Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Congress of Vienna'

This paper examines the evolution of government policy through Congressional debate and citizen involvement on the topic of Agent Orange. Use of primary sources from newspaper and journal articles, Congressional records, scientific studies, and press releases and some secondary literature by scholars from multiple disciplines builds a picture of the ongoing debate of Agent Orange and its two component herbicides from circa 1940 to 1991. Within this paper are four primary focuses, divided into three parts. First, the Congressional discussions prior to 1970 of 2,4-D and 2,4,5-T, the two herbicides that comprise Agent Orange. Second and third, discussed in the same section, the involvement of the scientific community and the ratification of the Geneva Protocol. Lastly, the movement after the Vietnam War for veteran benefits due to Agent Orange exposure.

L'Ottocento costituì per Ravenna un momento di profonda trasformazione, scandito da due fondamentali eventi politici, il Congresso di Vienna, a seguito del quale la città rientrò a far parte dei territori dello Stato della Chiesa dopo il ventennio di dominazione napoleonica, e l'Unità d'Italia. In questo periodo, Ravenna, considerata già dal secolo precedente una città morta, poco visitata, priva di un'economia e di un'industria fiorenti, niente più che una città di second'ordine, cercò faticosamente di giocare un nuovo ruolo all'interno del suo contesto territoriale, attraverso la fondazione e la valorizzazione di una nuova identità basata sul suo antico passato di Capitale, materializzato nei suoi monumenti di V e VI secolo. Tale processo si configura come il frutto di un dialogo locale, nazionale ed internazionale, che aveva portato all'elaborazione di diverse interpretazioni della città e delle sue memorie e che si esplicitò in azioni materiali sui monumenti antichi, finalizzate all'allineamento della città reale con quella del mito. Il presente studio si propone dunque di ricostruire questo dialogo e costituisce la prima parte di un più ampio progetto realizzato in collaborazione con la Dott.ssa Annalisa Moraschi, che estenderà l'analisi della percezione e della trasformazione della città e dei suoi monumenti fino alla vigilia della Prima Guerra Mondiale.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2017.
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Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD).
A relevância do Congresso de Viena (1814-1815) tanto para a história portuguesa quanto para a brasileira ainda é pouco estudada mesmo que a reunião diplomática decidisse muito mais para o Império luso-brasileiro que a mera pacificação da Europa pós-napoleônica. A manutenção quase ininterrupta do tráfico negreiro, essencial para a plantocracia brasileira, era o maior sucesso da delegação portuguesa e uma reclamação visível da autonomia decisória perante a prepotência britânica. A delimitação das duas Guianas ao norte e as ambições reforçadas à região da Prata no sul mostraram a importância e preocupação dada a fronteiras estáveis para a nova sede da monarquia portuguesa no Brasil. A restituição (des)esperada da Olivença, pequeno território fronteiriço sem crédito geoestratégico, e ocupada pela Espanha durante a Guerra Peninsular, assim aparentemente não chamou tanta atenção? Devastado pela guerra e simbolicamente subordinado ao Brasil, a situação em Portugal estava perigosa e ao menos a retomada da Olivença deveria servir de prêmio de consolação. Os dignitários no Rio de Janeiro, porém, estavam até prestes a desistir dessa praça limítrofe para não sendo obrigados a conceder à Grã-Bretanha autoridade sobre Cacheu e Bissau, possessão na costa ocidental africana. Mais que os outros, este caso mostra que os interesses periféricos e os metropolitanos do Império luso-brasileiro as vezes até ficaram sendo contraditórios entre si e dividiram o corpo diplomático. Enquanto isso, o representante francês no Congresso propôs elevar o Brasil em categoria do Reino equiparando-o até formalmente com Portugal. De fato, porém, o Brasil já tinha uma trajetória maior para o Império cuja reBuilding entrou em pratica com a chegada da Corte real no Rio de Janeiro. No palco diplomático, a apresentação da nova imagem imperial era acompanhada por um léxico autonomista que aspirava a emancipar-se da tutela britânica. Já antes da Independência do Brasil então, havia uma tendência na política externa do Império de priorizar a parte americana. Diminuindo o impacto incisivo de 1822, percebemos um padrão de continuidade entre a diplomacia luso-brasileira no Congresso de Viena e a Política Externa Brasileira nas suas primeiras décadas.
The relevance of the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) for both Brazilian and Portuguese history is still not profoundly studied. The diplomatic meeting has decided, for sure, a lot more to the Luso-Brazilian Empire than solely the pacification of post-napoleonic Europe. The almost uninterrupted maintenance of the slave traffic, essential for the Brazilian plantocracy, was the biggest Portuguese commission’s success and a clear claim for the autonomy of decision before the British prepotency. To delimit both Guianas to north and the reinforced ambitions towards the Prata region to the south showed the importance given to stable frontiers for the new royal domicile in Brazil. Did the desperate restitution of Olivença, a small territory limitary without geostrategic credit and occupied by Spain during the Peninsular War, really earned that attention? But it did. Devastated by the war and symbolically subordinated to Brazil Portugal’s situation at stake. Thus, the recovery of the Olivença territory should at least be a consolation prize. However, Rio de Janeiro’s dignitaries were about to give up this region for not being obliged to grant Great Britain authority over Cacheu and Bissau, both on the African west coast. Specifically, this situation, with its periphery and metropolitan interests, shows, more than the other two cases, the potentially contradictory relation between both and therefore growing controversies between the diplomatic commission. Meanwhile, the French delegate at the Congress proposed the elevation of Brazil to a Kingdom, being formally equal even to Portugal. In fact, Brazil was already playing a key role on the scheme since the arrival of the Royal Court in Rio de Janeiro. On the diplomatic stage, the presentation of the new imperial image was followed an autonomic diction that also desired to emancipate itself from the British paternalism. Even before Brazil’s independency the Império’s foreign policy had the tendency to prioritize his American part. there was an external political tendency from the Empire to prioritize the American part. Decreasing the incisive impact from 1822 we may see a pattern of continuity among the Portuguese-Brazilian diplomacy at the Congress of Vienna and during the first decades of Brazilian Foreign Policy.
Zusammenfassung: Die Bedeutung des Wiener Kongresses (1814-1815) ist sowohl für die portugiesische als auch für die brasilianische Geschichte nur unzureichend erforscht, obwohl jene diplomatische Zusammenkunft deutlich mehr für das luso-brasilianische Reich bedeutete als die bloße Befriedung des post-napoleonischen Europas. Als größter Erfolg der portugiesischen Delegation konnte der Sklavenhandel beinahe ungestört fortgeführt werden. Unabdingbar für die brasilianische Plantokratie und sichtbare Rückforderung der (Entscheidungs-)Autonomie von der britischen Vormacht. Die Grenzziehung zwischen den beiden Guyanas im Norden und der erneute Griff nach der Prataregion im Süden zeigten die neue Bedeutung eines zweifelsfreien Grenzverlaufs, um keine Bedrohung für den neuen Sitz der portugiesischen Monarchie in Brasilien erwachsen zu lassen. Wurde der Restitution des Olivença, einem kleinen, geostrategisch bedeutungslosen Grenzgebiet, das während des Halbinselkrieges von Spanien annektiert worden war, folglich also weniger Aufmerksamkeit zuteil? Verwüstet durch den Krieg und symbolisch Brasilien untergeordnet blieb die Lage in Portugal gefährlich und so sollte zumindest die Rückgewinnung des Olivença als Trostpreis dienen. Die Würdenträger in Rio de Janeiro jedoch, waren sogar gewillt, auf diesen Grenzort zu verzichten, um nicht dazu gezwungen zu sein, das westafrikanische Territorium Cacheu und Bissau unter britische Autorität zu stellen. Dieser Fall zeigt mehr noch als die anderen, dass die peripheren und metropolitanen Interessen innerhalb des luso-brasilianischen Império bisweilen widersprüchlich waren und das diplomatische Korps spalteten. Vor diesem Kontext schlug der französische Vertreter auf dem Kongress vor, Brasilien in die Kategorie eines Königreiches zu erheben, was es nun also auch formell mit Portugal gleichsetzte. Faktisch hingegen, hatte Brasilien bereits eine höhere Tragkraft für das Império dessen reBuilding praktisch durch die Ankunft des Königshofes in Rio de Janeiro in Kraft trat. Auf diplomatischem Parkett wurde das Bild des neuen Império von einer dezidiert autonomistischen Lexik begleitet, womit versucht wurde sich von der britischen Bevormundung zu emanzipieren. Es gab also bereits vor der Unabhängigkeit Brasiliens bereits eine Tendenz in der Außenpolitik des Impérios, die den amerikanischen Reichsteil begünstigte. Zwischen der luso-brasilianischen Diplomatie auf dem Wiener Kongress und den ersten Jahrzehnten brasilianischer Außenpolitik bestand ein Kontinuitätsmuster, dass den Zäsurcharakter des Jahres 1822 schmälert.

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Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES
The aim of this work is to understand the diplomatic relations between Spain and Portugal during the Congress of Vienna and its bindings with Iberian politics in South America. After the Napoleonic Wars, Spain and Portugal were reinserted into the international system as peripheral forces in European policy. Without the same diplomatic density of previous times it was up to Portuguese diplomacy to build arrangements that were able to offer some role of participation in the reorganization of the European order. From the study of diplomatic correspondence between the two courts and their diplomats it was possible to realize that while Spain directed its efforts to strength Bourbon legitimacy in the Italian territories, the Portuguese diplomacy was concentrated on the restitution of the territory of Olivenza, taken by the Spaniards in the war of 1801. For different reasons and agendas, now structured, however improvised, the issues concerning South America, especially the Missoes Orientais do Urugua and the Banda Oriental as a whole have entered transversely the agendas of Vienna.
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo compreender as rela??es diplom?ticas entre Espanha e Portugal durante o Congresso de Viena e suas vincula??es com a pol?tica ib?rica na Am?rica meridional. Ap?s as guerras napole?nicas espanh?is e portugueses foram reinseridos no sistema internacional como for?as perif?ricas da pol?tica europeia. Sem a mesma densidade diplom?tica de tempos anteriores coube a diplomacia luso-espanhola construir arranjos que fossem capazes de oferecer algum lugar de participa??o na reorganiza??o da ordem europeia. A partir do estudo de correspond?ncia diplom?tica entre as duas cortes e seus diplomatas foi poss?vel perceber que, enquanto a Espanha direcionava seus esfor?os pela legitimidade din?stica bourb?nica nos territ?rios italianos a diplomacia portuguesa concentrava seus esfor?os na restitui??o do territ?rio de Oliven?a, tomado pelos espanh?is na Guerra de 1801. Por motivos distintos e por agendas, ora estruturadas, ora improvisadas, as quest?es relativas ? Am?rica do Sul, especialmente, as Miss?es Orientais do Uruguai e a Banda Oriental como um todo entraram transversalmente nas pautas de Viena.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise s' intéresse à l'analyse de l'évolution diplomatique entre 1616 et 1815. Cette étude a pour but de comprendre la manière dont se structure une nouvelle forme de diplomatie internationale au moment de la construction de l'État moderne. C'est sous l'optique de la France, acteur essentiel dans cette évolution diplomatique, que l'objet d'étude est abordé. Le cadre temporel débute avec l'arrivée du cardinal de Richelieu au pouvoir et se termine avec le congrès de Vienne de 1814-1815. Le premier chapitre du mémoire se consacre à l'expertise diplomatique des ambassadeurs. Les diplomates envoyés à Vienne sont en fait des héritiers des pratiques diplomatiques de. l'Ancien Régime. Cette analyse de l'éducation diplomatique se fait à travers le traité de diplomatie de François de Callières, ambassadeur sous le règne de Louis XIV. Nous abordons également le ministère de Richelieu, qui jette les bases de l'hégémonie française en Europe. Le second chapitre aborde les différents concepts nécessaires à la compréhension de la nouvelle diplomatie internationale tels que la légitimité, le droit de conquête ainsi que la balance du pouvoir. Celui-ci se consacre également à l'étude des problèmes de l'équilibre européen avec les règnes de Louis XIV et de Napoléon 1er. Nous abordons ici l'essor puis le déclin de la puissance française en Europe. Le tout se termine avec l'analyse du traité de Paris du 30 mai 1814, véritable base des négociations de Vienne. Le troisième et dernier chapitre se concentre sur le congrès de Vienne de 1814-1815. C'est à travers les mémoires de Talleyrand et les procès verbaux recueillis par le Comte d'Angeberg que sont étudiées les négociations. Le but de ce congrès est de restructurer la balance du pouvoir européen et d'éviter l'éclatement de nouveaux conflits comparables aux guerres napoléoniennes. La division des puissances coalisées concernant le partage des dépouilles de l'Empire français permet à la France de s'insérer dans le processus décisionnel du congrès, malgré son statut de puissance vaincue. Cette section présente l'application de la négociation multilatérale dans le but de doter l'Europe d'un nouveau système d'équilibre des pouvoirs. Le retour de Napoléon sur le trône met de nouveau la France de côté et le congrès de Vienne retourne à une diplomatie bilatérale: imposition des conditions du vainqueur sur le vaincu.

The struggle between the President and the Congress over the power to control the use of military force is an enduring dimension of U.S. foreign policy. In the 20th century Arthur Schlesinger labeled the growth of Presidential war power the “Imperial Presidency.” While some scholars have attempted to explain the expansion of Presidential power based on the Cold War or nuclear weapons, there has been little work studying the link between America’s ascending role in international legal frameworks and this domestic legal transformation. In this dissertation, I argue that America’s participation in international legal frameworks, such as the United Nations and NATO, has been a central factor in enabling the growth of Presidential war power. These international frameworks allow the President to circumvent Congress and to assert that the use of military force was something other than a ‘war’ that would need Congressional authorization. In case studies of pre-WWII aid to Great Britain, the Korean War, the Vietnam War and the Gulf War, I demonstrate how the rise of executive war power relied on America’s growing participation in international legal frameworks. The dissertation contributes to the nexus of International Relations and Constitutional scholarship. It offers a unique interpretation of Presidential war power while also offering new insights on the nature of the United States’ relationship with international legal frameworks. I argue that participation in international legal frameworks has been ‘democracy-undermining’ as the President utilizes those frameworks to circumvent the Constitution’s restrictions on Presidential war power.

In 1986, the Communist Party of Vietnam conducted a wide-ranging self-criticism and criticism campaign. The stated objectives of the campaign were to improve the performance of the Party generally, and of its members in particular. This thesis explores the factors which led the Party to launch the campaign and examines the possible role of the campaign in the context of the upcoming Sixth Party Congress. A key hypothesis of the thesis is that the campaign was a product of, and a response to, a legitimacy crisis. After reviewing the economic situation in Vietnam, the internal challenges facing the Party organisation, and international developments, the author concludes that the Party was, indeed, in crisis. The core of its difficulties lay in its failure to adjust successfully to the economic reconstruction and development tasks of the postwar period. The outcome of this failure was a loss of confidence amongst rank and file Party members and the public in the Party's ability to govern the nation effectively. The thesis shows that the self-criticism and criticism campaign was a vehicle for organisational change and an attempt to restore public confidence. Specifically, research evidence supports the proposition that the campaign was used to bring about significant leadership changes in the Party. It also supports the contention that public involvement in the campaign was encouraged, in part, to channel public hostility against individual cadres and to divert attention from the failings of the regime as a whole. Another key proposition of this thesis is that the campaign mediated an internal party debate about the direction of economic reform, and that it was a forum for achieving a compromise on the issue. Much of the debate on this particular question took place after the release of the Party Central Committee's draft reports to the national congress. The reports were debated at cadre conferences and at Party congresses at the grassroots, district and province levels. Although this part of the campaign was conducted largely behind closed doors, evidence was still found to support the hypothesis. Finally, the self-criticism and criticism campaign is assessed in the light of legitimation theories which hold that a regime experiencing a legitimacy crisis will sometimes respond by changing the way it legitimates itself to its staff and the public. The author finds evidence of such legitimation shifts in Vietnam in the period under study.

This diploma thesis studies in depth the progress and endings of both Napoleon's reigns in 1814 and 1815. The first chapter deals with belligerent campaigns in the beginning of 1814, with the first Napoleon's abdication and his deportation to Elba. His exile there is examined in the second chapter which shows his living on a small island in the Mediterranean sea. The third chapter takes place on the Continent again and describes Bonaparte's escape and his sequential armament within France including the view on Allies' forces and problems in Naples. The fourth chapter is genuinely military for it examines number of forces on both sides and mentions all three important battles. The last, fifth, chapter looks at the second Napoleon's abdication, at interlude since his departure for the South, entrance of Allies into Francie and return of Louis XVIII until Bonaparte's final embarking on a British vessel and his deportation to the island of Saint Helena. Key words: Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor, abdication, Elba island, The Congress of Vienna, Quatre Bras, Ligny, Waterloo, Gebhard von Blücher, Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington, Joseph Fouché, Louis XVIII

This thesis examines the CICD’s commitment to the Australian peace movement from its formation in November 1959 and concluding with the first Melbourne Vietnam Moratorium Campaign in 1970. It also traces developments in the post-World War II peace movement, which led to the establishment of the CICD in 1959 as a part of a national association of state peace committees. The historiography of the Australian peace movement during the 1960s and early 1970s has generally focused on student and youth activism and has neglected the activism of the CICD. This thesis will therefore represent the first systematic, scholarly analysis of the organisation’s early activism, and will contribute to the redressing of a significant historiographical gap in the history of political activism in Australia, during the Cold War. It draws upon CICD’s records collection and related primary and secondary sources to argue that since its formation as the state leading peace body in Victoria, the CICD fostered a particular set of community values and has played an important role in developing effective networks of community alliances for the organisation of mass peace and anti-war protests. This thesis examines CICD’s involvement in general disarmament and anti-nuclear protests, campaigns for a non-aligned Australia, support for struggles of national independence and its opposition to Western policies towards and in Southeast Asia. Despite its claims of political neutrality, the CICD demonstrated an anti-Western imperialist attitude and unquestioned admiration for the Soviet Union. The CICD’s approach was largely consistent with the international peace movement’s pursuits in this period, which promoted the pro-Soviet policy of peaceful coexistence as a means of brokering international disputes and avoiding a nuclear, third world war. The CICD’s political activity was shaped not only by its links with the pro- Soviet international peace movement but also by Australian activist traditions. The correlation between these two factors was important in shaping the scope and nature of the CICD’s political activism and its organisational culture.

Excessive unobserved firepower expenditures by Allied forces during the Vietnam War defied the traditional counterinsurgency principle that population protection should be valued more than destruction of the enemy. Many historians have pointed to this discontinuity in their arguments, but none have examined the available firepower records in detail. This study compiles and analyzes available, artillery-related U.S. and Allied archival records to test historical assertions about the balance between conventional and counterinsurgent military strategy as it changed over time. It finds that, between 1965 and 1970, the commanders of the U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), Generals William Westmoreland and Creighton Abrams, shared significant continuity of strategic and tactical thought. Both commanders tolerated U.S. Army, Marine Corps, and Allied unobserved firepower at levels inappropriate for counterinsurgency and both reduced Army harassment and interdiction fire (H&I) as a response to increasing budgetary pressure. Before 1968, the Army expended nearly 40 percent of artillery ammunition as H&I – a form of unobserved fire that sought merely to hinder enemy movement and to lower enemy morale, rather than to inflict any appreciable enemy casualties. To save money, Westmoreland reduced H&I, or “interdiction” after a semantic name change in February 1968, to just over 29 percent of ammunition expended in July 1968, the first full month of Abrams’ command. Abrams likewise pursued dollar savings with his “Five-by-Five Plan” of August 1968 that reduced Army artillery interdiction expenditures to nearly ten percent of ammunition by January 1969. Yet Abrams allowed Army interdiction to stabilize near this level until early 1970, when recurring financial pressure prompted him to virtually eliminate the practice. Meanwhile, Marines fired H&I at historically high rates into the final months of 1970 and Australian “Harassing Fire” surpassed Army and Marine Corps totals during the same period. South Vietnamese artillery also fired high rates of H&I, but Filipino and Thai artillery eschewed H&I in quiet areas of operation and Republic of Korea [ROK] forces abandoned H&I in late 1968 as a direct response to MACV’s budgetary pressure. Financial pressure, rather than strategic change, drove MACV’s unobserved firepower reductions during the Vietnam War.

Between 45-57% of South Africans are estimated to be engulfed by poverty. In an attempt to identify policy instruments that could help change this status quo, the various strategies that have been implemented in countries (e.g. China, Vietnam and Uganda) that are known to have been relatively successful in reducing poverty are reviewed. In the process, this dissertation discusses the literature regarding poverty, with a particular emphasis on the definition, measurement and determinants thereof. Furthermore, South Africa's anti-poverty strategies are discussed. It turns out that these have met limited success. This is largely due to insufficient pro-poor economic growth, weak implementation/administration at the municipal level, slow asset redistribution, high income/wealth inequality, low job generation rate by SMME's, high HIV/AIDS infection rate, public corruption and inadequate monitoring of poverty. Therefore, if meaningful progress towards poverty reduction is to be achieved, the government needs to deal with the foregoing constraints accordingly.
Economics
M.Comm. (Economics)