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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Congress 2009'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Gathje, Todd. "THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT AND FEDERAL STEM CELL RESEARCH POLICY: A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF INFLUENCE AND ADVOCACY STRATEGIES IN CONGRESS (2001-2009)." VCU Scholars Compass, 2009. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1966.

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The Christian Right has been a major contributor to the policy process since the 1980s, helping shape the national agenda by illuminating a number of social issues and influencing elections with strong grassroots campaigns. For political scientists, Christian Right organizations provide a rich source of information for studying interest group activity, electioneering, and general political theory. In particular, their efforts to lobby various policy issues such as prayer in school, education, abortion, and traditional marriage, has caused them to become a distinct coalition of advocacy groups, and the focus of much research by many scholars. However, as we advance into the twenty-first century, new biotechnology-related issues have emerged that challenge Christian Right organizations and their values. The purpose of this dissertation was to investigate the involvement of the Christian Right between 2001 and the beginning of 2009 in legislative debates regarding stem cell research policy, and attempt to distinguish its effective and non-effective lobbying strategies, and the general perception of its influence. This study addressed three research questions. First, to what extent do Christian Right organizations participate in the legislative process regarding stem cell research? Second, what is the perceived influence of its lobbying activities on federal stem cell research legislation? Third, in what ways does the Christian Right engage in lobbying legislators on stem cell research legislation? Within these broad research questions, the following subsequent study objectives were pursued: 1) learn about the reasons for the Christian Right’s influence or lack of influence; 2) understand the goals of its advocacy efforts; 3) learn about its use of outside and inside lobbying strategies; 4) better understand the approach used by Christian Right organizations in lobbying legislators who were undecided about a particular stem cell research legislation; 5) learn about the kind of rhetoric it used; and 6) find out what, if any, forms of coalition building it engaged in as part of its advocacy efforts. In addition, this study examined why legislators voted against the majority of their political party when it came to stem cell research legislation. The epistemological approach for this study was qualitative. Data consisted of verbal responses to semi-structured questions during telephone interviews with representatives from Christian Right organizations, advocacy groups that support the expansion of stem cell research policy, former legislators, and current staff members. In addition to the in-depth interviews, data was also obtained through organizational and government documents. Finally, this dissertation analyzed the Christian Right and its participation in the development of stem cell research legislation through the lens of the advocacy coalition framework. In doing so, the study captures of the essence of the stem cell debate and the role of the Christian Right within it, and offers a new theoretical framework for examining the Christian Right.
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Bürger, Thomas. "Geld als Geschichtsquelle." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2009. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-ds-1244024062265-25774.

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Seit 20 Jahren verzeichnet Christian Edmond Dekesel (Gent/Belgien) in aller Welt numismatische Literatur des 16. bis 18. Jahrhunderts. Dass die SLUB und das Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Kunstsammlungen Dresden zusammen die beste europäische Büchersammlung des 18. Jahrhunderts besitzen, davon ist er überzeugt. Dies war auch ein Grund, warum die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) eine Tagung über „Numismatik und Geldgeschichte im Zeitalter der Aufklärung“ mit Teilnehmern aus acht Ländern gefördert hat (SLUB, 5. –9. Mai).
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Bojabotseha, Teboho Pankratius. "The use of language by the African National Congress in its 1999-2009 national election manifestos." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86198.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There is more to language than just its formal structural properties and, similarly, more to language function than just its communicative and naming function. Language does not exist independent of society. As a part of society, it is used in a diversity of functions: it influences thought processes, constitutes what people perceive as reality, and produces, reproduces and denies prejudices. It is in pursuit of its ideological function that language plays a significant role in the establishment and maintenance of systematically asymmetrical power relations. This study focuses on the role that language plays in efforts to position the African National Congress (ANC) as more fit to govern than other political parties in South Africa. Adopting a qualitative research strategy, the study provides an analysis of the discourse that is constructed in the ANC’s 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos. The analysis is presented within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and is performed in terms of linguistic devices, techniques and strategies such as genre and its sequential structure, pronouns, contrasting expressions, intertextuality, grounding and elision, statistics and numerical figures, and discourse. It is demonstrated that the three election manifestos are situated within a specific socio-economic and political context defined by poverty, unemployment and inequality, which are rooted in the South African history of colonialism and race-based capitalism. The texts draw from resources of the genre of manifesto and show common structural features. It is shown that ambiguous pronouns are used to build up affinities between the ANC and the reader/listener with respect to the achievements of the ANC-led government, what work still needs to be done, and to position the ANC’s vision as one that is generally shared by the people. Contrasting expressions are used to disparage the apartheid system and to extol the post-1994 democratic system. In all three texts the ANC is foregrounded as the organization which not only brought freedom to South Africa, but which in fact led the struggle for freedom and change. At the same time, there is an omission of other political organizations and the role they played in this struggle. It is also demonstrated that the three texts constituted by elements of other texts such as the Freedom Charter (1955), the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994) and the Constitution (1996) use statistics and figures to bestow the ANC with a systematic and scientific gravitas. Lastly, the three manifestos reflect a discourse of “complete” or “total” freedom, which is inclusive of the social, economic and political aspects of the reality of South Africans’ lives. It is argued that these linguistic devices, techniques and strategies are used in the 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos to position the ANC as more fit to govern South Africa than other political parties.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Taal behels meer as net formele strukturele eienskappe, en die funksies van taal behels eweneens meer as net benaming en kommunikasie. Taal bestaan nie onafhanklik van die gemeenskap nie. As ’n deel van die gemeenskap, word taal in ’n verskeidenheid funksies gebruik: dit beïnvloed denkprosesse, bepaal wat mense beskou as die werklikheid, en dien om vooroordele te skep, te verhoog en te ontken. Dit is in die uitoefening van sy ideologiese funksie dat taal ’n beduidende rol speel in die vestiging en handhawing van sistematies asimmetriese magsverhoudings. Hierdie studie fokus op die rol wat taal speel in pogings om die African National Congress (ANC) te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye in Suid-Afrika. Met ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingstrategie as uitgangspunt, bied die studie ’n analise van die diskoers wat gekonstrueer word in die ANC se onderskeie manifeste vir die 1999, 2004 en 2009 nasionale verkiesings. Die analise word aangebied binne die raamwerk van Kritiese Diskoersanalise (“Critical Discourse Analysis”) en word uitgevoer in terme van taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë soos genre and sy sekwensiële struktuur, voornaamwoorde, teenstellende uitdrukkings, intertekstualiteit, opstelling en weglating (“grounding and elision”), statistieke en getalle, en diskoers. Daar word aangetoon dat die drie verkiesingsmanifeste ingebed is in ’n spesifieke sosio-ekonomiese en politieke konteks van armoede, werkloosheid en ongelykheid, wat gegrond is in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis van kolonialisme en rasgebaseerde kapitalisme. Die tekste benut die middele van die manifes-genre en vertoon gemeenskaplike strukturele kenmerke. Daar word aangetoon hoe dubbelsinnige voornaam-woorde gebruik word om ’n affiniteit tussen die ANC en die leser/hoorder tot stand te bring ten opsigte van die ANC-regering se prestasies, die werk wat nog gedoen moet word, en ook om die ANC se visie voor te hou as een wat algemeen deur die mense gedeel word. Teenstellende uitdrukkings word gebruik om die apartheidstelsel te verdoem en die post-1994 demokratiese stelsel op te hemel. In al drie tekste word die ANC vooropgestel as die organisasie wat nie net vryheid na Suid-Afrika gebring het nie, maar wat in feite die stryd om vryheid en verandering gelei het. Terselfdertyd word geen melding gemaak van ander politieke organisasies en die rol wat hulle in dié stryd gespeel het nie. Daar word ook aangetoon dat die drie tekste wat verskeie elemente insluit van ander tekste soos die Freedom Charter (1955), die Heropbou- en Ontwikkelingsprogram (“Reconstruction and Development Programme”, 1994) en die Grondwet (1996) gebruik maak van statistieke en getalle om die ANC te bedeel met ’n sistematiese en wetenskaplike gravitas. Die drie manifeste vertoon, laastens, ’n diskoers van “totale” of “volledige” vryheid, wat die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke aspekte van die werklikheid van Suid-Afrikaners se lewens omvat Daar word geargumenteer dat dié taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë in die 1999, 2004 en 2009 verkiesingsmanifeste gebruik word om die ANC te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye.
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Wiermann, Barbara. "Musikbibliothekare tagen in Dresden." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2009. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-ds-1243950249346-72085.

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In Zeiten schnellen Wandels sind fachlicher Erfahrungsaustausch und stetige Fortbildung für die Personalentwicklung in Bibliotheken von essentieller Bedeutung. Als zentrales Forum im Bibliothekswesen dient der jährliche stattfindende Deutsche Bibliothekartag mit Vorträgen, Podiumsdiskussionen und Firmenausstellungen (siehe S. 104). Anforderungen spezieller Bibliothekstypen werden zudem im Rahmen kleinerer Fachtagungen aufgegriffen, die in der Regel durch entsprechende Berufsverbände oder Arbeitsgemeinschaften organisiert werden. Sie existieren zum Beispiel für Kunst- und Museumsbibliotheken, medizinische Einrichtungen oder Gefangenenbüchereien.
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Hermann, Konstantin. "Bibliotheksdirektoren im Nationalsozialismus." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2010. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-33118.

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Vom 7. bis 9. Dezember 2009 fand in Weimar die Tagung „Wissenschaftliche Bibliothekare in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Handlungsspielräume, Kontinuitäten, Deutungsmuster“ statt, die der Wolfenbütteler Arbeitskreis für Buchgeschichte initiierte. Die Konferenz zielte auf die Denk- und Handlungsmuster der leitenden Bibliothekare, vom Mitläufer bis zum Opponenten, ab und stellte die Frage, wie der Berufsstand sich anpasste und nach 1945 entwickelte. Dabei wurden auch die Unterschiede in der Entwicklung in Ost- und Westdeutschland nach dem Krieg thematisiert.
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6

Pease, García Henry. "Para un balance del Congreso de la República 2001-2006." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2005. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/47198.

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7

Cuevas, Rodrigo. "Los congresos de Chile y Argentina ante la crisis del gas, 2004-2009." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2012. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/110828.

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La presente tesis aborda la Crisis del Gas entre Chile y Argentina, y el papel que desempeñaron en ella, como actores internos en política exterior los Congresos de Chile y Argentina durante el período 2004 y 2009. Se toma como fecha de término el 2009 por la entrada en funcionamiento de la planta de Gas Natural Licuado (GNL) de Quintero, que marca el inicio del abastecimiento de gas natural desde una fuente alternativa a Argentina. En la presente tesis se busca analizar los efectos que se produjeron en la relación bilateral debido a una crisis de este tipo1y el rol desempeñado por los Congresos de los respectivos países, a partir de su condición de actores de política interna que participan en la definición que hacen de la política exterior los respectivos poderes ejecutivos de sus respectivos países 1 A modo de ejemplo en ese sentido fue el que vivieron países de la Unión Europea a fines de 2005 con la interrupción parcial del suministro de gas natural ruso hacia Europa, aunque fue un efecto colateral de una disputa entre Rusia y Ucrania. Al respecto, ver WESTPHAL, Kirsten. “Energy Policy between Multilateral Governance and Geopolitics: Whither Europe? Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft, 4/2006, S.44-63. [En línea] < http://www.fes.de> [Último acceso, enero de 2012] La pregunta de investigación que motiva a esta investigación es la siguiente: ¿Qué protagonismo tuvieron los Congresos de Chile y Argentina durante la Crisis del Gas? A partir de la pregunta de investigación, la hipótesis es la siguiente: Durante la denominada Crisis del Gas, que ha sido el episodio de mayor gravedad en las relaciones chileno-argentinas desde 1990, los Congresos de ambos países contribuyeron a no agravar este conflicto. A modo operacional, se define como variable independiente el desarrollo de la Crisis del Gas, mientras que como variable dependiente, protagonismo que adquieren los Congresos de Chile y Argentina en el trascurso de esta crisis. Como objetivo general, la presente tesis se plantea analizar la Crisis del Gas y el impacto que ésta tuvo en la relación chileno-argentina y en cómo ésta es abordada en función de dos actores de 6 política interna que son partícipes en la definición de la política exterior de sus respectivos gobiernos. En función de este objetivo general, se establece como objetivos específicos describir el inicio y desarrollo de la Crisis del Gas y explicar su impacto en la relación chileno-argentina por un lado y, por otro, describir la importancia que tuvieron los Congresos de Chile y Argentina durante la Crisis del Gas. El enfoque que adopta este estudio es de tipo descriptivo, utilizando como método de trabajo lo que se enmarca como un estudio del desarrollo del caso, en el sentido interpretado interpreta Bartolini2, pues si bien se realiza un análisis de caso (La Crisis del Gas), éste involucra aspectos de naturaleza comparativa3, que consisten en contrastar aspectos del funcionamiento de sistemas políticos similares4. Más específicamente, la presente investigación acota el objeto de estudio a un aspecto de este sistema político5, como son los Congresos de ambos países. Se utilizarán como herramientas de investigación el uso de fuentes primarias y la revisión y análisis bibliográficos.
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Toro, Polo Luis Miguel, Elías Reneé Pereyra, Vía Ayar Nizama, Sueng Luis Fernando Ng, Segovia Eduardo Vélez, Rodas Edén Galán, and Percy Mayta-Tristan. "Publicación de los trabajos presentados a los congresos científicos de estudiantes de medicina, Perú 2002-2009: características y factores asociados." Instituto Nacional de Salud (INS), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/314318.

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LMTP, PMT, RPE, ANV participaron en la concepción y diseño del estudio. EGR y PMT recopilaron los libros de resúmenes. LMTP, RPE, ANV, LFNS y EVS recopilaron los datos; PMT realizó el control de calidad y el análisis de datos. LMTP, RPE y PMT redactaron el manuscrito; ANV, EGR, EVS, LFNS aportaron críticamente al manuscrito. Todos los autores aprobaron la versión final del trabajo.
Objetivos. Determinar la proporción de publicación de los resúmenes presentados a los congresos científicos nacionales de estudiantes de medicina de Perú entre los años 2002 y 2009 y sus factores asociados. Materiales y métodos. Se realizó una cohorte retrospectiva, se evaluó las características de todos los resúmenes presentados y se determinó si habían sido publicados en revistas científicas utilizando una estrategia de búsqueda validada con Google Académico. Se calculó los riesgos relativos (RR), crudos y ajustados mediante la regresión de Poisson con varianza robusta para evaluar asociación con los factores analizados. Resultados. Se analizó 532 resúmenes; 52 (9,8%) fueron publicados en revistas científicas luego de su participación en el congreso; en todos los casos fue en revistas peruanas y en español. La principal revista donde se publicaron fue (CIMEL) (13/52). La mediana del tiempo de publicación fue de 13 meses (rango: 0-75). El que un alumno de la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (RR: 5,18; IC95%:2,3-11,6) sea autor del resumen y que el resumen sea de autoría colaborativa entre alumnos de dos universidades (RR: 3,64; IC95%:1,1-11,7) son factores asociados en el análisis multivariado. Conclusiones. La proporción de publicación de resúmenes presentados a los congresos científicos nacionales de estudiantes de medicina de Perú es baja. Se deben implementar nuevas medidas y reforzar las existentes para incentivar una mayor publicación de los trabajos presentados.
Objectives. To determine the publication rate of abstracts submitted at the national scientific meetings of medical students in Peru between 2002 and 2009, and associated factors. Materials and methods. A retrospective cohort was performed; the characteristics of overall abstract submitted were assessed. In addition, whether they were published in scientific journals was determined by way of a search strategy validated using Google Scholar. Crude and adjusted relative risks (RR) were calculated using Poisson regression with robust variance to assess association with the analyzed factors. Results. 532 abstracts were analyzed, 52 (9.8%) of which were published in scientific journals after their presentation at a scientific meeting. All of them were published in Peruvian journals written in Spanish. The most important journal in which they were published was Ciencia e Investigación Médica Estudiantil Latinoamericana (CIMEL) (13/52). The median of publication time was 13 months (range: 0-75). The fact that a student from the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (RR: 5.18; CI95%:2.3-11.6) is the author of the abstract and that the abstract was collaboratively written by students from two universities (RR: 3.64; CI95%:1.1-11.7) are associated factors in the multivariate analysis. Conclusions. The publication rate of abstract submitted at national scientific meetings of medical students in Peru is low. New strategies should be taken, and the existing ones should be reinforced in order to increase the publication rate of the abstract submitted.
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Gonçalves, Israel Aparecido. "A repercussão pública da participação do Brasil na Minustah (2004-2011)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2012. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/1000.

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The object of this work is to analyze the public impact of Brazil's participation in the MINUSTAH - United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti. To understand the public impact we have studied three fields: academe, Congress and the written press in Brazil. The methodology of this study was guided by intensive reading of essays and papers about the Brazilian participation in MINUSTAH and analysis of primary sources, such as laws and official documents. The results show there is a positive public image of the Brazilian participation in MINUSTAH, even with some critical periods.
O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar qual é a repercussão pública da participação do Brasil na Minustah - Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti. Para entender como se realizou essa repercussão pública são estudados três campos: o acadêmico, o Congresso Nacional e a Imprensa escrita brasileira. A metodologia deste trabalho pautou-se pela análise de conteúdo e de fontes primárias, como leis e documentos oficiais. Os resultados da pesquisa demonstram que a imagem pública da missão sofreu várias críticas ao longo destes setes anos, mas o que prevaleceu foi uma visão institucional, ligada ao governo brasileiro.
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Farias, Rosa Sulaine Silva. "Planejamento e gestão participativo em Belém-PA : o congresso da cidade (2001-2004)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/7215.

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Esta dissertação estuda a experiência do Congresso da Cidade, promovida pela prefeitura de Belém-Pa durante o período de 2001-2004: um modelo de planejamento municipal caracterizado pela participação da população na discussão e elaboração de políticas e projetos de desenvolvimento para a cidade. O objetivo do estudo é verificar de que forma a experiência do Congresso da Cidade de Belém se apresenta como um novo processo de planejamento e representa uma ruptura com a cultura tradicional-tecnocrática do planejamento no Brasil. O estudo conclui positivamente que a experiência vem contribuindo para a formação de uma nova cultura de planejamento no país.
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Alva, Martínez Susan Carol. "La gestión de prensa en el Congreso de la República. Difusión de la labor parlamentaria (2008 -2009)." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/5264.

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Muestra el trabajo de los comunicadores en la gestión de prensa y el papel de los medios de comunicación en la labor parlamentaria, mediante la sistematización de un caso: la experiencia desarrollada en la coordinación de prensa en la Comisión de Descentralización, Regionalización, Gobiernos Locales y Modernización del Estado del Congreso de la República y el despacho de la congresista Rosa Florián Cedrón, en el periodo 2008 – 2009.
Trabajo de suficiencia profesional
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ALEXANDRE, CRISTINA VIEIRA MACHADO. "BRAZILIAN CONGRESS AND FOREIGN POLICY (1985-2005)." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2006. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=9572@1.

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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
O trabalho visa a compreender o papel do Poder Legislativo na política externa brasileira, entre 1985 e 2005, especialmente com relação ao seu poder de aprovação de tratados internacionais. Ao refletirmos sobre esse tema, nos defrontamos, inevitavelmente, com o senso comum de que a atuação do Legislativo brasileiro em política externa se reduziria a mera chancela automática dos atos internacionais, negociados com ampla e total discricionariedade pelo Executivo. Essa visão da participação do Congresso brasileiro foi desenvolvida a partir da constatação de sua diminuta competência institucional formal na matéria - aprovação ex post de acordos ou tratados internacionais - , frente ao amplo poder de formulação da política externa detido pelo Executivo. Em que pese a desigualdade das duas atribuições, o papel do Legislativo brasileiro ainda merece uma análise mais séria, pois, a partir desta pequena atribuição direta e formal, os parlamentares podem buscar aumentar sua influência sobre o processo decisório de política externa.
The work seeks to understand the role of Brazilian Congress in foreign policy, between 1985 and 2005, specially with regards to its attributions in the treaty-making process. As we reflect about this theme, we face inevitably the common sense idea which suggests us that Brazilian legislative branch action concerning foreign policy would be simply reduced to the automatic approval of international acts, negotiated by the Executive with ample and total discretionarity. This perception was developed from the formal institutional diminished competence of Brazilian Congress on the subject, based on the ex post approval of international agreements, in the face of the Executive power in defining foreign policy. Despite the inequality between the two attributions, the role of the legislative branch still needs to be analysed more seriously. Therefore, this direct and formal little attribution would make possible for the members of Congress to increase their influence over the decision- making process of Brazilian foreign policy.
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Clifford, Matthew Philip. "Congress and the Financial Services Industry, 1989-2008." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/54611.

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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 136-138).
This thesis explores the congressional politics of the financial services industry in the United States between 1989 and 2008. Three approaches are pursued. First, I provide a detailed account of the major legislation concerning the industry during this period, with particular reference to interest group competition between commercial banks, securities firms and insurance companies and to the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act in 1999. I suggest that intraindustry conflict was instrumental in delaying Glass-Steagall's repeal until 1999, but that these eventually faded away in response to events outside the Congressional sphere and gave way to a period of intra-industry cooperation in the years after 1999 because the repeal of Glass-Steagall effectively aligned the interests of industry sub-sectors. Second, I present statistical evidence that suggest that these changes are reflected in the contribution strategies of PACs aligned with the financial services industry. Before the repeal of Glass-Steagall, competing groups within the industry valued certain individual legislator characteristics (above all, various committee memberships) at quite different levels. However, after 1999, the contribution strategies of the industry sub-sectors converge in patterns consistent with the reduction of interest group competition. Third, I present the results of statistical models that provide further evidence that the repeal of Glass-Steagall represents a turning point with respect to intra-industry competition. I show that after 1999 competing interest groups began to coordinate their contributions to members of committees with jurisdiction over financial services legislation; before the repeal of Glass-Steagall, there is no evidence of this. Taken together, these three approaches suggest that the regulatory environment shapes not only the business practices of corporations, but also the ways they attempt to influence public policy.
by Matthew Philip Clifford.
S.M.
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Souza, Daniely Gomes Vieira de. "Um olhar sobre o discurso do I Congresso Nacional de Educação Física, Saúde e Cultura Corporal – I CNEF (2006/2007)." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2013. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/12863.

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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar os discursos que compuseram o processo de instituição do Congresso Nacional de Educação Física, Saúde e Cultura Corporal – CNEF, no período de 2006 a 2007. A introdução justifica e descreve o motivo que impulsionou esta pesquisa, contextualizando e problematizando sobre o tema. O primeiro capítulo ressalta o percurso cronológico dos eventos científicos na área da Educação Física, buscando desenhar o cenário dos eventos no país. O segundo capítulo apresenta de forma detalhada a história do CNEF, desde a sua idealização, perpassando pela elaboração do projeto inicial, a formação do grupo, os entraves políticos e todos os procedimentos que culminaram em sua realização. O terceiro capítulo aborda sobre a história do conhecimento científico e sua origem e seus desdobramentos, suas concepções filosóficas, destacando os principais autores que contribuíram expressivamente para a formação desses conceitos. O quarto capítulo proporciona a trajetória metodológica da pesquisa, retrata o nascer das fontes, o itinerário dos encontros, descrevendo o roteiro da análise do discurso e definindo o rumo da conversa. O quinto capítulo faz as considerações finais da pesquisa relatando as contribuições e esboçando novos caminhos a serem percorridos.
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15

Araujo, André Leite [UNESP]. "Deliberação de atos internacionais pelo Congresso Nacional brasileiro: a tramitação do ingresso da Venezuela no Mercosul entre 2007 e 2009." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/153454.

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A presente pesquisa analisa a posição do Congresso Nacional brasileiro no processo decisório de política externa, verificando que o Legislativo busca ter maior participação nesse tema, como forma de redistribuir os poderes no nível doméstico. Nesse sentido, o eixo central da argumentação é de que, em contexto de globalização e de aproximação das esferas internacional e doméstica, a principal variável que estimula esse posicionamento é os interesses dos atores políticos na arena nacional, isto é, a relação partidária entre governo e oposição e entre Executivo e Legislativo. Sendo assim, a dissertação desenvolve um estudo de caso sobre o comportamento dos parlamentares e partidos na deliberação do Protocolo de Adesão da República Bolivariana da Venezuela ao Mercosul, entre 2007 e 2009. Analisando a tramitação em 4 comissões e 2 plenários, da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal, utiliza-se como fontes primárias os votos, os discursos e os trâmites parlamentares. Como explicações complementares, a ideologia política e a relação da Unidade da Federação com a Venezuela servem para compreender as exceções ao padrão. Portanto, o posicionamento do Legislativo em política internacional é entendido dentro do jogo político doméstico com o Executivo. Assim, a apreciação de atos internacionais é uma das oportunidades para que o Congresso opine sobre e controle as ações de política externa, além de ser um espaço de barganha frente ao Executivo, reivindicando suas funções nas relações exteriores brasileiras.
This research analyses the Brazilian National Congress position in the foreign policy decision-making process, verifying that the Legislative aims to participate more in this issue, as a way to redistribute the powers in domestic level. In this sense, the central axis of the argumentation is that, in a context of globalisation and closeness of international and domestic spheres, the main variable that stimulates this position is the interests of political actors in the national arena, i.e., the partisan relationship between government and opposition and between the Executive and the Legislative. Therefore, the dissertation develops a case study about the parliamentarians and parties behaviour in the deliberation of the Protocol of Adhesion of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to Mercosur, from 2007 to 2009. Analysing the proceeding in 4 committees and 2 chambers, in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Federal Senate, parliamentarian votes, speeches and proceedings are used as primary sources. As complementary explanations, political ideology and the relation of the Federative Units with Venezuela serve to understand the exceptions to the pattern. Therefore, the Legislative positioning in international policy is understood within the domestic political game with the Executive. So, the appreciation of international acts is one of the opportunities for the Congress opine about and control the actions of foreign policy, besides being a space of bargaining with the Executive, claiming its functions in the Brazilian foreign affairs.
La presente investigación analiza la posición del Congreso Nacional brasileño en el processo decisorio de política exterior, verificando que el Legislativo busca tener más participación em ese tema, como una manera de redistribuir los poderes en nivel doméstico. En ese sentido, el eje central de la argumentación es de que, en un contexto de globalización y de acercamiento de las esferas internacional y doméstica, la principal variable que impulsa esse posicionamiento es los intereses de los actores políticos en la arena nacional, es decir, la relación partidaria entre oficialismo y oposición y entre Ejecutivo y Legislativo. Así, la disertación desarrolla un estudio de caso sobre el comportamiento de los parlamentarios y partidos en la deliberación del Protocolo de Adhesión de la República Bolivariana al Mercosur, entre 2007 y 2009. Analizando la tramitación en 4 comisiones y 2 plenos, de la Cámara de Diputados y del Senado Federal, se utiliza como fuentes primarias los votos, los discursos y los trámites parlamentarios. Como explicaciones complementarias, la ideologia política y la relación de la Unidad Federativa con Venezuela sirven para comprender las excepciones al patrón. Por lo tanto, el posicionamiento del Legislativo en política internacional es entendido dentro del juego político doméstico con el Ejecutivo. Así, la apreciación de los actos internacionales es una de las oportunidades para que el Congreso opine sobre y controle las acciones de política exterior, más allá de ser un espacio de negociación ante el Ejecutivo, reivindicando sus funciones en las relaciones exteriores brasileñas.
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16

Araujo, André Leite. "Deliberação de atos internacionais pelo Congresso Nacional brasileiro : a tramitação do ingresso da Venezuela no Mercosul entre 2007 e 2009 /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/153454.

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Orientadora: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano
Banca: Dawisson Elvécio Belém Lopes
Banca: Camilo López Burian
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A presente pesquisa analisa a posição do Congresso Nacional brasileiro no processo decisório de política externa, verificando que o Legislativo busca ter maior participação nesse tema, como forma de redistribuir os poderes no nível doméstico. Nesse sentido, o eixo central da argumentação é de que, em contexto de globalização e de aproximação das esferas internacional e doméstica, a principal variável que estimula esse posicionamento é os interesses dos atores políticos na arena nacional, isto é, a relação partidária entre governo e oposição e entre Executivo e Legislativo. Sendo assim, a dissertação desenvolve um estudo de caso sobre o comportamento dos parlamentares e partidos na deliberação do Protocolo de Adesão da República Bolivariana da Venezuela ao Mercosul, entre 2007 e 2009. Analisando a tramitação em 4 comissões e 2 plenários, da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal, utiliza-se como fontes primárias os votos, os discursos e os trâmites parlamentares. Como explicações complementares, a ideologia política e a relação da Unidade da Federação com a Venezuela servem para compreender as exceções ao padrão. Portanto, o posicionamento do Legislativo em política internacional é entendido dentro do jogo político doméstico com o Executivo. Assim, a apreciação de atos internacionais é uma das oportunidades para que o Congresso opine sobre e controle as ações de política externa, além de ser um espaço de barganha frente ao Executivo, reivindicando suas funções nas relações e... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This research analyses the Brazilian National Congress position in the foreign policy decision-making process, verifying that the Legislative aims to participate more in this issue, as a way to redistribute the powers in domestic level. In this sense, the central axis of the argumentation is that, in a context of globalisation and closeness of international and domestic spheres, the main variable that stimulates this position is the interests of political actors in the national arena, i.e., the partisan relationship between government and opposition and between the Executive and the Legislative. Therefore, the dissertation develops a case study about the parliamentarians and parties behaviour in the deliberation of the Protocol of Adhesion of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to Mercosur, from 2007 to 2009. Analysing the proceeding in 4 committees and 2 chambers, in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Federal Senate, parliamentarian votes, speeches and proceedings are used as primary sources. As complementary explanations, political ideology and the relation of the Federative Units with Venezuela serve to understand the exceptions to the pattern. Therefore, the Legislative positioning in international policy is understood within the domestic political game with the Executive. So, the appreciation of international acts is one of the opportunities for the Congress opine about and control the actions of foreign policy, besides being a space of bargaining with the Executive, cl... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumen: La presente investigación analiza la posición del Congreso Nacional brasileño en el processo decisorio de política exterior, verificando que el Legislativo busca tener más participación em ese tema, como una manera de redistribuir los poderes en nivel doméstico. En ese sentido, el eje central de la argumentación es de que, en un contexto de globalización y de acercamiento de las esferas internacional y doméstica, la principal variable que impulsa esse posicionamiento es los intereses de los actores políticos en la arena nacional, es decir, la relación partidaria entre oficialismo y oposición y entre Ejecutivo y Legislativo. Así, la disertación desarrolla un estudio de caso sobre el comportamiento de los parlamentarios y partidos en la deliberación del Protocolo de Adhesión de la República Bolivariana al Mercosur, entre 2007 y 2009. Analizando la tramitación en 4 comisiones y 2 plenos, de la Cámara de Diputados y del Senado Federal, se utiliza como fuentes primarias los votos, los discursos y los trámites parlamentarios. Como explicaciones complementarias, la ideologia política y la relación de la Unidad Federativa con Venezuela sirven para comprender las excepciones al patrón. Por lo tanto, el posicionamiento del Legislativo en política internacional es entendido dentro del juego político doméstico con el Ejecutivo. Así, la apreciación de los actos internacionales es una de las oportunidades para que el Congreso opine sobre y controle las acciones de política exterior, más al... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
Mestre
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17

Silva, Daniel Marcelino da. "Sobre dinheiro e eleições : um estudo dos gastos de campanha para o Congresso Nacional em 2002 e 2006." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2010. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/6669.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Centro de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação sobre as Américas, 2010.
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Qual é o impacto dos gastos de campanha nas eleições para a Câmara e Senado no Brasil? O efeito do dinheiro nas eleições, há muito tempo, tem atraído a atenção de estudiosos interessados em descobrir seu impacto no sucesso eleitoral e também nas decisões dos representantes no Congresso. Muitos trabalhos sustentam que os gastos e as doações de campanha produzem sérias distorções nos processos eleitorais; outros ressaltam a importância do financiamento de campanhas como mecanismo que amplia a democracia, permitindo, até mesmo, maior intervenção da sociedade nas instituições de representação por meio do apoio financeiro aos candidatos e partidos. Para além desse debate, poucos estudos exploram, de forma comparada, os efeitos dos gastos de campanha entre os distritos eleitorais. Esta dissertação é dedicada a esta tarefa. A análise aqui apresentada percorre as contas de campanha dos candidatos ao Congresso Nacional de 2002 e 2006, identificando que impacto os gastos de campanha exerce em cada estado. Os principais resultados indicam que o papel do dinheiro no sucesso eleitoral é diversificado entre os distritos. Os gastos de campanha também afetam as chances eleitorais de forma diferente nas eleições para a Câmara e Senado. Finalizando o estudo, a técnica de análise multinível é utilizada para responder o que afeta as doações entre candidatos, partidos e estados. Os resultados, ainda que preliminares, sugerem que os partidos e a cultura cívica dos eleitores podem fornecer pistas importantes para o debate dos recursos nas eleições. _______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
What is the impact of campaign spending in Brazilian elections? The effects of money in elections have been received great attention of students interested to discover not only the impact of spending on campaign success, but also on the representatives behavior. Many studies argue that campaign spending and private contributions produce serious problems to the elections; others stress the importance of spending as a device to expand democracy by allowing greater involvement of society through financial support to candidates and parties. However, few studies explore, in comparative way, the effects of campaign spending between districts throughout the country. This research is devoted to this gap in the legislative studies. For this purpose, the analysis presented here goes through the campaign accounts of candidates for Congress in 2002 and 2006, identifying what is the effect of spending campaign in every state. Among the main results, the impact of money emerged as diversified phenomenon for the success of candidates across the country. In the end, this study uses multilevel analysis for answer what causes contributions between candidates, parties and states. The results, though preliminary, suggest that the parties and the civic culture of voters must be considered in debate on the importance of money in elections.
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18

Vogel, Luiz Henrique. "Negociar direitos? : legislação trabalhista e reforma neoliberal no governo FHC (1995-2002)." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2010. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4634.

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Ao longo do século XX, o Direito do Trabalho esteve associado a um arranjo político e social cujos sentidos estavam vinculados, entre outros aspectos, à civilização das relações de classe e à reprodução do capitalismo com democracia, no âmbito dos Estados nacionais. O propósito desta pesquisa é investigar como ocorreu o processo de deslocamento e reinterpretação desses sentidos (equivalente à codificação da razão do mais forte), no contexto da forte hegemonia política da coalizão de centro-direita que governou o país entre 1995 e 2002. Nesse período, o Poder Executivo Federal, as principais organizações patronais, setores importantes da mídia impressa e a Força Sindical estiveram empenhados na promoção de profunda alteração dos traços centrais do modelo brasileiro de relações de trabalho, no qual a lei é mais importante na definição dos direitos substantivos do trabalho do que os contratos coletivos. Para justificar politicamente essas alterações, o Poder Executivo e seus apoiadores apontaram a responsabilidade do modelo legislado pelos elevados custos do emprego formal, a perda de competitividade da indústria, o aumento da informalidade e do desemprego durante o governo FHC. Por meio da leitura das justificativas dos projetos encaminhados ao Congresso Nacional pelo Poder Executivo, das manifestações de suas principais lideranças e dos apoiadores na mídia e no meio sindical, a pesquisa busca interpretar o sentido político dessa leitura, apresentada como se fosse solução técnica e modernizante para uma legislação que estaria ultrapassada. Consideramos que a reforma trabalhista tinha claros propósitos políticos pois, além de repassar aos trabalhadores os custos do ajuste econômico nos anos 90, permitiu justificar na cena pública a retração do papel do Estado, bem como fortalecer o apoio de setores importantes do patronato a esse projeto político.
Throughout the twentieth century, labor law has been associated with a political and social arrangement that, within the national states, reproduced capitalism and civilized class relations. The research aims to analyze the shift in the interpretation and meaning of labor law, in the context of strong political hegemony of the center-right coalition that governed Brazil from 1995 to 2002. Throughout this period, the Federal Executive branch, the main employer organizations, important sectors of press and unions had been engaged in a battle to change the Brazilian model of work relations, in which labor law is more important than collective contracts, with regard to the definition of labor rights. In order to justify those changes, the Federal Executive branch and its supporters have considered the burden of the Brazilian model for the formal employment high costs, the competitiveness loss of local industries, the unemployment and informal sector growth during the Cardoso administration. The research analyzes the justifications of legislative initiatives sent to National Congress by Federal Executive branch, the speeches of its political leaders and supporters in the media press and among unions with the purpose of interpret the political meaning of this project, sold to public as a technical and modern solution to a legislation that, presumably, was old-fashioned. The research evidences allow us to affirm that the labor reform had clear political purposes: besides transferring to the workers the economic costs of the neoliberal reforms during the nineties, it had also been useful to justify the retreat of state from the economy and to gain the political support of the main employer organizations.
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19

Meyer, Alix. "Le Congrès républicain (1994 – 2006)- Révolutions conservatrices, contradictions électorales, évolutions institutionnelles." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO20083.

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Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates. De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle. Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain. Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutif
The United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty
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20

Orsolin, André. "OS CONGRESSOS EDUCACIONAIS PALOTINOS COMO UM INSTRUMENTO POLÍTICO - PEDAGÓGICO DE INTEGRAÇÃO (1994-2007)." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2009. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9709.

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This research has as theme The Pallottine Educational Congresses as a Political Pedagogic an Instrument of Integration (1994 2007) , and it presents a study of the Congregation of Pallottine priests and brothers, during the Latin American Congresses of Pallottine Education conducted by the educational institutions, between 1994 and 2007. The Pallottine Pedagogy arose from the need to revive the faith and the charity, between 1795 and 1850, with Vicente Pallotti in Rome, Italy. The Pallottine priests arrived in Argentina and Brazil in 1888, brought by the Italian immigrants to provide pastoral and educational aid. Due to expansion of the Pallottine Schools, arose the need to deepen and strengthen the pallottine political pedagogic identity of these educational institutions. Therefore, in 1994, it took place the First Latin American Congress of Pallottine Education, with the objective to bring educators together from Pallottine Schools. Thus, this research sought to understand how the Pallottine Pedagogy as institutional pedagogic policy of education got organized in Argentina and Brazil, between 1994 and 2007, from the analysis of the Latin American Congresses of Pallottine Education, documents (letters) and a questionnaire applied to principals and teachers of Pallottine Schools. The study is divided into three chapters, dealing respectively with: the Pallottine Pedagogy: considerations about the principles of this pedagogy; Latin American Congresses of Pallottine Education: development of the Congresses, analysis of the letters and questionnaires; Antonio Alves Ramos Sshool and its Educational practice: pedagogic practice. It was concluded that the pallottine pedagogic educational policy got organized through the guidelines of education from their own countries, church and congregation, adapting according to the need of the school community.
Esta pesquisa que tem como tema Os Congressos Educacionais Palotinos como um Instrumento político-pedagógico de integração (1994-2007) , apresenta um estudo da Congregação dos Padres e Irmãos Palotinos, através dos Congressos Latino-Americanos de Educação Palotina realizados pelas instituições educacionais desde 1994 a 2007. A Pedagogia Palotina surgiu da necessidade de reavivar a fé e reacender a caridade entre os anos de 1795 a 1850 com Vicente Pallotti em Roma/Itália. Na Argentina e no Brasil, em 1885, chegaram padres palotinos trazidos pelos imigrantes Italianos, para prestarem auxílio pastoral e educacional. Devido à expansão dos Colégios palotinos, surgiu à necessidade de aprofundar e fortalecer a identidade política pedagógica palotina destas instituições educacionais. Por isso, no ano de 1994, realizou-se o I Congresso Latino- Americano de Educação Palotina com o objetivo de reunir educadores provenientes de Colégios Palotinos. Diante disso, buscou-se nesta pesquisa, entender de que forma a Pedagogia Palotina enquanto política pedagógica institucional de educação se organiza na Argentina e no Brasil, no período de 1994 2007, a partir da análise dos Congressos Latino-Americanos de Educação Palotina, documentos (cartas) e um questionário aplicado a diretores e professores de Colégios Palotinos. O estudo está divido em três capítulos, tratando respectivamente de: a Pedagogia Palotina: considerações sobre os princípios dessa pedagogia; Congressos Latino-americanos de Educação Palotina: desenvolvimento dos Congressos, análise das cartas e dos questionários; O Colégio Antonio Alves Ramos e sua vivência Educacional: a prática pedagógica. A partir da pesquisa concluiu-se que a política pedagógica educacional palotina se organiza através das diretrizes de educação dos próprios países, da Igreja e da Congregação adaptando-se conforme a necessidade da comunidade escolar.
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21

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 44 (2009)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302210.

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22

Boyco, Orams Alejandro. "Insistir para ganar: la aprobación de leyes por insistencia en el Perú (2001 - 2019)." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/20278.

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El presente trabajo de investigación surge de la preocupación por las dinámicas políticas detrás de la aprobación de leyes por insistencia. El diseño institucional peruano, que regula las funciones y atribuciones de los poderes del Estado, permite que el Legislativo apruebe leyes por insistencia con mucha facilidad, a diferencia de muchos países de América Latina, dejando al Ejecutivo con poca capacidad para ejercer un veto efectivo sobre la producción legislativa. Se indaga en las insistencias aprobadas durante distintos gobiernos, entre el 2001 y el 2019, mostrando estadísticas para cuatro presidentes y cuatro congresos distintos. Los datos comprueban que, aunque hay diferencias por gobierno, las tasas de insistencia son sorprendentemente altas. Dentro de cada gobierno, las insistencias aprobadas disminuyen mientras pasa el tiempo. Así, observando dichas diferencias se argumenta que no es solo el diseño institucional, el cual solo exige una mayoría de 66 votos en el Legislativo para aprobar la insistencia, sino también la composición política dentro del congreso. El sistema multipartidario, los presidentes sin una bancada oficialista mayoritaria, y el rol de la oposición, con sus estrategias parlamentarias e intereses, parecen ser las causas de las altas y variadas tasas de insistencia. La información se utiliza para plantear distintas preguntas. La principal oes comprobar si las estrategias de la oposición en un parlamento multipartidario siguen la Teoría del Cartel Procedural, donde una bancada sin necesaria mayoría monopoliza los puestos claves que le permiten manejar la agenda del congreso. Se añaden otras interrogantes abiertas, sobre distintas dinámicas políticas no resueltas que expliquen la variación dentro y entre gobiernos, el rol de la disciplina partidaria del oficialismo en las votaciones, y los distintos temas de leyes que son aprobados con mayor frecuencia por este mecanismo.
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23

Waterman, Tracy. "Sex and Gender in the Library of Congress Subject Headings, 1988-2003." Thesis, School of Information and Library Science, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1901/66.

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The problem of linguistic and structural bias in the subject vocabularies used by libraries has been the subject of varying degrees of scrutiny in the cataloging literature of the past several decades. This study examines the Library of Congress subject headings involving sex and gender from 1988, 1993, and 2003. Changes to the headings are tracked and analyzed. Comparisons are made between recommendations made in the literature and changes to the subject vocabulary; the impact of the changes on the appearance of bias on the basis of sex and gender in library catalogs is discussed.
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24

Burgos, Cristiano de Castro. "O processo de participação da sociedade civil na elaboração de políticas públicas : a experiência da comissão de legislação participativa da câmara dos deputados de 2001 a 2005." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2007. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/3364.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Economia, Administração, Contabilidade e Ciência da Informação e Documentação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Administração, 2007.
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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar um debate sobre o processo de participação da sociedade civil na elaboração de políticas públicas, mas especificamente a experiência proporcionada pela da Comissão de Legislação Participativa (CLP) da câmara dos deputados entre os anos de 2001 a 2005. De forma a subsidiar a pesquisa, foi utilizado um referencial teórico sobre Estado, Democracia, Sociedade Civil, Cidadania, Participação Cidadão, Política Pública e Agenda Política. A primeira parte de análises dessa dissertação foi feita por meio da análise de conteúdo de todas as sugestões encaminhadas pelas Organizações da Sociedade Civil (OSC) e que foram submetidas para a avaliação da comissão, no período que abrangeu o estudo, o que possibilitou o desenvolvimento de uma entrevista semiestruturada que foi aplicada a servidores e parlamentares, de forma a verificar como a sociedade civil tem utilizado a CLP, respondendo, assim, à pergunta proposta para direcionar este trabalho. Entre as principais conclusões, verificou-se que mesmo percebida como um espaço importante de debate político e do constante crescimento da participação das OSCs, as propostas submetidas à comissão não tem pautado o debate político dentro do parlamento brasileiro. Apesar disto, observou-se que a participação da cidadania na elaboração de políticas públicas tem ocorrido na busca por ações governamentais que venham a assegurar o sentimento de segurança coletiva e proteção social para todos. Esta participação não ocorre por meio de uma fiscalização mais intensa, com a utilização dos mecanismos que foram postos à disposição da sociedade, mas sim por meio da apresentação de sugestões legislativas ou de alterações às leis orçamentárias, que possibilitem o sentimento de segurança e estabilidade social, a partir do fortalecimento da cidadania e da justiça, de forma a se promover o crescimento econômico de toda a comunidade. _______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
This scientific work aims to present a debate about the civil society’s participation in the process of Policy elaboration, more specifically the experience set forth by the Participative Legislative Committee (CLP) in the Deputies Chamber of the Brazilian National Congress between the years 2001 and 2005. In order to support this research, a literature review that versed about State, Democracy, Civil Society, Citizenship, Citizenship Participation, Policy and Political Agenda theories has been used. This dissertation’s first analysis was done by means of contempt analyses of all suggestions presented by the Civil Society Organizations (CSO) and submitted for evaluation by the Committee, in the period of time in range for this study. This made the development of a semi-structured interview possible, and it was applied to the Committee´s employees and to the representative, in order to verify how the civil society has been using the CLP, thus answering the question proposed to direct this work. Among the main conclusions, it was verified that, even though the proposals submitted to the committee are seen as an important political debate forum - and in spite of the constant increase of the participation of CSOs - the proposals submitted to the committee are not driving the political debate inside the Brazilian Parliament. Nevertheless, it was observed that the participation of the citizenship in the elaboration of public policies is taking place in ways of promoting government actions that may increase the feeling of collective security and social protection to everyone. This participation doesn’t occur by means of intense fiscalization - by using all mechanisms that were put available to society - but by means of presenting legislative suggestions or by the annual federal budget, which may promote feeling of security and social stability, by strengthening of citizenship and justice, in order to promote economical growth to the whole community.
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Santos, Viviane Cristina dos [UNIFESP]. "Análise qualitativa e quantitativa da produção legislativa relacionada à saúde em tramitação no Congresso Nacional nos anos de 2007 e 2008." Universidade Federal de São Paulo (UNIFESP), 2011. http://repositorio.unifesp.br/handle/11600/8942.

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Esta dissertação teve como objetivo descrever e analisar quantitativamente e qualitativamente a produção legislativa que trata da questão da saúde, em tramitação, nos anos de 2007 e 2008, no Congresso Nacional. Foi realizado um estudo descritivoexploratório com corte transversal e abordagem quantitativa e qualitativa. O material de análise do estudo foi constituído por 112 projetos de lei em tramitação na Comissão de Seguridade Social e Família (Câmara dos Deputados) e 32 projetos de lei na Comissão de Assuntos Sociais (Senado Federal), relacionados à saúde, com data de apresentação entre janeiro de 2007 a dezembro de 2008. A pesquisa teve duas fases distintas: na primeira fase foi realizada uma pesquisa quantitativa através da estratificação, classificação e análise dos Projetos de Lei. Na segunda fase houve uma abordagem qualitativa através de um questionário com perguntas fechadas a um grupo de profissionais que atuavam no sistema de saúde, com a finalidade de avaliar a relevância, viabilidade, alinhamento estratégico e impacto dos projetos selecionados. Ao final da pesquisa, os seguintes resultados foram obtidos: das 144 proposições, 57,6% dos PL’s selecionados foram apresentados no ano de 2007 e 42,4% em 2008. O PT (12,5%) foi o partido político que mais apresentou PL's seguido do PMDB (11,1%) e PSDB (10,4%). Apenas 25,7% dos parlamentares que apresentaram PL's relacionados à saúde são da área da saúde. Um ano após a coleta de material de análise do estudo, foi verificado que a maioria (93,7%) dos PL's continuava em tramitação, 4,9% foram arquivados e apenas 1,4% foram transformados em Norma Jurídica. Quanto ao foco de atenção dos projetos de lei relacionados à saúde, mais da metade (57,7%) dos PL's estava relacionada com o Sistema Público de Saúde e apenas 4,2% se referem à natureza orçamentária (financiamento da saúde). Em relação aos resultados do questionário aplicado, 78,1% dos respondentes encontravam-se insatisfeito/muito insatisfeito com o Poder Legislativo e 41,8% dos respondentes classificaram o Sistema Público de Saúde como ruim/péssimo. Já no Sistema Privado de Saúde, apenas 9,6% o consideraram ruim/péssimo. Quanto aos critérios avaliativos dos projetos de lei, mais da metade (51,5%) dos respondentes declararam que não entenderam no PL a forma de viabilizar (Viabilidade) o proposto, 40,6% responderam que não existe relevância nos projetos de lei apresentados, 52,7% responderam que não existe alinhamento estratégico às prioridades e às políticas de saúde do país e 52,5% disseram que a recusa do projeto de lei não traria impactos negativos e/ou seria prejudicial para a sociedade brasileira. Quando simulado uma consulta pública, mais da metade (54,4%) respondeu que aprovaria o projeto de lei que analisou, 30,1% reprovariam e 10,1% se abstiveram da escolha. Por meio dos dados deste estudo, pôde-se perceber que a produção legislativa, no âmbito da saúde, é baixa; os parlamentares com formação acadêmica na área da saúde produzem pouco (25% da amostra) e a transformação dos projetos de lei em Norma Jurídica é mínima (apenas 1,4% da amostra). Outro aspecto importante verificado foi o alto índice de insatisfação com o Poder Legislativo e com o Sistema de Saúde Público Brasileiro, além da baixa qualidade da produção legislativa no Congresso Nacional.
This dissertation had the objective to describe and analyse qualitatively and quantitatively the legislative production which deals with health, at the National Congress, happening in 2007 and 2008. It was done a descriptive-exploratory study with transverse cut and quantitative and qualitative approach. The material of analysis from the study was constituted by 112 draft bills which were performed at Social Security and family (House of representatives) and 32 draft bills at the Social Subjects (Federal Senate), related to health, which were performed from January 2007 to December 2008. The research had two distinctive phases, at the first phase there was a quantitative research through stratification, classification and analysis of the draft bills. At the second phase there was a qualitative approach made through a questionnaire containing closed questions to a specific group of professionals who performed in the Health System and the objective was to analyse the relevance, viability, strategic balance and impact of the selected projects. At the end of the study, the following results were found; from the 144 possibilities, 57,6% of the draft bills selected were presented in 2007 and 42,4% in 2008. The Labour Party, PT, was the one which most presented draft bills (12,5%) followed by PMDB (11,1%) and PSDB (10,4%). Only 25,7% of the Members of the Congress who presented draft bills deal with Health Policy. After a year of gathering the material to analyse the study, was verified that the majority of the draft bills (93,7%) were still being done, 4,9% were filed and only 1,4% were transformed in juridical norm. Considering the aim of the draft bills related to health, more than a half (57,7%) of the draft bills are related to the SUS ( Public Health Care ) and only 4,2% are related to quotation (financing for health). Considering the result of the applied questionnaire, 78,1% from the questioned people were dissatisfied, very dissatisfied with the Legislative Power and 41,8% classified as bad, extremely bad; at the private Health System only 9,6% considered bad, extremely bad. In relation to the criteria of the draft bills, more than a half (51,5%) from the questioned people declared that they did not understand, in the draft bills, the way of making viable what was proposed, 40,6% answered that there is no relevance; 52,7% answered there is not strategic balance from the draft bills to the priorities and the health policies of the country and 52,5% answered that the refusal of the draft bills would not bring negative impacts or would be prejudicial to the Brazilian society. Through a public enquire, more than a half (54,4%) answered they would approve the draft bill they analysed; 30,1% would not approve and 10,1% did not answer. Through the data of this study we can perceive that the Legislative production, related to health, is low; the members of the congress with academic graduation in the health area has a low output (25% of the amount) and the draft bills which become juridical norm is minimal (only 1,4% of the amount). It is important to point out the high rate of insatisfaction with the Legislative Power, with the Health Public Brazilian System and the low quality of the legislative production at the National Congress.
TEDE
BV UNIFESP: Teses e dissertações
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26

Sardón, José Luis. "Partidos, gobierno y Congreso: Chile y el Perú, 1965-2005." Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/334412.

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En el presente artículo se argumenta que las diferencias en los niveles de desarrollo alcanzados por Chile y el Perú en los últimos 40 años se explican no solo por las reformas económicas emprendidas en uno y otro país sino también por la reforma política realizada en Chile en 1988, mediante la cual se sustituyó el sistema de representación proporcional por un sistema binominal para la elección del Congreso.Esto habría brindado incentivos para la consolidación del sistema de partidos y la estabilización del proceso democrático en Chile. Por el contrario, el Perú, al haber persistido y aún profundizado la proporcionalidad de su sistema electoral, no ha logrado todavía conseguir un entorno político propicio para el desarrollo.
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27

Aguiar, Júnior Edilson Montrose de. "Interesses da fração bancário-financeira no Congresso Nacional (2003-2015)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/3686.

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From the state of the art of researches that say - using the theoretical framework developed by political scientist Nicos Poulantzas -, for the most part, the political hegemony within the power bloc in Brazil has been exercised by the banking and financial fraction. This hegemony, which began in the nineties, is maintained even during the Lula and Dilma governments. From this foundation, we sought to investigate how were appreciated in Congress (fundamentally the Chamber of Deputies, secondly in the Federal Senate) the interests of the banking and financial fraction. The choice of the examined interests was made from editions of the document Agenda of the Financial Sector , prepared by the National Confederation of Financial Institutions. We listed some topics and analyzed more than one hundred and twenty bills introduced during the period of Lula and Dilma governments (2003-2015). We also analyzed the speeches of deputies in which occurred keywords like financial system , bank profits , spread , tax wedge , Bradesco and Itaú . The obtained results show that the contrary projects were more than twice the favorable projects. However, the approval rates of projects (contrary or favorable) were low when presented by the Legislative and high when presented by the Executive. Regarding the speeches, there is a clear predominance of negative reviews about the banking and financial fraction. It was concluded then that, corroborating previous theories, the banking and financial fraction has difficulty to legitimize itself at the Legislative, where other classes and class fractions are present. The Executive gives it greater shelter. However, it is noticeable also that the banking and financial fraction has organized and mobilized itself in recent years to be legitimized at the Legislative too
O estado das artes das pesquisas que se utilizam do referencial teórico elaborado pelo cientista político Nicos Poulantzas, afirmam, em sua maioria, que a hegemonia política no interior do bloco no poder no Brasil tem sido exercida pela fração bancário-financeira. Esta hegemonia, iniciada nos anos noventa, mantém-se mesmo durante os governos Lula e Dilma. A partir deste embasamento buscou-se investigar como foram apreciados no Congresso Nacional (fundamentalmente na Câmara dos Deputados, secundariamente no Senado Federal) os interesses da fração bancário-financeira. A escolha dos interesses examinados se fez a partir das edições do documento Agenda Legislativa do Sistema Financeiro , elaborada pela Confederação Nacional das Instituições Financeiras. Elencamos alguns temas e analisamos mais de cento e vinte projetos de lei apresentados durante o período dos governos Lula e Dilma (2003-2015). Também analisamos os discursos de deputados nos quais constassem algumas palavras-chave como sistema financeiro , lucro dos bancos , spread , cunha fiscal , Bradesco e Itaú . Os resultados a que chegamos demonstram que, os projetos contrários foram mais que o dobro dos favoráveis. Contudo, as taxas de aprovação dos projetos (contrários ou favoráveis) foram baixas quando apresentados pelo Legislativo e altas quando apresentados pelo Executivo. Em relação aos discursos há um claro predomínio de avaliações negativas sobre a fração bancário-financeira. Concluiu-se então que, corroborando teses anteriores, a fração bancário-financeira tem dificuldades para se legitimar no Legislativo, local onde outras classes e frações de classes estão presentes. O Executivo lhe confere maior guarida. Entretanto, se verifica também que a fração bancário-financeira tem se organizado e mobilizado em anos recentes para também se legitimar no Legislativo
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28

Júnior, Edilson Montrose de Aguiar. "Interesses da fração bancário-financeira no Congresso Nacional (2003-2015)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2579.

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From the state of the art of researches that say - using the theoretical framework developed by political scientist Nicos Poulantzas -, for the most part, the political hegemony within the power bloc in Brazil has been exercised by the banking and financial fraction. This hegemony, which began in the nineties, is maintained even during the Lula and Dilma governments. From this foundation, we sought to investigate how were appreciated in Congress (fundamentally the Chamber of Deputies, secondly in the Federal Senate) the interests of the banking and financial fraction. The choice of the examined interests was made from editions of the document Agenda of the Financial Sector , prepared by the National Confederation of Financial Institutions. We listed some topics and analyzed more than one hundred and twenty bills introduced during the period of Lula and Dilma governments (2003-2015). We also analyzed the speeches of deputies in which occurred keywords like financial system , bank profits , spread , tax wedge , Bradesco and Itaú . The obtained results show that the contrary projects were more than twice the favorable projects. However, the approval rates of projects (contrary or favorable) were low when presented by the Legislative and high when presented by the Executive. Regarding the speeches, there is a clear predominance of negative reviews about the banking and financial fraction. It was concluded then that, corroborating previous theories, the banking and financial fraction has difficulty to legitimize itself at the Legislative, where other classes and class fractions are present. The Executive gives it greater shelter. However, it is noticeable also that the banking and financial fraction has organized and mobilized itself in recent years to be legitimized at the Legislative too
O estado das artes das pesquisas que se utilizam do referencial teórico elaborado pelo cientista político Nicos Poulantzas, afirmam, em sua maioria, que a hegemonia política no interior do bloco no poder no Brasil tem sido exercida pela fração bancário-financeira. Esta hegemonia, iniciada nos anos noventa, mantém-se mesmo durante os governos Lula e Dilma. A partir deste embasamento buscou-se investigar como foram apreciados no Congresso Nacional (fundamentalmente na Câmara dos Deputados, secundariamente no Senado Federal) os interesses da fração bancário-financeira. A escolha dos interesses examinados se fez a partir das edições do documento Agenda Legislativa do Sistema Financeiro , elaborada pela Confederação Nacional das Instituições Financeiras. Elencamos alguns temas e analisamos mais de cento e vinte projetos de lei apresentados durante o período dos governos Lula e Dilma (2003-2015). Também analisamos os discursos de deputados nos quais constassem algumas palavras-chave como sistema financeiro , lucro dos bancos , spread , cunha fiscal , Bradesco e Itaú . Os resultados a que chegamos demonstram que, os projetos contrários foram mais que o dobro dos favoráveis. Contudo, as taxas de aprovação dos projetos (contrários ou favoráveis) foram baixas quando apresentados pelo Legislativo e altas quando apresentados pelo Executivo. Em relação aos discursos há um claro predomínio de avaliações negativas sobre a fração bancário-financeira. Concluiu-se então que, corroborando teses anteriores, a fração bancário-financeira tem dificuldades para se legitimar no Legislativo, local onde outras classes e frações de classes estão presentes. O Executivo lhe confere maior guarida. Entretanto, se verifica também que a fração bancário-financeira tem se organizado e mobilizado em anos recentes para também se legitimar no Legislativo
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29

Flores, Ugas Verónica Maribel. "Participación ciudadana en el Congreso: Análisis de factores observados en las inconductas de los congresistas y la posibilidad de la revocatoria congresal en el Perú." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/17168.

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Debido a la realidad observada respecto a las conductas o inconductas congresales, la presente investigación, desarrolla una sistematización sobre una muestra representativa de 36 casos sobre acusaciones contra congresistas que fueron vistos y resueltos en su gran mayoría por la Comisión de Ética que fue creada por el Congreso de la República. Al realizarse dicha sistematización, se han identificado factores que se repiten y se aprecian en diferentes periodos legislativos estos últimos 16 años. Los factores encontrados son los siguientes: el constante incumplimiento legal y antiético al ejercer su cargo, el uso abusivo de sus privilegios y el involucramiento en actos de corrupción. Nuestra hipótesis central de investigación determina que estos factores observados en las conductas y/o inconductas congresales reiterados a lo largo de diferentes periodos legislativos son, por su gravedad e impunidad, sustento valedero para evaluar la posibilidad de una reforma constitucional sobre el mecanismo de revocatoria. La metodología que utiliza esta tesis es la cualitativa, el método de investigación es la sistematización y estudio socio-jurídico del Derecho. Al realizarse los análisis y reflexiones críticas sobre dichos factores, se ha logrado establecer los siguientes elementos: la conducta de los congresistas ante la sociedad y la Comisión de Ética, el desenvolvimiento de la Comisión de Ética sobre los casos presentados ante ella y la normativa ética del Congreso que aplica la Comisión de Ética. La conclusión principal de esta investigación es la establecida y demostrada ineficacia de dicha Comisión en el cumplimiento de sus funciones. Al estar determinada dicha conclusión, se procederá a presentar experiencias internacionales valiosas sobre el mecanismo de revocatoria congresal o parlamentaria que se viene aplicando en otros países. Se desarrollará finalmente el sustento sobre una reforma constitucional peruana a favor de permitir al ciudadano revocar a sus representantes al congreso que, en su gran mayoría, vienen denigrando con sus inconductas el cargo y la representación que les otorgó el ciudadano al elegirlos.
Tesis
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30

Cheng, Fang. "U.S. ELITE NEWSPAPERS’ COVERAGE OF THE REAUTHORIZATION OF THE USA PATRIOT ACT, DECEMBER 1, 2005 - MARCH 10, 2006." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1152838162.

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31

Katsavara, Elpida. "Congress, President Clinton and Military Interventions in haiti, Bosnia and Kosovo 1993-2001." Thesis, University of Kent, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499692.

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32

Burdge-Small, Paulina. "Personality Conflict vs. Partisan Conflict in the United States Congress, from 1851-2004." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1207.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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33

Myburgh, James. "The African National Congress under the Presidency of Thabo Mbeki 1997 to 2002." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.487245.

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The collapse ofthe Soviet bloc closed down the socialist alternative for the ANC, and put to an end any residual hope that power could be seized by force. Although the ANC would accept the entrenchment ofproperty rights, and a constitution based largely on the Western liberal model, it remained ideologically committed to the goals ofnational (though no longer social) revolution. The ANC now sought to attain these goals peacefully and through phases. The ANC's primary concern in the run up to the 1994 elections was effecting a smooth transfer ofpower. While Nelson Mandela placated the immediate fears ofthe white minority, Thabo Mbeki .defended the longer term goals ofthe movement. Once the threat ofcounterrevolution had pasF this dual discourse was discarded and the ANC turned towards unpicking the constraints ofthe transition. By the end of 1996 it had largely done so.
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(CFHSS), Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences. "CFHSS 2008 delegate's guide." Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences (CFHSS), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5412.

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The CFHSS delegate's guide features local/UBC events and exhibits; panel discussions; association keynotes, joint sessions, and events; book fair and exhibitors' information; and, some of the many faces of Congress including those shown on page 46.
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35

Pereyra, Elías Reneé, Luis Fernando Ng-Sueng, Luis Miguel Toro-Polo, Vía Ayar Nizama, Alejandro Piscoya, and Percy Mayta-Tristan. "Baja publicación de los trabajos presentados a los Congresos de la Sociedad de Gastroenterología del Perú 1998-2008." Sociedad de Gastroenterología del Perú (SGP), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/314559.

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OBJETIVOS: Determinar la proporción de trabajos presentados en el Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología (1998-2008) que fueron publicados en revistas científicas y sus factores asociados. MATERIALES Y MÉTODOS: Se revisó todos los resúmenes presentados al Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología y se evaluó sus características. Luego se buscó si fueron publicados a través de una estrategia de búsqueda usando Google Académico. Se evaluó la asociación entre las características de los resúmenes y su publicación usando regresión logística múltiple. RESULTADOS: Se evaluó 417 resúmenes, la media de autores fue de 4,9 ± 2,6, 17% fueron reportes de caso. Los estudios retrospectivos fueron más frecuentes (66,3%) pero disminuyeron con los años (p<0,001) al igual que los descriptivos (79,1%), solo 2,9% fueron experimentales y 12,2% longitudinales. Tuvieron una mediana de 65 personas por estudio. La proporción de publicación fue de 8,2% (34/417), la mayoría (82,4%) fue publicado en la Revista de Gastroenterología del Perú y solo uno en inglés, 16/34 tenían al menos un autor diferente al resumen. El tiempo medio de publicación fue de 10,8±10,4 meses. En el análisis multivariado se encontró asociación la publicación de los resúmenes con haber sido presentado en los congresos después del año 2004 (OR: 5,5; IC95%: 2,2-14,0) y ser analíticos (OR: 3,4; IC95%: 1,4-8,3). CONCLUSIONES: El Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología tiene una baja proporción de publicación de los resúmenes presentados, lo cual puede ser tomado como indicador de calidad de estos resúmenes y del proceso de revisión. Se deben tomar medidas para estimular la publicación de los trabajos presentados.
OBJECTIVES: To determine the proportion of abstracts presented at the Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología (the major Peruvian gastroenterological scientific meeting), that had been published in scientific journals, the date of publication and its associated factors. MATERIALS & METHODS: Longitudinal retrospective and analytic study; the publication rate of all the abstracts presented in the biennial Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología between 1998 and 2008 was assessed. Google Scholar engine was used. The searching strategy performed included: (“Study location” AND “population studied” AND “main outcome”) AND (autor:First OR autor:Second OR autor:Last). Logistic regression was used, considering p<0.05 statistically significant. RESULTS: Publication rate was 8.2% (34/217), statistically significant differences were found among meeting years (p<0.001). There were also differences between study design, objectives (more in analytic studies) and measurement (more in longitudinal studies)(p<0.001). 82.4% were published in the Revista de Gastroenterología del Perú. The median time for publication was 10.8±10.4 months; this variable and the meeting year, study type, journal of publication or accordance between the abstract and publication characteristics showed no statistical differences. The mean authors’ number was 5.02±2.4; analytic studies have less authors than the descriptive ones (3.6 vs 6.1; p=0.012) CONCLUSION: The Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología presents a low publication rate of the abstracts presented, which can be used as a quality indicator of the abstracts and the reviewing process.
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36

Freitas, Marcos Costa de. "O IDEÁRIO DO DESIGN GRÁFICO BRASILEIRO E O EVENTO P&D DESIGN 2008." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, 2010. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/2269.

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This research investigates the Brazilian graphic design through a historical perspective of an ever building discipline concept, in view of knowledges and abilities integrated and pointed from its imaginary limits. In essential terms, it is summarized as an effort to revisit the recent past of the Brazilian graphic design in a search to better understand the configuration of its noises. The P&D Design Congress is taken as an access door to the research input need that works automatically as a temporal and geographic clipping. However, the research still inspects the historical landmarks of the discipline (from a distant past) to produce the temporal counterpoint of the debate.
Esta pesquisa investiga o design gráfico brasileiro através da perspectiva histórica da disciplina, tendo em vista os conhecimentos e as competências sinalizadoras dos limites imaginários de seu campo. Em termos essenciais, resume-se a um esforço para revistar o passado recente do design gráfico brasileiro em busca de compreender melhor a configuração de sua episteme. O congresso P&D Design é adotado como uma porta de acesso aos registros históricos necessários à pesquisa e, ao mesmo tempo, fornece também recorte geográfico e temporal desta dissertação. Todavia, a pesquisa revista os marcos históricos da disciplina, para produzir o contraponto temporal do debate.
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Largio, Devon M. "Uncovering the rationales for the war on Iraq : the words of the Bush administration, Congress, and the media from September 12, 2001 to October 11, 2002 /." [Urbana, Ill. : University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences], 2004. http://www.pol.uiuc.edu/news/largio.htm.

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Thesis (B.A.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-205). Also available via the World Wide Web. http://www.pol.uiuc.edu/news/largio%5Fthesis.pdf
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38

Lacefield, Arleigh B. "Earmark Reform within the 110th Congress policy, transparency and effectiveness." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FLacefield.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Doyle, Richard. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-135). Also available in print.
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39

Campos, Marcelo da Silveira. "Pela metade: as principais implicações da nova lei de drogas no sistema de justiça criminal em São Paulo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-31072015-151308/.

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Nos anos 90 era comum que a distinção entre o traficante e o usuário estivesse baseada nos artigos da antiga lei de drogas, ou seja, em criminalizar alguém por drogas por meio dos artigos 16 ou 12. Eram os próprios números dos artigos das leis que representavam socialmente e distinguiam um usuário (16) de um traficante de drogas (12) e, claro, o modo como à polícia poderia ou não incriminar alguém dentro do sistema de justiça criminal no Brasil. Após o ano de 2006, o Estado Brasileiro promulga a chamada Nova Lei de Drogas com o objetivo de deslocar o usuário de drogas para o sistema de saúde ao mesmo tempo em que aumenta a punição para os traficantes. Assim, este trabalho analisa as principais implicações da chamada nova lei de drogas lei 11.343 de 2006 desde a sua formulação no sistema político até a sua aplicação no sistema de justiça criminal tendo como problemática empírica geral o fenômeno da intensificação do encarceramento por tráfico de drogas no Brasil, sobretudo, após o advento da nova lei. Para tanto, a análise parte da formulação que o novo dispositivo de drogas no Congresso Nacional teve, dentre os seus principais objetivos, dispor: i) o fim da pena de prisão para o usuário de drogas; ii) o advento de um tratamento médico para o usuário; iii) o aumento da punição para o traficante mediante a expansão de grupos criminosos no início dos anos 2000, sobretudo, em São Paulo. Ou seja, está em jogo à modificação da representação social do traficante e do usuário que bifurca entre uma nova representação médico-social do usuário agora visto como um doente e objeto das instituições de saúde e assistência social e uma velha representação criminal do traficante como inimigo agora visto como um indivíduo perigoso e organizado. São estas duas figuras que engendram a formulação de um novo dispositivo de drogas com diferentes tipos de punições para a venda e o uso de drogas no Brasil nos anos 2000. Argumento que a introdução desse novo dispositivo chamado aqui de dispositivo médico-criminal de drogas produziu uma nova maneira de governar os usuários e traficantes de drogas e que trouxe, como uma das principais consequências, a intensificação da criminalização por tráfico de drogas e a rejeição do deslocamento do usuário para outro sistema que não o sistema de justiça criminal. Assim, demonstro que há uma nova maneira de administração estatal da droga no Brasil, qual é a sua história e como ela desenvolveu práticas no sistema de justiça criminal: como um copo meio vazio de médico e cheio de prisão.
In the 90s it was common that the distinction between the drug dealer and the user was based on the articles from the old drug law, in other words, criminalize someone for drugs through the articles \"16\" or \"12\". Were the very numbers of these articles that used to represent socially and distinguish a user (16) from a drug dealer (12) and, of course, the way the police could incriminate someone or not within the criminal justice system in Brazil. After 2006, the Brazilian State passed the so called New Drug Law in order to move the drug user to the health system while increasing the punishment for traffickers. Thus, this study analyzes the main implications of the new so called drug law - Law 11.343 of 2006 - since its formulation in the political system to its application in the criminal justice system, assuming as a general empirical problem the phenomenon of imprisonment and its increase for trafficking drugs in Brazil, especially after the advent of the new law. Therefore, the analysis assumes that the new drug device in National Congress had, among its main goals, to dispose: i) the end of a prison sentence for drug users; ii) the advent of a medical treatment for the user; iii) an increasing of the punishment for the trafficker due to the expansion of criminal groups in the early 2000s, especially in São Paulo. Ie, what is at stake is the changing in the social representation of drug dealers and users which leads to a bifurcation between a new medical and social representation of the user - now seen as \"sick\" and subject for health and social care institutions - and an old criminal representation of the dealer as an enemy - now seen as an individual \"dangerous and organized.\" These are the two figures that engender the development of a new drug device with different types of punishments for the sale and use of drugs in Brazil in the 2000s. I argue that the introduction of this new device called here as medical- criminal drug device - has produced a new way to govern users and drug dealers and it brought, as one of the main consequences, the increased criminalization of drug trafficking and the rejection of the user displacement to another system other than the criminal justice system. The research, therefore, seeks to first show how new ideas were developed in the formulation of a new drug device, secondly, what were the main implications of this device within the criminal justice system. Thus, I demonstrate that there is a new way of state administration of drugs in Brazil, what is your story and how it developed new practices in the criminal justice system: as a half empty glass of medicine and full of imprisonment.
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40

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 35 (2000)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302136.

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FORTY FOURTH ANNUAL MEETING / April 15, 2000 / The University of Arizona / Tucson, Arizona / 1999-2000 Annual Reports
Abstracts from the annual meeting of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science.
2000 Proceedings Supplement / Journal of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science
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41

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 37 (2002)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302137.

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42

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 39 (2004)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302138.

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43

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 40 (2005)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302139.

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44

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 36 (2001)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302141.

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FORTY FIFTH ANNUAL MEETING / April 14, 2001 / University of Nevada, Las Vegas / Las Vegas, Nevada / 2000-2001 Annual Reports
Abstracts from the annual meeting of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science.
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45

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 38 (2003)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302142.

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FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING / April 12, 2003 / Northern Arizona University / Flagstaff, Arizona / 2002-2003 Annual Reports
Abstracts from the annual meeting of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science.
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46

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 42 (2007)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302161.

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FIFTY FIRST ANNUAL MEETING / March 31, 2007 / Northern Arizona University / Flagstaff, Arizona / 2006-2007 Annual Reports
Abstracts from the annual meeting of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science.
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47

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 43 (2008)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302162.

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48

Science, Arizona-Nevada Academy of. "Proceedings of the Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, Volume 41 (2006)." Arizona-Nevada Academy of Science, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302140.

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49

Soares, Alessandra Guimarães. "O Congresso Nacional brasileiro e os direitos humanos no pós-redemocratização (1988-2010)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2012. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/997.

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Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos
The proposition of this research is to analyse the partipation of the congress in foreing policys through the international acts of human rights, approved by the congress after the 1988 constitution. The option for this specific theme of international acts is justified by the change introduced by 45/2004 constitutional amendment that added the § 3º the the 5º article of the federal constitution of 1988. Our objectives are: (i) Verify how this theme, human rights, entered the brazilian agenda. For that we used the approach of the international regimes theory; (ii) analyse what is the congress performance in foreing policy in human rights in two different moments: before and after the promulgation of the 45/2004 amendment; (iii) point if there were changes in the participation of the legislative powee after the 45/2004 amendment. To that will be analysed the processing and the debates in both congress houses, chamber of deputies and the federal senate, regarding the international acts of human rights of the United Nations Universal System. The results that were found showed that the amendment, in a way, borught a bigger protagonism to the legislative in this specific theme and that are other ways for this power to participate beyond those in the described in the constitutional text.
A proposta da presente pesquisa é analisar a participação do Legislativo em política externa através dos atos internacionais de direitos humanos, aprovados pelo Congresso pós Constituição de 1988. A opção pelos Atos internacionais nessa temática específica decorre da alteração introduzida pela Emenda Constitucional 45/2004 que acrescentou o § 3º ao artigo 5º da Constituição Federal de 1988. Nossos objetivos são: (i) verificar como esse tema, direitos humanos, entrou na agenda brasileira, para isso utilizamos a abordagem da teoria dos regimes internacionais; (ii) analisar a atuação parlamentar na política externa de direitos humanos em dois momentos distintos: antes e depois da promulgação da Emenda 45/2004; (iii) apontar se houve mudanças na participação do Poder Legislativo após a Emenda 45/2004. Para isso analisaremos a tramitação e os debates travados nas duas Casas Congressuais, Câmara dos Deputados e Senado Federal, acerca dos Atos internacionais de Direitos Humanos do Sistema Universal das Nações Unidas. Os resultados encontrados demonstram que a emenda, em certa medida, trouxe um maior protagonismo para o Legislativo nessa temática específica, e, que existem outros meios de participação desse Poder que não apenas aqueles inscritos no texto constitucional.
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50

Tegtmeyer, Dietrich, and Michael Meyer. "XXXV IULTCS Congress 2019 - Proceedings: “Benign by Design” Leather - The Future through Science and Technology, June 25-28, 2019, Dresden - Germany." Verein für Gerberei-Chemie und -Technik e. V, 2019. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34087.

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