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1

Wang, Chaohua. "OLD SAGE FOR NEW AGE? THE REVIVAL OF RELIGIOUS CONFUCIANISM IN CHINA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 269–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0602269w.

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In recent years, Confucianism has been once again identified as the essence of Chinese civilization and a religion that was central to the Chinese people throughout China’s long history. Scholars are appealing to the Communist Party to make Confucianism the State religion (guojiao). What are the political implications of the phenomena? Can these claims stand to intellectual scrutiny? Conducting a brief historical survey of religious Confucianism in Chinese politics, in addition to an analysis of shared principles essential to various Confucianist positions today, this paper argues that religious Confucianism presented by its contemporary promoters is a constructed myth originated mainly from the Qing times (1644- 1911). The supposed Confucian teaching does not carry religious meaningfulness associated to either individual existence or social life in contemporary China. It remains powerful primarily in connection to the State, or a collective nation (Zhonghua), vis-à-vis the world outside ethnic Han communities. Despite this - or precisely because of this - a revived religious Confucianism may have the greatest potential to become a political force in China in our globalizing age, more so than any other major world religions, even if others may have larger Chinese following than Confucianism.
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Yun, Eun Gee. "Administrative system and culture in East Asia, Europe and the USA: a transformation of the administrative system through the mutual mixture of cultures in Korea." International Review of Administrative Sciences 72, no. 4 (December 2006): 493–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852306070080.

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This article explains the network and relationship between culture and administrative system in East Asia, Europe and the USA. The cultures of individualism in the USA, social contract-oriented collectivism in Nordic countries and Confucianism in Korea have an important effect on the formation of the administrative system of pluralist government in the USA, societal corporatism in Nordic countries, and state corporatism in Korea, respectively. The development of the administrative system can be accomplished by the advancement of administrative culture regardless of state corporatism, societal corporatism or pluralism. A sound administrative structure entails the growth of sound administrative culture, which involves anti-corruption, solidarity, trust and accountability in the advanced liberal and corporate states. In the process of the development of administrative culture, contemporary Confucians express a unity between Confucianism and liberalism to show the principle of an admixture between different administrative cultures. Contemporary Confucianism offers ways of changing traditional administrative culture in Korea.
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Nguyen, Tho Ngoc, and Phong Thanh Nguyen. "Philosophical Transmission and Contestation." Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (May 20, 2020): 79–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.2.79-112.

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Southern Vietnam was reclaimed by the Vietnamese in the mid-seventeenth century. They first brought their folk Buddhism and various popular religions to new land; however, the bureaucratic system then forced the Chinese Han–Song dynasties’ institutionalized and politicalized Confucianism on the population. The arrival of the Chinese from overseas since the late seventeenth century marked the introduction of Qing Confucianism into Southern Vietnam, shaping the pro-Yangming studies among local literati. Many writers claim that Qing Confucianism had no impact on Vietnam. Obviously, however, these writers ignored the diversity of Vietnamese Confucianism in the new frontiers in the South. Qing Confucianism was truly absorbed into many aspects of life among the local gentry, popularizing the so-called pro-Yangming studies.The article aims to study the transmission, contestation, transformation, and manipulation of Qing Confucianism in Southern Vietnam by penetrating deeper into the life, career, mentality, merits, and influence of local Confucianists and reviving the legacies of practical learning in local scholarship. The research discovers that the practical learning of Qing Confucianism dominated the way of thinking and acting of local elites, affecting ideological, educational, cultural and socio-economic domains of local society. However, the domination of the classical Confucian orthodoxy and the lack of state-sponsored institutionalization in late feudal periods, as well as the later overwhelming imposition of Western civilization under French colonial rule, seriously challenged and downgraded the impacts of Qing Confucianism in Vietnam. Therefore, Yangming studies were once transmitted but had limited impact on Vietnam.
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4

Liang, Hong. "Gibt es eine konfuzianische Zivilität?" Evangelische Theologie 76, no. 5 (October 1, 2016): 378–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2016-0510.

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AbstractThe article discusses the concept of a Confucian religion, which Jiang Qing - one of today’s most famous and controversial Confucians - advances against the rapid growth of Christianity in China. More specifically, the article analyses the movement of Confucian Child Education, which has been initiated through the Yidan School in Beijing since 2000 and the Qufu Church Controversy from 2010. An analysis of those two cases allows us to understand Jiang Qing’s self-understanding of the competitive relationship between Confucianism and Christianity, and explains how he thinks Confucianism can turn from a state ideology into a civil society movement.
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Eko Putro, Moh Zaenal Abidin. "Confucian’s Revival and a Newly Established Confucian Institution in Purwokerto." Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion 6, no. 01 (July 30, 2021): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v6i01.1244.

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Two decades after the abolishment of the banning of Chinese cultural expression publicly in Indonesia’ Post-Reformasi, studies on the institutionalization of Indonesian Chinese including Confucians in Indonesia seem to have been very few if it compared with that of Indonesian Chinese’ freedom expression and state perceived Confucians in general. This paper portrays the revival of Confucians in Indonesia happened in Purwokerto City (Banyumas), Central Java of Indonesia, by looking at the establishment of a new Confucian organization, namely Perkumpulan Rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu Indonesia (Parakhin, or Association for Confucianism clerics in Indonesia). Based on a qualitative research, this paper explores the narration behind the establishment of Parakhin. The paper shows that the democratic society and democratic climate of Indonesia enable any society including Confucian to align with the freedom of expression albeit potentially violating the essential concept, that is loyalty and filial piety that are very salient in Confucianism.
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Hartati, Dewi. "Konfusianisme dalam Kebudayaan Cina Modern." Paradigma, Jurnal Kajian Budaya 2, no. 2 (February 15, 2016): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v2i2.25.

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<p>Confucianism aims to educate and emphasize for people to serve the state and society. To understand Confucianism is necessary to understand the book of Daxue 大学 (Great Teaching), which contains teachings on ethics, the ethics of family, society and state. Confucianism is not an ideology at the state level or national level but rather to a personal level. Confucianism, which emphasizes self-processing in a personal level is what can survive for so long and respected, and spread to all levels and persists in the modern world.</p>
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7

Sun, Lei. "THE RELATION BETWEEN CONFUCIANISM AND CHINESE POLITICS: HISTORY, ACTUALITY, AND FUTURE." Journal of Law and Religion 35, no. 1 (April 2020): 138–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2020.2.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the relation between Confucianism and Chinese politics in the history, actuality, and future. The focus is on the special relationship between Confucianism and Chinese politics. First, the author provides a brief historical reflection on the relationship between Confucianism and Chinese traditional politics and develops three dimensions for such an interpretation. Second, the author explains the need for a Confucian renaissance in contemporary Chinese politics. The article then turns to the contemporary controversy about Confucianism and Chinese politics in mainland China. Jiang Qing's conception of Confucianism as state religion is then juxtaposed with Chen Ming's articulation of Confucianism as civil religion. In conclusion, the author argues that Confucianism should serve as an ethical resource for the state constitution, as well as a resource for social governance and cultivation.
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8

이용주. "Questions on “Confucianism as State-religion”." YANG-MING STUDIES ll, no. 31 (April 2012): 341–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17088/tksyms.2012..31.011.

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9

Kaplan, Uri. "Protestant Confucianism: Kang Youwei’s Influence in Korea." Numen 67, no. 4 (June 4, 2020): 347–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341587.

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Abstract The impact of Kang Youwei’s Confucius-church movement has not been limited to China proper. Korean intellectuals in the early 20th century had been in contact with Kang and his students, set up affiliated institutions in their homeland, and authored creative manifestos on the reformation of Confucianism. This article surveys the reform proposals of four representative Korean Confucians and analyzes their support of, and negotiations with, Kang’s Confucius religion. It illustrates how some Korean reformers chose to adopt only Kang’s “state-protecting Confucianism” or join the movement in form but not in content, while others embraced his vision more fully, depicting their own perennial versions of the Great Unity, and developing original formats of Confucian religious practice. These proposals highlight the remarkable ways in which Protestantism served as a central model for the Confucian religious reforms of the early 20th century.
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10

Kelley, Liam C. ""Confucianism" in Vietnam: A State of the Field Essay." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 1, no. 1-2 (February 1, 2006): 314–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2006.1.1-2.314.

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This article reviews the scholarship on Confucianism in premodern Vietnam by the leading figures in the field in North America and Australia. By testing the findings of this scholarship against primary sources and similar work done on China, the author concludes that scholars have not acknowledged the full role that Confucianism played in Vietnam's past, and that key research remains to be done. The article concludes with suggestions for such research.
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11

Chen, Shihua, Yan Ye, Khalil Jebran, and Muhammad Ansar Majeed. "Confucianism culture and corporate cash holdings." International Journal of Emerging Markets 15, no. 6 (March 17, 2020): 1127–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoem-08-2019-0590.

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PurposeThis study examines how Confucianism, as an informal system, alleviates manager–shareholder conflicts and thus decreases managerial behavior of keeping higher levels of cash reserves. This study also investigates whether formal governance mechanisms (state ownership and institutional investors) moderate the relationship between Confucianism and cash holdings.Design/methodology/approachThis study opts a sample of Chinese listed firms over the period of 2004–2015. The geographical-proximity-based method was followed to measure Confucianism, which is the distance between a firm's registered address and the national Confucianism centers.FindingsThe results indicate that Confucianism adversely influences cash holdings. The authors’ findings illustrate that Confucian culture promotes ethical behavior, and therefore, firms in a strong Confucianism environment keep a lower level of cash reserves. The authors further document that the effect of Confucianism on cash holding is weaker for state-owned firms but stronger for firms with low institutional ownership.Practical implicationsThe findings provide implications for policymakers, academicians, and corporations. The results suggest that culture can reduce cash holdings. Especially, in emerging markets, such as China, where formal mechanisms are relatively less effective, informal institutions can serve an alternative system for alleviating adverse effects of agency conflicts.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the literature in two ways. First, this study contributes to cash holdings literature by showing that culture (Confucianism) is negatively associated with cash holdings. Second, this study extends the incumbent literature that seeks to explore how Confucian culture influences corporate behavior. To the best of the authors knowledge, this is the first study that identifies that Confucianism is associated with cash holdings.
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12

Muas, R. Tuty Nur Mutia Enoch. "KONFUSIANISME SEBAGAI SABUK PENGAMAN RRT." Paradigma: Jurnal Kajian Budaya 10, no. 2 (August 31, 2020): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v10i2.306.

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<p>The slogans propagated by Chinese leader Hu Jintao—namely “rise in peace”, “a harmonious socialist society”, and “a harmonious world”—reflects the country’s age-old Confucian values. Considering the fact that the PRC only recognizes communism as the state ideology and that Confucianism was subjected to harsh criticism during the Cultural Revolution era (1966–1976), the presence of Confucian values in PRC’s political propaganda becomes an interesting research topic. Both Confucianism and communism<br />put the state as the center of power and sovereignty. This research used the historicalchronological approach by examining the attitude of the PRC government towards Confucianism from 1980 to 2012. Results show that such a consistent philosophy has been successful in strengthening the government’s legitimacy. As it continues to rise, the PRC needs to adopt a robust philosophical basis such as Confucianism to serve as part of its soft power. Confucianism has been adjusted to the country’s current situations<br />and utilized so extensively for decades that it can be considered as PRC’s main vehicle for national development. This article examines and presents the historical role of Confucianism in PRC’s rise.</p>
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13

Shi Jinbo 史金波. "Buddhism and Confucianism in the Tangut State." Central Asiatic Journal 57 (2014): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/centasiaj.57.2014.0139.

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14

Bell, Daniel A. "Reconciling Confucianism and Nationalism." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 41, no. 1-2 (March 2, 2014): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0410102004.

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Confucianism has made a comeback in mainland China over the last two decades or so. Politically minded Confucian revivalists see Confucianism as the core of national identity that differs from ‘‘foreign’’ traditions such as liberalism and they argue for replacing Marxism with Confucianism as the core ideology of the one-party state. But is the ancient tradition of Confucianism compatible with the modern tradition of nationalism? And is it possible to defend a morally appealing form of ‘‘Confucian nationalism’’? This essay argues that both questions can be answered affirmatively.
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15

Augustine Owusu-Addo. "Visualising the historical development and belief system of confucianism." GSC Advanced Research and Reviews 11, no. 1 (April 30, 2022): 070–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/gscarr.2022.11.1.0080.

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The main aim of this paper is to visualize the historical development and the belief system of Confucianism. Confucianism is a term used in Western literature as the name for the philosophy and religion based on the teachings of its founder Confucius.). Confucius believed that political order can be restored if the ideals, standards, and rites found in the ancient classics were put into practice. This practice developed from an ethico-political system of a paternal government based on the doctrine of humaneness. Confucianism has also spread well beyond China, and its principles and values are highly honoured in East Asian countries such as Japan, Korea, and Vietnam (Morgan 2001). The adoption of Confucianism as the official state ideology made Confucian learning the only legitimate content of state education during the Han dynasty. Confucianism has sometimes been purely humanistic, void of any religious elements. While it is true that Confucius did not dwell much into the religious dimension, there is sufficient inferences in his writings that points to this dimension. The basic tenets of Confucianism are captured in the teachings of Confucius which deal with social and moral values. The texts of Confucianism are traditionally known as the “Four Books and Five Classics”. One common practice derived from of this religion is ancestral worship. This is probably the most recognisable influence of Confucius on Chinese culture. The last section of this review takes a comparative look at Confucianism and Christianity. It points out gaps and the bridges that’s between Christians and Confucianism and how interreligious dialogues and the preaching of the gospel relates to Confucian teachings.
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Amalia, Ariffah Isna. "Repositioning Culture in International Relations: Confucianism as Geopolitical Instrument." Transformasi Global 8, no. 2 (December 23, 2021): 120–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.008.02.3.

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Confucianism is a culture taken from the name of a thinker, namely Confucius, and is considered the basis of Confucian teachings. The primary view of Confucianism is to invite people to live an orderly, peaceful, and happy life replacing the rulers as one of the key factors in achieving country ideals. This study aims to identify and evaluate the chronology of Confucianism and its implications for China's geopolitical sustainability. The method used is qualitative with constructivist ideas to create a comprehensive thought allocation on the impact of Confucianism from the perspective of cultural superiority. The results obtained are that, over time, Confucianism has developed into a tool for the Chinese state to carry out geopolitical instruments to achieve geostrategy for expanding territorial boundaries. On the one hand, Confucianism can become a superior culture that places the people's fighting spirit. On the other hand, this flow can become a trigger for war when each region to be recruited for China's expansion has a culture and beliefs different from their own. Keywords: Confucianism, China, Geopolitics, Geostrategy
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Amalia, Ariffah Isna. "Repositioning Culture in International Relations: Confucianism as Geopolitical Instrument." Transformasi Global 8, no. 2 (December 22, 2021): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.2021.008.02.4.

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Confucianism is a culture taken from the name of a thinker, namely Confucius and is considered the basis of Confucian teachings. The basic view of Confucianism is to invite people to live an orderly, peaceful and happy life and placing the rulers as one of the key factors in achieving the ideals of the country. The aim of this study is to identify and evaluate the chronology of Confucianism and its implications for China's geopolitical sustainability. The method used is qualitative with constructivist ideas to create a comprehensive thought allocation on the impact of Confucianism from the perspective of cultural superiority. The results obtained are that, over time, Confucianism has developed into a tool for the Chinese state to carry out geopolitical instruments to achieve geostrategy for the expansion of territorial boundaries. On the one hand, Confucianism can become a superior culture that places the fighting spirit of the people. On the other hand, this flow can become a trigger for war when each region that is to be recruited for China's expansion has a culture and beliefs that are different from their own. Keywords: Confucianism, China, Geopolitics, Geostrategy.
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Sagikyzy, Ayazhan, and Galym Malik. "Confucianism and legalism about the phenomenon of power." Journal of Philosophy, Culture and Political Science 87, no. 2 (2024): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/jpcp.2024.v88-i2-03.

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This article examines the conceptual differences and similarities in the teachings of Confucius and Lao Tzu regarding the phenomenon of power. The research is based on the analysis of the primary sources: Confucius and Lao Tzu, in order to identify their philosophical views on the nature, function and principles of power in government. The key texts of Confucius and Lao Tzu are analyzed in detail, which allows a deeper understanding of their vision of power and governance. The purpose of the article is a comparative analysis of the doctrine of power in Confucianism and the philosophical justification of despotic power in the ancient Chinese epic-political doctrine «fa jia» (in the Western tradition it is called legalism). The study of the phenomenon of power in the philosophy of ancient China inevitably leads to the consideration of two key figures - Confucius and Lao Tzu. These thinkers offered different but complementary views on the nature of power and the governance of society. Power, according to Confucius, should be based on the moral qualities of the ruler. A wise leader serves as an example for his subjects, establishing stability and harmony. Confucius argued that the moral self-improvement of a leader is the basis for the legitimacy of his authority. The Legists argued that optimal control is achieved through minimal intervention. The ruler should allow natural processes to occur smoothly, avoiding excessive control and coercion. Softness and fluidity are more important than strength and rigidity. Both Confucians and legists alike considered the relationship of man, society and the state. They considered hierarchy to be the principle of this ratio. At its top is the state headed by the ruler, the middle is occupied by society, and at the bottom is a person. A person belongs to society, and both of them belong to the state. The state belongs to the ruler (monarch). Thus, both Confucians and Legists recognized the same form of government as the only correct ones. Both also saw the ideal of a state structure in an exemplary manner. However, the understanding of the methods by which this order is achieved is fundamentally different between Confucians and Legists.
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Kong, Shujuan. "Positive Discourse Analysis of Political Thought in The Analects From the Perspective of Metaphor." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 12, no. 11 (November 3, 2022): 2339–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1211.14.

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Against the query about hierarchical political system of Confucianism, this article tries to identify and analyze the political metaphors reflected in The Analects - the master piece of Confucianism based on Positive Discourse Analysis. We have the findings as follows. Basically, political metaphors in The Analects include STATE IS FAMILY, PATH, UP-DOWN, and ENTITY which construct a unified and coherent political system of Confucianism. In this political system, Confucius and his disciples intend to emphasize the leadership of virtuous and knowledgeable men and the co-construction of family and state, require people to strengthen personal moral cultivation, follow the social norms and do what they are required to do according to their social identities, and participate in the governance and development of the country actively. Based on positive discourse analysis, the positive meanings of Confucian political thought constructed by metaphors in The Analects are revealed.
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Finch, Andrew J. "‘In their madness they chase the wind’: The Catholic Church and the Afterlife in Late Chosŏn Korea." Studies in Church History 45 (2009): 336–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002618.

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Following its introduction to Korea in 1784, the Catholic Church grew and developed within a rich and varied religious milieu. An indigenous tradition of popular religion, characterized in part by shamanistic practices, existed alongside two imported traditions: Confucianism and Mahāyāna Buddhism. The latter had enjoyed state patronage in the Koryŏ period (918/935-1392) but, with the establishment of the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1911), it was supplanted by Chu-Hsi Neo-Confucianism (Chuja-hak). This became central to a policy of social reformation and was elevated to the position of state orthodoxy. Neo-Confucianism thereby became the dominant social, political and metaphysical system, and, during the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, its influence spread to all levels of Korean society. Buddhism was increasingly discriminated against, while popular religion was disparaged as superstitious and potentially subversive. Buddhist monks and nuns, together with shamans (mudang), were classed among thech’ŏnmin, the ‘base people’, the very bottom of society whose members included butchers as well as slaves.
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Canaris, Daniel. "Peace and Reason of State in the Confucius Sinarum philosophus (1687)." Theoria 66, no. 159 (July 1, 2019): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2019.6615906.

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A persistent feature in Jesuit reports about the late Ming and early Qing was the notion that an enduring peace and concord pervaded the Chinese political system. Although the Jesuits did not invent this association, which was rooted in Greco-Roman historiography, the Jesuit encyclopaedist Antonio Possevino (1533–1611) was the first to link the ‘perpetual peace’ (perpetua pax) and ‘supreme concord’ (summa concordia) of the Chinese state to the Confucian intellectual tradition. As the Jesuits’ missionary strategy developed under the tutelage of Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), ‘public peace’ (pax publica) and ‘the calm of the Republic’ (Republica quies) came to be perceived as the ultimate purpose of the Confucian precepts and one of the hinges on which the aims of Christianity, Confucianism and natural law can be reconciled. The supreme expression of the link between Confucianism and peace can be found in the Confucius Sinarum philosophus (1687), which presented for the first time an accessible translation of three of the four Confucian classics. Yet while retaining the view that pre-Qin Confucianism espoused peace as a central political aim, the Confucius Sinarum philosophus challenged the view that contemporary China could be regarded as a utopic actualization of Confucian peace. This paper will discuss this shift as an attempt to coopt the Chinese political experience as an argument against the pragmatic political philosophy known as ‘reason of state’, which was perceived by Jesuit thinkers as atheistic and immoral.
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Chu, Yun-Fen. "Confucianism as a Eurasian Driving Force: What Does It Really Mean for Women in China and Eurasian Space?" Eurasian Crossroads 2, no. 1 (December 10, 2020): 010410413. http://dx.doi.org/10.55269/eurcrossrd.2.010410413.

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Confucianism is persistently named one of the main Eurasian driving forces, cultural, legal, social and political. However, such definitions are usually given by male researchers that are often eager to ignore the real impact of Confucianism on women social roles and statuses in imperial China, modern China and in wider Eurasian space. In Confucian culture, although all rules and regulations are focused on the patrilineal, patriarchal, and patrilocal family system functioning to manage the state and the family, they promote the unequal gendered division of labor, social roles differentiated in a highly biased manner, and often unjust class hierarchy. In fact, Confucian norms strictly and rigidly regulate women’s roles, course of life and even destiny. Despite plethora of examples of women’s outstanding performances in the public sphere in China’s historical past, women are not regarded as social entities capable of occupying public tenures and positions within middle and late Confucianism. Even worse, several modern Confucian discourses degrade women to lowest social strata in the wide Eurasian space. In the paper, I examine what modern Confucianism – in additional to historical Confucianism – may really mean for a woman in Eurasia.
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Nguyễn, Tuấn-Cường, and Anh-Chưởng Bùi. "The Chinese script, Confucian script, and Nôm script: Some reflections on writing and politics in monarchical Vietnam." Journal of Chinese Writing Systems 4, no. 3 (September 2020): 146–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2513850220952175.

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“Confucian script” 儒字 (chữ Nho) has become a unique name used to refer to the “Chinese script” 漢字 (chữ Hán) in Vietnamese. The integration between Chinese script and Confucianism had progressed through monarchical centuries, motivated by Vietnam’s political tradition. Supported by rulers of the country, Chinese script overwhelmed the difference of languages, became the official writing system, and therefore held great influence on important activities of government such as administration, diplomacy, education, and employment. By looking carefully at how Vietnamese monarchs managed to manipulate the Chinese script, Nôm script, and Confucianism to serve their political purposes, we stress that it was Confucianism that served as the link tying the Chinese script with Vietnamese rulers. This link was so strong that the Chinese script remained the dominant form of writing even with the invention of the “Nôm script” 喃字 (chữ Nôm), which was a vernacular system developed to write the Vietnamese language. Furthermore, because Confucianism itself was the spiritual core of the Chinese monarchical structure, Vietnamese rulers learned from the Chinese model by way of the Chinese script when building their own independent state. Confucianism was viewed as the core of Chinese culture.
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Bi, Lijun, Xiangshu Fang, and Clare Bradford. "Parent, Child and State in Chinese Children’s Books." Papers: Explorations into Children's Literature 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/pecl2015vol23no1art1121.

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A marked characteristic of Chinese society is its alertness to hierarchical differences and its expectation of obedience to proper authority. From the Confucian point of view, tranquillity and happiness within society can only be achieved through xiao (filial piety), the principal value of Confucian morality. Filial piety is also central to the Confucian rationale for organising social order, revolving around conceptions of superior-inferior status in human relationships: children ought to obey parents, wives ought to obey husbands, and subjects ought to obey their emperor. The prevalence of such indoctrination in Chinese children’s books can be traced to the Confucian belief that children are able to reach their full potential sense of benevolence by imitating the proper behaviour of their elders and role models in books. Indeed, the political role of the moral training in books worked effectively following the adoption of Confucianism as the state doctrine around 100 BC, and helped to maintain dynastic reign for about two thousand years, until Western warships and guns shattered Chinese confidence in Confucianism in the late nineteenth century.
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Šarkutė, Ligita, and Jiabin Song. "Handling with Legitimacy Crisis of the Chinese Communist Party: How is the Promotion of Confucianism Related with the Labour Protest Levels?" Public Policy and Administration 23, no. 1 (March 20, 2024): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.53.1.34520.

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This article aims to shed light on the problem of Confucianism’s role in strengthening the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. After 40 years of economic reform, contemporary China is by and large functioning as a quasi-capitalist state, however, due to the lack of protection of the labour class, the conflicts between the workers and their employers have created a legitimacy crisis for China’s authoritarian regime and forced it to seek alternative means to strengthening its legitimacy apart from its orthodox communism ideology and the coercive measures. In this article, the researchers try to answer the abovementioned question by examining the correlation between the coverage of Confucianism (the frequency of messages related to Confucian ideas) in the Chinese Communist Party’s biggest state-owned newspaper People’s Daily and how Chinese people acknowledge the regime as rightful, which is expressed via Chinese labour protest levels. The vector autoregressive (VAR) modelling results revealed that in the period between 2011 and 2019, the Chinese Communist Party used Confucianism as one of the instruments to build and strengthen the regime’s legitimacy whereby it can pacify the dissatisfaction of the labour class. Further, considering that many authoritarian regimes shared a similar approach of using the dominant religion or culture to enhance their legitimacy during crises, the findings of this research could also open a new avenue for further comparative studies on these authoritarian regimes’ discrepancies using the same approach.
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Šarkutė, Ligita, and Jiabin Song. "Handling with Legitimacy Crisis of the Chinese Communist Party: How is the Promotion of Confucianism Related with the Labour Protest Levels?" Public Policy and Administration 23, no. 1 (July 5, 2024): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.23.1.34520.

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This article aims to shed light on the problem of Confucianism’s role in strengthening the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. After 40 years of economic reform, contemporary China is by and large functioning as a quasi-capitalist state, however, due to the lack of protection of the labour class, the conflicts between the workers and their employers have created a legitimacy crisis for China’s authoritarian regime and forced it to seek alternative means to strengthening its legitimacy apart from its orthodox communism ideology and the coercive measures. In this article, the researchers try to answer the abovementioned question by examining the correlation between the coverage of Confucianism (the frequency of messages related to Confucian ideas) in the Chinese Communist Party’s biggest state-owned newspaper People’s Daily and how Chinese people acknowledge the regime as rightful, which is expressed via Chinese labour protest levels. The vector autoregressive (VAR) modelling results revealed that in the period between 2011 and 2019, the Chinese Communist Party used Confucianism as one of the instruments to build and strengthen the regime’s legitimacy whereby it can pacify the dissatisfaction of the labour class. Further, considering that many authoritarian regimes shared a similar approach of using the dominant religion or culture to enhance their legitimacy during crises, the findings of this research could also open a new avenue for further comparative studies on these authoritarian regimes’ discrepancies using the same approach.
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KIM, SUNGMOON. "Public Reason Confucianism: A Construction." American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (February 2015): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000653.

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If perfectionism is understood as the state's non-neutral promotion of a valuable way of life, Confucian political theory, often pursued as a pluralist correction to global monism of liberal democracy, is ineluctably perfectionist. But how can Confucian perfectionism, committed to particular Confucian values, reconcile with the societal fact of value pluralismwithinthe putative Confucian polity? This article argues that a potential tension between Confucian perfectionism and value pluralism can be avoided by making Confucian perfectionist goods the core elements of public reason with which citizens can justify their arguments to one another and by which the state can justifiably exercise its public authority to reasonable citizens who otherwise subscribe to various comprehensive doctrines. By defining a mode of Confucian perfectionism working through Confucian public reason broadly shared by citizens aspublic reason Confucianism, this article attempts to balance the Confucian polity's internal societal pluralism and the people's collective self-determination.
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Awang, Azarudin, Wan Helmy Shahriman Wan Ahmad, and Ahmad Faizal Ramly. "Peranan Kuala Terengganu Sebagai Pusat Kegiatan Agama Komuniti Cina." ‘Abqari Journal 24, no. 1 (April 23, 2021): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/abqari.vol24no1.393.

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Kebanyakan komuniti Cina di negeri Terengganu tinggal di daerah Kuala Terengganu yang berfungsi sebagai ibu negeri, pusat pentadbiran, pusat perniagaan negeri dan pusat keagamaan mereka. Kajian ini bertujuan menjelaskan tentang peranan Kuala Terengganu sebagai pusat perkembangan agama-agama bagi komuniti Cina di negeri ini. Metodologi kajian ini dilakukan melalui kaedah temu bual ke atas lima orang pemimpin badan agama di negeri ini. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahawa kebanyakan komuniti Cina di negeri Terengganu berpegang kepada agama Buddha, Taoisme dan Confucianisme dan sebahagian daripada mereka memeluk agama Kristian dan Islam. Most of the Chinese community in Terengganu live in Kuala Terengganu area which serves as the capital, administrative, business and religious center of the state. This study aims to explain the role of Kuala Terengganu as a center for the development of religions for the Chinese community in this state. The methodology of this study is conducted through series of interview with 5 religious leaders. The result reveals that most of the Chinese communities in the state of Terengganu adhere to Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism while some of them embrace Christianity and Islam.
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Moiseeva, Oksana, and Olga Blinova. "Ancient Chinese Political and Legal Thought about Rewards and Punishments." Legal Linguistics, no. 24 (35) (July 1, 2022): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/leglin(2022)2405.

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The article discusses ancient Chinese political and legal thought. In the modern world, such political and legal teachings as Confucianism, Taoism and Legalism have gained wide spread and influence. They occupy a special place in the spiritual culture of China and the life of modern Chinese society. The PRC is at the stage of further modernization of Chinese society, which was initiated by the reforms of the 1970s. Traditional for China in any era of its development has been the appeal to the achievements of Chinese civilization. One of the problems considered by the representatives of ancient Chinese political and legal thought is the problem of state administration. Among the various methods of government, ancient Chinese thinkers singled out, first of all, rewards and punishments. Within the framework of the political and legal views of ancient China, there were several approaches to rewards and punishments. The Confucians opposed the administration of the state on the basis of laws containing severe punishments. They believed that government should be based not on punishments, but on rewards. Supporters of Taoism recognized the method of rewards and punishments in government, but treated it negatively. In Mohism, ideas are expressed about the need to combine violent methods of control with moral forms of influence on people. Legalists come to the unequivocal conclusion that punishments are the most effective method of governing society. The article concludes that the system of severe punishments developed by the Legalists underwent changes in the direction of mitigation and connection with the main postulates of Confucianism during the Han Empire. A system of severe punishments, coercion and violence, in a somewhat relaxed version, became the basis for the work of government bodies in subsequent centuries of Chinese history.
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C, Wang. "Reflections on “Political Ruismi ” in Modern China." Philosophy International Journal 5, no. 4 (October 10, 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.23880/phij-16000273.

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This paper reflects mainly on three ideas of “political Ruism” in modern China. We first review Mou Zongsan’s idea of “selfnegation of innate moral consciousness良知坎陷,” which embraces universal values and tries to bridge them with Chinese culture. We then re-examine Jiang Qing’s “political Confucianism,” which, while criticizing universal values, attempts to establish a political system based on the Kingly Way. Finally, we discuss the “Kang Youwei-ism康有为主义”, which calls on us to return to Kang Youwei’s idea of state construction and national construction. The three ideas offer some new perspectives into Confucianism, but all turn out unrealistic and unpragmatic. We believe that Confucianism in modern China can still work in both the private sphere and the public sphere, and examine politics from a human, cultural or moral perspective.
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Bezrodniy, Andrey. "THE ROLE OF CONFUCIANISM IN THE IDEOLOGICAL DOCTRINE OF MODERN CHINA." Bulletin of the National Technical University "KhPI". Series: Actual problems of Ukrainian society development, no. 1 (July 2, 2024): 6–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20998/2227-6890.2024.1.01.

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The article attempts to consider the complex and sometimes contradictory system of interaction that prevails in modern China between the Marxist ideology and the Confucian worldview, which is historically a priority for this state. The main tenets of Confucius’ teachings are presented: traditionalism, an internal system of moral and ethical values, and even a strict hierarchical system of social interactions. During the 20th and the first quarter of the 21st century, Confucianism and Marxism went through a complex and sometimes tragic system of relations. From the complete prohibition of Confucius during the period of acute socio-political reformation ("Movement for a new culture" and the "cultural revolution") to a relatively neutral attitude in the intermediate historical period. The current stage of development of the ideological model of Chinese society can be characterized as a creative symbiosis between Marxism and Confucianism.
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Li, Xiaoxuan. "The Role of Confucian Ethics in the Foreign Policy Directions of Modern China." Administrative Consulting, no. 5 (June 17, 2022): 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2022-5-132-140.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze the significance of the philosophical and ethical postulates of Confucianism for China’s modern foreign policy. To achieve this goal, the article required the use of theoretical research methods: analysis, synthesis, abstraction, as well as the formal logical method. The evolution of China’s foreign policy attitudes is studied from the standpoint of the historical method. The result was an analysis of the role and significance of the Confucian doctrine and, in particular, its ethical component, for the formation of China’s modern foreign policy doctrine. The example of the implementation of the policy of soft power shows the embodiment of the main ethical postulates of Confucianism in the foreign policy of the Chinese state under the leadership of Xi Jinping. The role of Confucius Institutes in the implementation of soft power policy is noted. The significance of the ethics of Confucianism for China’s modern international policy in terms of the country’s inclusive orientation towards harmonious and friendly coexistence with major partners on a global scale is revealed. It is concluded that a deep understanding of Confucian thought enriches the understanding of China’s modern foreign policy and, in particular, how the head of the Chinese state, Xi Jinping, is trying to appeal to a global audience.
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Lele, Amod. "State Hindutva and Singapore Confucianism as responses to the decline of the welfare state." Asian Studies Review 28, no. 3 (September 2004): 267–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1035782042000291097.

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Ashri, Zainul. "KONSEP KEADILAN SOSIAL DALAM KITAB SUCI: STUDI KOMPARATIF DALAM AGAMA ISLAM DAN KONGHUCU." Studia Sosia Religia 6, no. 1 (May 4, 2023): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51900/ssr.v6i1.18900.

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<em>Justice is something central, and to which society aspires greatly. Justice cannot be separated from the prevailing legal order. Society as implementers and observers of the legal order has benchmarks oriented to ethical values and morality that cause the legal order to be obeyed and even abandoned. In addition, social society is also governed by religious norms which are also the main reference in determining the good and bad of something. Each of the beliefs will teach its adherents to uphold the value of justice in life, both social life and state life. This paper tries to compare the concept of justice from Islam and Confucianism, therefore, this paper focuses on knowing what are the concepts of justice offered by Islam and Confucianism. With comparative literature study and analysis, as far as research on the concept of justice from Islam and Confucianism found several findings, including: Islam teaches the concepts of justice: trust, honesty and equality. Confucianism teaches the concepts: morality, honesty, love and public interest. At first glance, the concepts of justice offered by Islam and Confucianism almost all have something in common. But in addition, the striking difference from the concept offered by the two religions is related to the concept of amanah from Islam. This shows that Islam teaches everything based on science. Amanah in terms of language does mean trustworthy, but more deeply mandate requires a leader to have qualified knowledge. So that with his knowledge will give birth to love, honesty and equality.</em>
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Сhzen, Vira. "CONFUCIAN PRINCIPLES IN THE CHINESE HISTORY AND MODERNIZATION PROCESSES OF THE LAST QUARTER OF XX CENTURY." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 138–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-9.

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China’s new course has been targeted at operating the policy of “reforms and openness” since 1978. At the same time, the social-cultural, world-view and ethical categories inherent to Confucianism have been gradually implemented into China’s state ideology. This article deals with the evolution of categories which appeared in Ancient China and were incorporated into a distinct system within Confucianism and which have been currently co-opted into domestic and foreign policies of the Chinese state. The reasons of returning to the teaching which was formed in the epoch of Ancient China and which defined the ways of China’s development for millennia are analyzed in the article. Special attention is paid to eliciting of the modernization potential of the Confucian doctrine and its relevance under the modern conditions. The author comes to the conclusion that correspondence of the moral and ethical nucleus of Confucius’ teaching to the aims and tasks of the modern society allowed to rehabilitate this teaching at the present state of China’s development and to take it as the basis of social communication and state management.
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Yao, Dadui. "Cheng Yu’s Response to the Moral Crisis and the Modern Fate of Confucian China." Religions 14, no. 8 (July 25, 2023): 956. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14080956.

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Cheng Yu is a significant yet underexplored figure in modern Chinese history. His ideas on Confucianism were closely linked to three pivotal moments of crisis in modern Chinese history: The First Sino-Japanese War, the May Fourth Movement, and the Second Sino-Japanese War. The First Sino-Japanese War led to the Qing government’s Hundred Days Reform, initiated by Kang Youwei in 1898. When the Reform failed, Cheng, the secretary of Timothy Richard, assisted Kang in his escape and became Kang’s disciple. In 1906, he traveled to Japan to investigate the development of industries, manufacturing, and hospitals, but his primary interest lay in Japan’s educational model. Cheng believed that China’s education lacked moral advancement compared to Japan’s, and he deemed it necessary to promote practical learning and moral education. Following the May Fourth Movement in 1919, he vigorously advocated moral instruction and hoped the government would establish Confucianism as the state religion. He believed it was the only way the government could preserve the country’s culture and save China from imminent destruction. Cheng’s ideas of Confucianism were emblematic of his era. In 1938, he attempted to reform Confucianism and promote Confucian moral education in the school system by cultivating the Chinese people’s cultural confidence and national identity. Cheng’s solution to China’s moral crisis was a response to the challenging question of the modern fate of Confucian China.
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Neo, Peng Fu. "The Confucian Ethics Curriculum in Singapore." International Confucian Studies 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icos-2022-2013.

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Abstract In Singapore, the Confucian Ethics Curriculum was introduced between 1984 and 1992 as an elective subject of the moral education curriculum for secondary three and four students. The Singapore government put the Curriculum Development Institute of Singapore (“the Curriculum Development Institute of Singapore”, hereinafter referred to as “CDIS”) under the Ministry of Education in charge of developing a set of textbooks called Confucian Ethics and training teachers to teach them in schools. The textbooks were used in all secondary schools nationwide to fulfill the objective of teaching Confucianism. The attempt of systematic introduction of Confucianism to students as young as 15 or 16 years old through a formal curriculum in the public education system by the state is probably rare even in current Chinese societies, not to mention that the project was implemented nearly 40 years ago. The introduction of this curriculum in Singapore is of some significance for the preservation and promotion of Confucianism. This paper examines the Chinese textbooks of the curriculum in terms of background, objectives, systems, content, characteristics, and inspiration for future generations.
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Li, Zhuoyao. "Political Confucianism and Multivariate Democracy in East Asia." Review of Politics 81, no. 3 (2019): 459–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670519000238.

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AbstractSungmoon Kim's pragmatic Confucian democracy tries to provide a mediating position between the instrumental model and the intrinsic model of democracy. However, this model of Confucian democracy is problematic because it fails to justify the unique role Confucianism plays in accommodating democracy when it is one among many comprehensive doctrines in East Asia. To be truly pragmatic about democracy is to hold a pluralistic attitude toward how people will come to terms with it. This article aims to push the pragmatic tendency further and propose an alternative model of democracy that has a multivariate structure, a neutral state, and an active public role for Confucianism. This multivariate model represents a more promising future for democracy in East Asia.
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Bonch-Osmolovskaya, Olga A. "Confucian Exegetical Thought in the Southern Dynasties Period (420–589): Canonical Texts and Commentaries between Decline and Restoration." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 13, no. 3 (2021): 351–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2021.304.

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The article examines the main trends in Confucian exegetical thought during the Southern dynasties period. Confucian exegesis, as an original intellectual tradition, was in a state of crisis at that time and experienced significant influence both from the syncretic teaching xuanxue and Buddhism. This situation determined the particular popularity of some canonical texts and commentaries and the actual oblivion of others. Losing its monopoly in education, Confucianism often came down to providing ritual ceremonies at court. The article examines several aspects of this crisis state of southern Confucianism. It identifies and analyzes a new type of commentary that appeared in the exegesis of this period, and it explores the main intellectual tendencies in the Confucian exegesis of the Southern dynasties period and traces the reasons for their appearance. The author examines features of subcommentary-yishu, through which scholars realized new forms of intellectual activity. This commentary originated from Buddhist monks’ translation and teaching activities approximately in the mid-5th century AD. In the exegesis of the Southern dynasties, yishu provided a platform for relatively free philosophical discussion, often associated with the practice of lecturing. It is important that this practice in Confucianism and Buddhism of that time had many common features. The changes in the educational standard (the emergence of schools with a new structure) are traced as well as its influence on the position of Confucian commentary in the educational process (apparent instability of the set of authoritative commentaries).
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Lan, Pham Thi. "role of confucianism in sociopolitics of the Nguyen dynasty in the first half of the 19th century." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S4 (December 16, 2021): 2403–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns4.2003.

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The research focuses on how the Nguyen dynasty it became the first to have the largest territory in the history of Vietnam in its nearly 60 years of establishing and reigning over the unified country in the first half of the 19th century. It is seen that in terms of organizing the state apparatus, Gia Long and Minh Mang retained the system of agencies of the previous dynasties and continued reforms to ensure socio-political stability in their governance at that time. The study also clarifies the social role of Confucianism in the Nguyen dynasty, i.e. in the first half of the 19th century, which, in our opinion, is theoretically and practically significant, with the hope of further unraveling the role of Confucianism in that period.
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Nguyen, Tho Ngoc. "When the Sage Becomes a “God”." Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (May 20, 2020): 17–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.2.17-50.

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Southern Vietnam’s tradition has been mainly built on Confucian ideology, although it is a transformed one. There have been two types of Confucianism in the region: state-sponsored and mass Confucianism. During the period of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, under harsh colonial rule, a number of messianic religious movements emerged. The Minh Đức Nho giáo Đại đạo sect (MĐNGĐĐ, founded in 1932 in Trà Vinh province) is one such movement. The sect takes Confucian norms and values as its basic platform and further acculturates and transforms the philosophical values and rituals of Buddhism, Daoism, and Caodaism, as well as popular religions, to consolidate its settings.This article uses fieldwork––survey data and written documents––and applies historical particularism and acculturation theories, as well as the concepts of “standardization” and “de-standardization” by Watson (1985), to generalize the birth and features of MĐNGĐĐ in the local context. The study provides a comprehensive means to access the history of social thought in pre-modern Vietnam and possible principles of Confucian propagation and transformation in the country. The study finds that Confucianism may easily transform into a religious institution if the civilizing missions of local elites are missing.
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Goldman, Merle. "Politically-Engaged Intellectuals in the Deng-Jiang Era: A Changing Relationship with the Party-State." China Quarterly 145 (March 1996): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100004412x.

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During the regime of Mao Zedong (1949–76), a number of Western scholars described Chinas modern history as moving from one orthodoxy, the Confucianism of the Qing dynasty, to the Marxism–Leninism– Maoism of the Peoples Republic. The cultural and intellectual pluralism of the intervening years of die early decades of the 20th century, the May Fourth movement, and even the more limited pluralism during the weak Leninist state and watered–down Confucianism of the Kuomintang Republic (1928–49) looked like an interregnum between two orthodoxies.1 When Deng Xiaoping came to power in 1978 and established a milder form of authoritarianism than that of his predecessor, a number of Western scholars revised their views of 20th–century Chinese history. As Deng carried out economically pragmatic policies and relaxed controls over the intellectual community as well as over peoples personal lives and geographic regions, they pointed out that the 1949 divide of the Chinese Communist revolution was not as sharp and as singular a break in modern Chinese history as it had been presented. Rather, it should be seen as part of the ongoing effort to build a strong Chinese state and modern economy, inspired by nationalist pride, going on since the end of the Qing dynasty in 1911.
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Mang, Franz. "State perfectionism and the importance of Confucianism for East Asia's future development." Philosophical Forum 52, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phil.12277.

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Bao, Barack Lujia. "Confucianism and Philosophy of a Shared-Future Global Community in an Inter-civilisational World Order: Comparative Analysis of Their Relationships and Prospects." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 8 (August 30, 2021): 01–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.8.1.

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The Western-initiating international relations theoretical framework plays a fairly dominant role in analysing and initiating the prospects and scenarios of international order. However, with the peaceful rise of China, whose civlisation sustains almost 5000 years, China is playing a more proactive role in inter-civilisational international order; thus, in-depth explorations into Confucianism as the core element of Han Chinese Civilisation have been resurgent on the world stage, and it is indispensable for relevant scholars, intellectuals and strategists to closely evaluate unexploited implications and demystify the sustainability and intrinsic dynamism of Confucianism-themed Han Chinese Civilisation, and its implicit ties with a comparable philosophical concept of a global community of shared future. Through historical-studies approaches and comparative methodologies, the primary purpose of this paper seeks to crucially investigate a potential relationship between Confucianism and the philosophical concept of a global community of shared future ranging from the perspectives of historical origin, context, substance and so forth. It can be argued that the philosophical standpoint of a community of shared future for humankind bears historical significance and merits that Confucian thoughts somehow generate. This paper of research findings meanwhile predicts that China’s inter-civlisational international engagement as part of China’s soft-power strategy will proceed beyond classical state-based theoretic framework and the Confucian thoughts of the prevalence of public spirit and harmony without homogeneity will grow as an alternative guiding international norm in better services of rebuilding normative, inter-civilisational international order that a global community demands.
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Mujiburrahman, M. "State Policies on Religious Diversity in Indonesia." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 46, no. 1 (June 27, 2008): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2008.461.101-123.

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This article discusses how Indonesian state manages its religious diversity. The state policies on religious diversity cannot be understood without analyzing the history of how the founding fathers decided to choose Indonesia as neither secular nor Islamic country, but somewhere between the two. The author discusses three topics, namely the recognized religions, muslim's fear of christianization, and dialogue and inter-religious harmony. Based on the Decree No.1/1965, Confucianism was one of six religions recognized by the state. However, in the Soeharto era, around 1979, this religion was dropped from the list, and only after his fall Confucianism has been rehabilitated, and even the Chinese New Year has been included as one of the national holidays in Indonesia. In terms of muslim-christian relations, there were tensions since 1960s, particularly dealt with the issue of the high number of Muslims who converted to Christianity. It was in this situation that in 1967 a newly built Methodist Church in Meulaboh, Aceh, was closed by Muslims, arguing that the Church was a concrete example of the aggressiveness of Christian missions because it was built in a Muslim majority area. Since the Meulaboh case, the Muslims consistently insisted the government to accommodate their four demands: (1) restriction on establishing new places of worship; (2) restriction onreligious propagation, and control of foreign aid for religious institutions; (4) Islamic religion classes should be given to Muslim students studying in Christian schools; (5) inter-religious marriage should not be allowed. Apart from these contested issues, the government and religious leaders have been trying to avoid conflict and to establish cooperation and peace among religious groups in the country through inter-religious dialogues, either organized by the government or sponsored by the leaders of religious groups themselves. The author argues that specific socio-political contexts should be taken into consideration to understand state policies making concerning religious diversity. Hence, all debates and compromises achieved afterwards usually do not go beyond the neither secular nor Islamic compromise.
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Hahm, Chaibong, and Wooyeal Paik. "Legalistic Confucianism and Economic Development in East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 3 (December 2003): 461–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001600.

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One of the fascinating theoretical questions posed by the spread of industrialization and today's nation-state-building process is how these originally Western and quintessentially modern institutions come to take root in other civilizations. The question becomes even more intriguing when the process of adaptation is unusually swift and successful as in East Asia. In Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, the states and peoples had scant time to learn and absorb modern practices, norms, and concepts before undertaking, or being subjected to, countless reforms and revolutions in the name of “modernization.” How, or in what terms, did the people in this “great transformation” understand and interpret what they were doing? If the as-yet imperfectly understood concepts and values could not be appealed to, what resources—intellectual and ethico-moral—were at their disposal to use to motivate themselves and persuade others to undertake or endure such massive changes?
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Yang, Jie. "Virtuous power: Ethics, Confucianism, and Psychological self-help in China." Critique of Anthropology 37, no. 2 (March 1, 2017): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x17694943.

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This article examines a genre of psychological self-help in China that deploys Confucian ethics to address social, moral, and psychological distress. Within this genre, a branch of what is called “third force” self-help, which attempts to overcome an ambiguous “third state” between health and illness, advocates encourage individuals to cultivate a form of virtuous power that emanates from the heart, seen as the basis of cognition, virtue, and bodily sensation. The heart has the freedom to imagine and act but also constrains such freedom. It constitutes the moral core necessary for achieving equanimity, a state of equilibrium in which one is not shaken by external disturbances and spontaneous bodily reactions are regulated by high moral reflection. This third force self-help uses heart-based Confucian ethics not only to help individuals cope with socioeconomic changes, but also, I argue, to constrain direct opposition to the causes of those changes by translating structural inequalities into ethical and moral issues. I suggest that this virtuous power serves government interests. The emphasis on Confucian ethics humanizes market competition and biologizes individual and family responsibility for care, legitimizing both class stratification and the family as a provider of social welfare.
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Miharja, Deni, Setia Gumilar, Asep Sandi Ruswanda, and Moh Zaimil Alivin. "Tridharma Religion in Indonesia: Reading Hikmah Tridharma and Tjahaja Tri-Dharma Magazines during the 1970s-1980s." Religious: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama dan Lintas Budaya 6, no. 2 (August 26, 2022): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/rjsalb.v6i2.17395.

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In religious conversations, syncretism is often perceived negatively even though it is actually a healthy process. One form of syncretism that emerged in Indonesia is the religion of Tridharma which consists of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism. This paper discusses syncretism in the religion of Tridharma in Indonesia. Using a historical approach during the 1970s, this paper is a literature study of two magazines affiliated with the religion of Tridharma, namely the Hikmah Tridharma magazine and the Tjahaja Tri-Dharma magazine. This paper rethinks the concept of syncretism as a dirty word, or at least negative form, to one of neutrality. Considering religion as dynamic, syncretism in the religion of Tridharma or Sam Kauw has been a historical process since the Ming dynasty in Mainland China. The Hikmah Tridharma magazine and the Tjahaja Tri-Dharma magazine during the 1970s illustrate how syncretism in the body of Tridharma religion occurs not only between Buddism, Confucianism, and Daoism but also with Hinduism and group of theosophy. As one element of the dynamics of religious belief, the politics of recognition is important. In Indonesia, the state gave a different attitude to Chinese religions or all things Chinese-affiliated in general during the New Order era, and the era of transition to reform, Gus Dur. This then triggered contestation between Chinese religions themselves in Indonesia, especially between the religion of Tridharma and Confucianism.
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Kim, Joosil. "Secularization of Religious Education in Korea: State Confucianism, Missionary Schools, and Religious Freedom." International Journal of Religion and Spirituality in Society 3, no. 3 (2014): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2154-8633/cgp/v03i03/51066.

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50

Gamer, Robert E. "State and Society in China's Democratic Transition: Confucianism, Leninism, and Economic Development (review)." China Review International 12, no. 2 (2005): 436–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2006.0020.

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