly devotional texts drawn from the Holy Scriptures, which he used as a 24 basis for crafting his repertoire, along with already composed psalms and prayers. The total number of works in these notebooks approaches 300. Danylyuk’s repertoire can be categorized into several genre groups, with a with an emphasis on religious and moralistic themes: (1) church psalms and songs – re- flecting biblical and devotional themes, including narratives about Jesus Christ, the Virgin Mary, saints, Christian virtues, and warnings about the Last Judgment and the afterlife; (2) christian carols (koliady) and New Year songs (shchedry); (3) folk ballads and songs – addressing themes such as family relationships, condemning im- moral actions, and reflecting on war; (4) prayers. At every level of his musical and poetic creativity, Danylyuk excelled. He ab- sorbed the repertoire of his predecessors, the traditional hurdy-gurdy players, while preserving many stylistic traits in his musical manner. His song plots are highly de- veloped and align with classical dramaturgical structures, with texts often spanning 40–80 stanzas. His singing and harmonica accompaniment are imbued with original qualities, marked by improvisation, rhythmic freedom, harmonic richness, and vir- tuoso interplay between the instrumental and vocal parts. Based on the information provided about Andriyan Danylyuk’s creative style, one can appreciate the value and uniqueness of his artistic legacy. His performances skillfully combined individual and regional traits, evident in the masterful composi- tion and nuanced interpretation of both traditional and innovative songs. Unfortu- nately, comparing him with other bearers of the same tradition is difficult, as evidence of such parallels is scarce today. For this reason, the name and work of this Polissyan harmonist deserve wider dissemination and recognition among scholars and enthusi- asts of Ukrainian folklore.

AbstractThe triptych which has hung above the main altar of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception at Maria-ter-Heide (Brasschaat, near Antwerp) since the nineteenth century unfolds a highly unusual iconographical programme. The representation on the central panel is a 'Holy Kinship' with Saint Anne; the left and right shutters show a 'Tree of Jesse', and the 'Kinship of Effra and Ismeria' respectively. This unusual combination of themes, and the coat of arms of the abbey at Tongerlo on the staff of the kneeling donor on the left shutter, enable us to identify the triptych from an old description, predating 1615, of the art treasures in the abbey at Tongerlo. As early as 1888 canon Van Spilbeek was able to demonstrate on the basis of two entries in the abbey's ledgers that the retable was made around 1513-1515. It was commissioned by the then abbot of Tongerlo, Antonius Tsgrooten. The painter's name appears on both bills of payment of 1513-1515. He was called Johannes, and he was married to Marie Hoesacker. His apparent lack of a surname might intimate that he was a foundling. Hitherto, the triptych in Maria-ter-Heide was the only known work by 'Johannes'. The author suggests that he also painted the monumental triptych with scenes from the lives of Christ and Mary which has been on loan to the museum at Àvila since 1971 from the Provincial Council. In 1968 Karel G. Boon attributed this work to an anonymous North-Netherlandish painter. According to Boon the same artist painted two wings with John the Baptist and Saint Agnes (Paris, private collection) and a 'Baptism of Christ' (Madrid, private collection). 'Johannes' could be the maker of these three works. What is more, the painter of the triptych in Maria-ter-Heide could be credited with two retable wings which have been in the Museo de Santa Cruz in Toledo since the 19608. Their subjects are 'Saint Andrew with Saint Francis' and 'Saint James with Saint Antony of Padua'; on the back of these panels is a 'Visitation'. Judging by the numerous figures he borrowed from Rogier van der Weyden, 'Johannes' seems to have been fascinated by the great Brussels master. His interest in Van der Weyden's art and the fact that he worked for the abbot of Tongerlo suggest that he was active in Brabant. The Dutch elements which Boon claimed to recognise on the Àvila triptych are quite inconspicuous, proving how dangerous it is to determine an artist's provenance solely on the basis of aesthetic impressions. The iconographic programme on the triptychs in Maria-ter-Heide and Avila and the retable wings in Toledo is highly unusual. This indicates that they were not made for the open market on the painter's own initiative, but were ordered specially. Perhaps 'Johannes' ability to convert such iconographic programmes into pictures was one of the reasons for his success a success which, in view of the presence of two of his works in Castile, assumes an international dimension.

In the Vita of despot Stefan Lazarevic, Belgrade is compared to Jerusalem The use of this topos is aimed at a social construction of meaning within the framework of historically determined cultural discourse, based on the premise that culture itself can be observed as a complex system of signs constantly open to redefinition. This implies that the approach to its more profound understanding must rely on a method based on reconceptualization of the problem of text and context. Therefore, the true object of investigation becomes the relation between text and society whose activities are themselves perceived as a sort of behavioral text, in which that relation functions as two homologous systems of signs. As a result, our attention is focused on activities which produce social and cultural phenomena and objects ? actually on the means by the use of which a world filled with meaning is created. Apart from texts, those means, as real as the text itself, belong to the instruments of creating sacred space or hierotopy, a phenomenon historically recognized as translatio Hierosolymi. Beyond any doubt, in the eyes of homo medievalis, the absolute paradigm of hierotopic activity is Constantinople the capital of the Empire and universal model through the emulation of which or through the appropriation of whose elements of identity (ranging from cults of saints to visual identity) throughout history, and in particular in the later middle ages (especially following the events of 1204), a growing number of other points in the Christian oikoumene gains the status of center as a God-chosen and God-protected place ? Arta, Trebizond and Nicea, Paris and Venice, Novgorod and Moscow, to name just the most prominent examples In investigating the case of Belgrade, attention is focused on the modes and vehicles of hierotopy which in the days of despot Stefan Lazarevic (1402-1427) were laid as the foundation of likening Belgrade and Jerusalem as the utmost example of sacral space and their relation to the universal prototype of translatio Hierosolymi realized in Constantinople. Although related to that of Trnovo (relics of Agia Paraskevi were translated from Bulgaria to Serbia and encomiastic rhetoric developed within the Trnovo literary school was adopted in the Serbian milieu through the engagement of Constantine the Philosopher from Kostenec as the author of the highly learned and sophisticated text of the despot's Vita), the program of Belgrade appears to have more universal pretensions. Its emulation of Constantinople as a means of sacralisation is corroborated by a considerable number of phenomena in its hierotopy: the dedication of the city to the Virgin, the presence of her miracle working icon of the Hodegetria type (possibly even relics related to Mary), visions of her intercession and protection in the skies above the city, but above all the presence of imperial relics of the highest rank namely those of the first Christian emperor, Constantine the Great, and the holy empress Theophano (wife of Leo VI the Wise, dynastic saint of the Macedonians). As for topography, in the text of the despot's Vita the entire city is referred to as eptalophos polls, a notable Constantinopolitan epithet, while the location of its metropolitan see with the church of the Dormition of the Virgin is, in accordance with its dedication, likened to the Valley of Kidron and Gethsemane. Thus, although it is not the first sacral focus of the Serbian medieval state, Belgrade, as opposed to its monastic predecessors in that role ? Chilandar, Studenica and Zica, is the first such center created on an urban matrix and with a program of hierotopy focusing not on national but rather universal cults, a locus envisaged as the point of salvation drawing all the nations of the oikoumene. Such a concept of Belgrade as the capital of the Serbian state in the days of despot Stefan Lazarevic is only one constituent part of a broader phenomenon of appropriating Constantinopolitan models as instruments in the process of sacralisation of the entire space of his state aimed at welcoming the eschatological reality expected to arrive with the year 7000. At the same time, this process was perceived as a political instrument, a true shield of divine protection against imminent Turkish threat. In the act of translating and mapping of sacred space, in asserting the occurrence and circulation of divine presence throughout the despot's land, other places, alongside Belgrade, also played an important role. Belgrade, politically certainly of utmost importance, together with its holy mountain located in its immediate vicinity, on Mt. Kosmaj, marks the northernmost point of that hallowed ground. Its southern perimeter is marked by Krusevac, Kalenic, Ljubostinja and other sacral focuses of so-called Morava Serbia while its ideal center so to speak, could be located in Manasija itself, despot Stefan's mausoleum or, in the words of Constantine the Philosopher, that other city which has the path towards celestial Jerusalem and is its likeness. .

AbstractWhen Aert de Gelder's painting (fig. i) was purchased for the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Bode wrote a note on it in the Amtliche Berichte aus den königlichen Kunstsammlungen 31 (1910) which, despite the brevity of the text, established the interpretation of the representation until now. Bode adopted the title by which the work is generally known, 'The Holy Family', without any reservations, but regarded the unconventional conception of the religious subject as genre-like and profane. He saw this incongruity as the consequence of De Gelder's extreme 'naturalism', which in his opinion was manifest in the types and costumes of Jews from the Orient, portrayed so faithfully that to Bode they resembled nothing so much as 'a family of Jewish immigrants from Poland' ... (refugees from the pogroms were evidently a common sight at that time). The characterisation of the figures is amazingly vivid, but struck Bode as almost comical. To him, oddly, De Gelder's drastic realism was coupled with a rendering based on Rembrandt's last, broad manner of painting but executed coquettishly ; too much an end in itself, it was this virtuoso method that divested the work of the serious mood appropriate to the subject. Bode's negative assessment of 1910 was surpassed by Plietzsch in 1960, but their repudiation of De Gelder's art has since been superseded by positive appraisals in publications of the past few decades. Unfortunately, though, their total misconception of the picture persists. It is still thought to be the profane conception of the religious subject, the conclusion being that the painter only chose his biblical scenes as an excuse to paint colourful pictures of orientals in stereotypical garments. Only in his old age is De Gelder credited with having painted biblical subjects - notably the Passion series - with inner conviction. This complex of speculations is built on the quicksand of carelessly observed figures: the putative Mary is an old woman with jewels in her ears, on her forehead and round her wrists; the alleged Joseph is very close to her, his hand on her shoulder - such intimacy is unthinkable for the Holy Family. The figure on the far right is taken for an unrecognizable subsidiary figure. What Bode confidently imputes to De Gelder as a profane interpretation is blatantly unhistorical fiction: every history painter always felt obliged to depict his subject recognizably and in keeping with the facts and circumstances, arbitrary personal departures from which would have branded him as ignorant and stupid. It is disconcerting and tragi-comical that a mistaken identification of the subject of one painting, resulting from downright carelessness in the observation of details, could go unnoticed and uncriticized for so long and, what is more, be the point of departure for purely speculative statements about De Gelder's alleged indifference to the biblical subjects he depicted. It goes without saying that this articulate figure composition of an aged couple with an infant, laughing for joy, presents familiar characters, and the account in the Old Testament (Genesis 17-21) corresponds with the elements of De Gelder's scene. The frequent mention of laughter - in seven passages- inspired the painter to depict Abraham and Sarah with their child Isaac, whose name means 'to laugh'. It is a scriptural representation, albeit not of a situation from an actual story. There was no precedent for this specific image - the fruit of personal familiarity and sympathy with the story in the Book of Genesis- which explains why it was unknown and hence hard to recognize. De Gelder's wholly personal interpretation of the story is also apparent in his invcntion : the contrast between the family's joy and the forlorn Ishmael at the far right. In fact, though, the supposedly profane work provides proof positive of the paintcr's personal religious persuasion, and it is not the only one of its kind in his oeuvre. Another picture of Sarah and Abraham (fig. 2), iconographically just as unique, dates from the same pcriod - according to Sumowski from the early 1680s. It shows the episode in which Sarah insists on the banishment of Ishmael and his mother as related in Genesis 21:10, but De Gelder depicts Sarah as a supplicant, pleading with Abraham, distressed by Ishmael's harsh behaviour towards little Isaac (not in Genesis, but in Paul's Epistle to the Galatians). Jan Victors' picture (fig. 3) 'The Feast in Celebration of Isaac's Weaning; Ishmael's Mockery of Isaac' (Genesis 21:8-9) shares three significant elements with De Gelder's Berlin painting. First the frequent laughter: Ishmael's is mocking, Isaac's triumphant and Hagar's barely concealed. Second, Isaac's important attribute, the fruit he is holding up. Third: here, too, Ishmael is dark-skinned ; as the son of an Egyptian this might be expected, but in the seventeenth century and in our part of the world only these two artists, to my knowledge, depicted him thus. The occurrence of these three unusual elements in both painters' works is evidence that De Gelder was familiar with Victors' picture. In Victors' (fig.4) and C.W.E. Dietrich's (fig.5) paintings 'The Banishment of Hagar and Ishmael' the apple(-like) fruit is seen again; these two artists and De Gelder evidently gave Isaac this attribute in order to distinguish him from Ishmael. In view of Rembrandt's etching B.33 (fig.6), we may assume that his aforementioned pupils learned this device from him. The argument that the father and son in Rembrandt's etching are Jacob and Benjamin, taken from a drawing of Jacob and his sons, offers no explanation for the somewhat provokingly triumphant expression with which the lad holds up the fruit; in connection with the paintings discussed here, the identification of this father and son as Abraham and Isaac would appear to be convincingly confirmed.

AbstractIn 1625 the Monastery of St. John's in Haarlem, which housed the local Order of the Knights of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (Hospitallers), was dissolved. The property, including a large collection of paintings, passed to the City of Haarlem, which claimed all the monasteries in the district of Haarlen as compensation for damage sustairted during the siege and rebellion against Spain. In the monastery's archives, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archives, memorial panels are menizoned fourteen times. Nine of thern occur in three inventories of 1573, one in a testament of 1574 and the rest in the Commander's accounts of 1572, 1573 and 1574. In the case of six of the thirteen items there is no description of the representation at all; one is simply said to depict a number of persons. Four of the six other items are Passion representations. Like The Last Judgment, such themes are in keeping with the functiort of a memorial panel. The description of one epitaph as 'in laudem artis musiccs' is not sufficiently clear to give an idea of the representation. More information is available as to the patrons or commemorated persons. All of them seem to have been members of the Order of St. John: four panels were memorials to commanders, three to ordinary hospitallers and one painting commemorated the founder of the monastery. All were priests. Nothing in the archives suggests that the church contained memorials to non-members of the order. This must nonetheless have been the case: a 'Liber- memoriarum' compiled in 1570 indicates that numerous memorial services were held for the laity, many of whom apparently chose St. John's as their last resting-place. It is thus highly likely that memorials for these worshippers were placed in the church. A 1572 inventory of St. John's Monastery makes no mention of memorial panels, probably because the contents of the church were not listed. After the monastery had been destroyed during the siege of Haarlem, three inventories were drawn up: one of the ruined monastery, one of the items - mainly paintings which were moved to Utrecht, and one of the property taken to the Sint Adriaansdoelen, the temporary home of the order after the destruction of the monastery. Only in these three inventories are epitaphs mentioned. The inventories of 1580 and 1606 were drawn up by order of the City, the claimant to the mortastery's propery. They make no mention of private possessions, not even those of the members of the Order. The 1625 inventory, drawn up after the death of the last inmate, only mentiorts the painting that was bought by the convent to be placed on the grave of its founder. Epitaphs which were not orderend by the convent were probably regarded as private property, and passed to the heirs prior to 1625. Exact dates cannot be ascertained. The author has identified two epitaphs and a painting coming from St. John's. It is not clear whether the small painting of Mary, her cousin Elizabeth and Commander Jan Willem Jansz. (1484-1514) (Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Weimar) is (part of) an epitaph or a devotional painting (ill. 2). The 1572 inventory mentions a picture of Jan Willem. It is not described, but the painting in Weimar is a likely candidate because of its small size (72 x 50). The 1573 inventory of the property in the Adriaansdoelen lists a wing of the epitaph of 'Heer Jan', but again, the representation is not described. The 17thcentury genealogist Opt Straeten van der Moelen described the four family coats of arms on the painting, but said nothing about the representation or where he saw it. It was possible to identify the Hospitaller in the Weimar work because of the armorial shield hanging on a tree behind the kneeling figure. The arms correspond with what Opt Straeten van der Moelen described as the arms of the Hospitaller's father, and with a wax impression of Jan Willem Jansz.'s arms (ill. 1) on a document of 1494, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archive. The date and painter of the picture are not known. In the series of portraits of the Commanders of St. John's Monastery in Haarlem (Frans Hals Museum) is a second portrait of Jan Willem. In this, the seventeenth portrait in the series (ill. 3), he is grey-haired, in contrast to the Weimar painting, in which he is depicted with black hair. Jan Willem Jansz. was born in about 1450. In 1484 he was elected Commander of the order, a function which he held until his death in 1514. The Bowes Museum, Durham, owns a triptych of an Entombment (ills. 4 and 5). On the middle panel is a kneeling Knight Hospitaller; on each of the side panels are four persons, arranged in pairs. One of them, on the right wing, is another member of the Order. Coats of arms can be seen on the prie-dieu's behind which three of the four couples kneel, and on the back of the panels (ill. 6). Comparison of these arms with the one on the seal of Philips van Hogesteyn, Commander of the Order frorn 1571 to 1574, suggests that this is his epitaph (ill. 7). The memorial panel is mentioned in the 1573 inventory of property in the Adriaansdoelen. In 1570, before becoming prior of the monastery, Philips had a 'Liber memoriarum' compiled which contained the names of his grandparents and parents. His grandmother came from the Van Arkel family, whose arms bore two opposing embattled bars. This coal of arms facilitated identification of the couples on the left wing. The grandparents are kneeling behind the last prie-dieu - the Van Arkel arms are on the heraldic left of the shield. In front of them are Philips van Hogesteyn's parents. It is harder to establish the identity of the people on the right wing, but the couple kneeling behind the prie-dieu are very likely Philips' brother and sister-in-law. The woman behind them could be his sister. The brother and sister are mentioned in his will, which he made in 1568. However, it is not clear who the Hospitaller on this panel is. It could be an unknown member of the family, but it is also possible that Philips van Hogesteyn was depicted in the triplych twice, first simply as a member of the family on one wing and again, later on in life, on the middle panel as the most important patron. Besides this painted epitaph, an elegy on Philips van Hogesteyn, written bij Cornelys Schonaeus, headmaster of the Latin school in Haarlem, has been preserved. This poem only mentions the effigy of the late Philips in front of the 'worthy reader' - not a word about his family. The 1572 inventory lists two separate portraits of Philips. It is not known where he was buried, nor has it been possible to establish whether his epitaph, with or without the elegy, or a portrait plus an elegy were ever placed on his grave. The painter is not mentioned by name anywhere either. Philips van Hogesteyn took holy orders in 1553. Assuming that he was 17 years old when he joined the Order of St. John, he would have entered the monastery in 1544. If this assumption is correct and he is portrayed twice on the triplych, it could have been painted any time from 1544 on. The reason for the commission must remain unanswered. In the Catharijneconvent Museum in Utrechl is a triptych with a Crucifixion. On the left wing is a kneeling man in a chasuble and stole, and on the right wing a Hospitaller (ill. 8). Today the outsides of the panels are empty. In the catalogue of an exhibition of North-Netherlandish painting and sculpture before 1575, held in 1913, however, the vestiges of the armorial shields -- four on each panel - are mentioned. Apparently this is an epitaph for a member of the Oem van Wijngaarden family, brought to Utrecht in 1573. The Hospitaller is Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden, who was living in St. John's Monastery in Haarlem at the beginning of the 16th century and died in 1518 person on the right-hand panel appears to be Dirk van Raaphorst -- also known as Dirk van Noordwijk. The Utrecht triptych is identified here as the Van Wijngaarden epitaph from St. John's Monastery despite the fact that the description of shield I on the right-hand panel does not point towards the Oem van Wijngaarden family. Thanks to the fourth shield on the same panel, still in fairly good condition in 1913, it was possible, by dint of invenstigating Tieleman's family, to establish him as the person portrayed on the right-hand panel (see Appendix II). Dirk van Raaphorst of Noordwijk was a canon of St. Pancras' Church in Leiden. He probably owed the name 'van Raaphorst of Noordwijk' to the fact that he was called after his maternal grandfather. For the same reason, the armorial shields on the back of the lefthand panel are not arranged in the usual manner but inverted, i being the mother's arms, II the father's (see also Appendix III). Dirk van Noordwijk was a nephew of Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden (see Appendix IV). He died in 1502. In 15 18 Tieleman was buried in the same grave in the church of St. John's Monastery. This memorial panel, too, prompts several questions. It is not clear why distant relatives, whose deaths moreover were sixteen years apart, were commemorated on the same panel. Neither the painter nor the dale of the triptych is known. However, perhaps the source of Tieleman's portrait can be established (fig.9). The features in this portrait bear a marked resemblance to those in the portrait of the Hospitaller on the Van Wijngaarden epitaph in Utrecht. Despite publications on individual North-Netherlandish memorial panels, no scholarly examination of the total number of known pieces has yet been initiated. The author is preparing such an examination, which may yield more insight into the customs pertaining to the corramemoration of the dead and the place accupied by memorial panels.

El pleito entre la cofradía de las Benditas Ánimas del Purgatorio de la iglesia de San Matías y Francisco Javier Martínez, zapatero, nos permite conocer los actos de devoción que tenían lugar ante la imagen callejera de la Virgen que había en la Tabernilla del Carmen, los cuales incluían la interpretación de la antífona&nbsp;<i>Salve regina</i>&nbsp;por la capilla de música de la colegiata del Salvador en veintiuna festividades marianas distribuidas a lo largo de todo el año. The lawsuit between the confraternity of the Blessed Souls of Purgatory of the church of San Matías and Francisco Javier Martínez, shoemaker, allows us to know the acts of devotion that took place before the street image of the Virgin that was in the Tabernilla del Carmen, the which included the interpretation of the antiphon&nbsp;<i>Salve regina</i>&nbsp;by the music chapel of the collegiate church of El Salvador in twenty-one Marian festivities distributed throughout the year.

En una reglamentación del maestro de ceremonias de la catedral de Sevilla, redactada en el primer cuarto del siglo XVII, encontramos las recomendaciones capitulares para evitar robos y actitudes indecorosas durante la Semana Santa, así como la manera y lugar por el que debían transitar las procesiones que atravesaban el recinto catedralicio. In a regulation of the master of ceremonies of the cathedral of Seville, written in the first quarter of the 17th century, we find the chapter's recommendations to avoid theft and indecorous attitudes during Holy Week, as well as the manner and place in which the processions passed through the cathedral enclosure.

La cofradía del Sagrado Descendimiento de Nuestro Señor y Quinta Angustia de María Santísima se constituye en 1500 en el convento del Carmen de Sevilla. En sus reglas, aprobadas el 5 de febrero de 1541, se da cuenta de la procesión de penitencia que, con un acompañamiento musical, efectuaban el Jueves Santo, en la cual hacían cinco estaciones: la iglesia de San Vicente, la colegiata del Salvador, la catedral, el convento dominico de San Pablo y el convento de mercedarios calzados de Nuestra Señora de la Merced. The Confraternity of the Sacred Descent of Our Lord and the Fifth Anguish of Mary Most Holy was founded in 1500 in the convent of El Carmen in Seville. Its rules, approved on 5 February 1541, describe the penitential procession which, with musical accompaniment, took place on Maundy Thursday, in which they made five stations: the church of San Vicente, the collegiate church of El Salvador, the cathedral, the Dominican convent of San Pablo and the convent of la Merced (Calced Mercedarians).

La cofradía de la Sagrada Pasión de Nuestro Redentor Jesucristo se estableció en el convento de la Merced en el segundo tercio del siglo XVI. Organizaba anualmente una serie de fiestas revestidas de especial solemnidad y hacía su estación de penitencia el Jueves Santo. The Confraternity of the Sacred Passion of Our Redeemer Jesus Christ was established in the convent of La Merced in the second third of the 16th century. Every year this brotherhood organised a series of festivities of special solemnity and made its penitential procession on Holy Thursday.

The article analyses the iconographic programme of the altars of St Trinity Church of the convent of former Bernardine nuns (Sisters of the Third Order of St Francis) in Kaunas until its closure in 1864 and reveals the expression of the spirituality of this order in the sacral art as far as the surviving few sources and heritage allow. In order to achieve the goal, the following objectives were established: (1) to reconstruct the old interior of the altar ensemble, (2) to reveal the most important peculiarities of the Bernardines’ spirituality, and (3) to highlight the logical connections between art and Bernardine spirituality in church art through the icono-theological approach. Scarce earliest sources indicate that the most venerated representation of the Virgin Mary and the relics of the True Cross were in the church in the first half of the seventeenth century, and the Feast of the Discovery and Exaltation of the Holy Cross was celebrated. These hints suggest that piety to the Crucifix and the Mother of God was prevalent at that time. The cult of the Crucifix is associated with the common origin of Franciscan religious devotion, which encourages following the example of St Francis by contemplating the suffering of Jesus Christ. Also, it is not difficult to infer that based on the name of the church, the high altar should have been dedicated to the Holy Trinity; therefore, there should have been appropriate piety practices. It is believed that the fraternity of the Holy Trinity was active from the time of the completion of the church. The main accents of iconography of the altars of the Bernardine Church in Kaunas were formed after the disasters in the mid-seventeenth century, the last fire in 1668. The Holy Trinity was the dominant accent of piety. A painting dated to the early eighteenth century that reflects the post-Tridentine recommendations for visual arts decorated the high altar of the same name. In the early eighteenth century, the exceptional piety to St Joseph also gains prominence: in 1703, the fraternity of St. Joseph was established and a separate altar was dedicated to this saint. The feasts of the Holy Trinity and St Joseph were celebrated. It is believed that the Bernardine nuns in Vilnius, who had settled in the city a little earlier, influenced the piety to the Holy Trinity. A highly developed and majestic iconography distinguished their high altar, visually emphasising the figure of the Crucifix. The exceptional piety of the Bernardine nuns of Krakow to St Joseph influenced the cult of this saint. The first Bernardine nuns came to Lithuania from Krakow and, without doubt, the Lithuanian nuns must have kept in touch with the nuns from Krakow. Devotion to the Virgin Mary and the Crucifix was further developed. Two altars in the church were dedicated to the Mother of God (Mary, Consoler of the Afflicted and Our Lady of Sorrows); also, there were altars of Jesus at the Pillar and the Crucifix. The relics of the True Cross preserved and venerated in the altar of the Crucifix are mentioned from the first half of the seventeenth century. The Feast of the Discovery and Exaltation of the Holy Cross was celebrated. The Bernardine nuns venerated the Franciscan saints and close followers and brothers of St Francis. This is confirmed by the altars of St Francis of Assisi (stigmatisation plot), St Clare, and St Anthony of Padua in the church. A closer study into the lives of the lesser-known saints who can be easily confused with other popular saints of the same name revealed a rich gallery of Franciscan saints, especially females, among them. Bernardine nuns had a separate altar and a feast dedicated to St Elizabeth of Hungary, the patron of the Third Order of St Francis and one of the most venerable followers of the example of St Francis’ life. In the context of other Bernardine monasteries in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Bernardine nuns in Kaunas stood out for their veneration of this saint. Bernardine nuns also distinguished St Rose of Viterbo, St Agnes of Assisi, and St Barbara, whose cult is associated with active devotion of the Lithuanian Bernardines to this saint. The iconography of the Bernardine Church was influenced by the Convent of St George the Martyr in Kaunas, whose church was naturally richer and whose iconographic programme covered a broader spectrum. Interestingly, it also contained images or sculptures of all the above-mentioned saints associated with the Franciscan Observants, including the female saints lesser known to other communities of believers, while individual altars were dedicated to St Rose from Viterbo and St Barbara. The ensemble of church altars, which had been gradually evolving from the seventeenth century, and the practices of piety hardly changed until the closure of the convent in 1864. It is unfortunate that due to the lack of sources, many assumptions and questions remain, and one can only hope that further research into the interior of the church will lead to more discoveries.

Gothic chapel of St Jacob (originally dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary) in Očura (Gorjani Sutinski near Radoboj in Hrvatsko Zagorje) underwent Baroque modifications in the mid-18th century (1752). Its degradation, initiated with damage during World War II, primarily impacted the wooden inventory, including altar sculptures that adorned its interior. Among the surviving remnants of the once luxurious Baroque furnishing, a group of seven statues with uniform design features, evidently associated with the extensive furnishing campaign shortly after the building’s renovation, deserves special attention. Only two years later (1754), an Apostolic visitator described the appearance of the remodelled and newly furnished chapel, crediting the local (Mihovljan) parish priest Ivan Kukuljević, later appointed a Zagreb canon (1755), for the entire project. In the last year of his ministry, the symbolic completion of Kukuljević’s efforts to adorn the Očura chapel was marked by the establishment of a branch of the prominent Confraternity of the Holy Rosary, as indicated by a report from the canonical visitation conducted three years later (1758). Unfortunately, records from the aforementioned canonical visitation (as well as later ones) do not provide a detailed description of the newly erected altars or the iconographic programme of their statues. These are known only from a series of historical photographs from the first half of the 20th century, related to the chapel’s devastation. Given the fragmentary preservation of the sculptural ensemble in Očura and its generally poor condition, previous publications could offer only brief stylistic and formal analyses. Nevertheless, the harmonized design of the sculptures’ bases, the roughly hewn and hollowed-out backgrounds, their proportions, and their basic typology suggest that they are part of the same programme. Additionally, the morphological features of the drapery, physiognomy, and anatomy lead to the assumption that they were all produced by the same sculpting workshop. Based on the described affinities with works from the oeuvre attributed to Joseph Straub, it seems possible to connect the Očura statues with his circle, which – in addition to the master’s assistant and successor Joseph Holzinger – included other, anonymous sculptors active in the area of Lower Styria and north-western Croatia.

La procesión de recibimiento de la bula de Cruzada era la primera de las procesiones generales que se celebraban en Sevilla cada año. Se pregonaba el día anterior con trompetas, atabales y ministriles. La procesión partía del convento de San Francisco, Casa Grande, para dirigirse a la catedral, en la que se predicaba el sermón de la cruzada. En ella se interpretaban canciones e himnos propios del tiempo litúrgico en que tenía lugar. The procession to receive the Bull of Crusade was the first of the general processions held in Seville each year. It was announced the day before with trumpets, drums and minstrels. The procession departed from the convent of San Francisco, Casa Grande, and made its way to the cathedral, where the crusade sermon was preached. Songs and hymns typical of the liturgical season in which it took place were performed.

Las reliquias de San Torcuato, procedentes del monasterio de San Salvador de Celanova (Orense), llegaron a la ermita de San Lázaro en Guadix (Granada) el 27 de febrero de 1593. Al día siguiente, en solemne procesión, se trasladaron a la catedral en un relicario que se había construido expresamente para ellas y allí se expusieron para su pública adoración. The relics of San Torcuato, coming from the monastery of San Salvador de Celanova (Orense), arrived at the church of San Lázaro in Guadix (Granada) on February 27, 1593. The next day, in solemn procession, they were transferred to the cathedral in a reliquary that had been built expressly for them and there they were displayed for their public worship.

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&amp;B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&amp;B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith &amp; Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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The Monastery of Panagia (Virgin) Chozoviotissa on the south of Amorgos sits on the side of a cliff overlooking the Aegean Sea, 2 km away from the Chora, the main settlement of the island. It operates as a male Monastery and officially celebrates the feast of the Entrance of the Virgin Mary to the Temple (Eisodia tis Theotokou in Greek) on November 21. The Monastery's name comes from the corruption of "Hozivitissa" or "Kozivitissa", which in turn is a corruption of the toponym "Hozeva" or "Koziva" in the Holy Land (present day Wadi Qilt, Jericho, Palestine), where important Orthodox Monasteries have existed since the early Christian period. According to local/oral tradition, the icon of Panagia Chozoviotissa arrived during the period of Iconoclasm by the sea at the bay of saint Anna, located near the place where the Monastery was built. The correlation of the oral tradition with the information provided by the Byzantine chroniclers, mainly Theophanes, historical events, as well as later written evidence handed down by manuscripts and the Patriarchal sigillia of the Monastery, allow to date the initial building core to the second half of the 9th century, so in the years that have followed the discovery of the icon of the Virgin. The emperor Alexios I Komnenos has restored the Monastery in 1088, which was also conferred the right of stauropegion, i.e. to be self‑governed and independent from local ecclesiastical hierarchy. During the Venetian occupation of the island (1296-1537) significant changes and expansions were made to the initial building. The Monastery continued to prosper during the Ottoman period (1537-1824). Throughout its long history it was granted lands on the islands of Crete, Leros, Naxos, Paros, Astypalaia, Ios as well as hermitages in Keros, Nikouria, and Grambussa. The complex which has eight floors is 40m long, while its width does not exceed 5m. The floors are connected by narrow stone staircases, built or carved into the rock. The labyrinthic interior of the structure is characterized by the many arches (byzantine, gothic etc.) and frames built by different materials. The cells of the monks, the refectory, the kitchen, the warehouses, the cisterns, the wells etc. were carved into the rock. In the small vaulted church (katholikon) of the Monastery can be found the two icons of the Virgin Chozoviotissa, and the chisel of the builder through which he was indicated the place where the Virgin wanted the Monastery to be constructed. Another important relic related to the history of the Monastery is the silver hexapterygon (ceremonial fan used in Eastern Christian worship) which has an inscription indicating that the Monastery was restored by emperor Alexios I Komnenos. The space behind the entrance of the Monastery currently houses an exhibition of relics and artefacts such as liturgical vessels, reliquaries, inscriptions, manuscripts, liturgical vestments, icons, wooden carvings and Early modern books.