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Journal articles on the topic 'Congress Party'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Sigua, Xander Kim. "Legislative Performance of Party List Groups in the Philippines from 11th to 18th Congresses." Asia Pacific Journal of Management and Sustainable Development 12, no. 3 (2024): 70–77. https://doi.org/10.70979/vdux3897.

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The 1987 Philippine Constitution included the party list system as a political measure to encourage more representation in the national legislative body particularly in the House of Representatives. However, the party list system has become a source of controversies and uncertainties which led the groups to make several efforts to stay true to their advocacies and justify their purpose. This paper examined the bills filed by different party list groups from the 11th to the 18th congresses and analyzed the legislative performance of the party list groups. Using a qualitative approach to evaluat

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2

Manion, Melanie. "When Communist Party Candidates Can Lose, Who Wins? Assessing the Role of Local People's Congresses in the Selection of Leaders in China." China Quarterly 195 (September 2008): 607–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008000799.

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AbstractThis article draws on Party and government documents, Chinese-language books and articles, interviews and firsthand observation, and electoral outcome data to contribute to the emerging literature on the changing role of people's congresses in mainland China. It focuses on the crucially important but neglected relationship between local congresses and local Communist Party committees in the selection of congress and government leaders. It analyses the 1995 reforms to Party regulations and the law, which resulted in electoral losses of more than 17,000 Communist Party candidates in the

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3

Morgan, Kevin. "Bolshevization, Stalinization, and Party Ritual: The Congresses of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1920-1943." Labour History Review: Volume 87, Issue 2 87, no. 2 (2022): 141–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2022.6.

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This paper examines the national congresses of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in the period of the Communist International (1919- 43). Both in Britain and internationally, communist party congresses in this period lost any independent decision-making role and became a mechanism activated and controlled from above. Not surprisingly, they have attracted little serious scholarly notice in their own right, but this paper identifies three themes deserving consideration: first, that of the congress as a field of tension between inherited notions of delegatory democracy and the Comintern

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4

Lowry, William R., and Charles R. Shipan. "Party Differentiation in Congress." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 1 (2002): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298002x200495.

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5

DiSalvo, Daniel. "Party Factions in Congress." Congress & the Presidency 36, no. 1 (2009): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460802683125.

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Lowry, William R., and Charles R. Shipan. "Party Differentiation in Congress." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 1 (2002): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3598518.

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7

Holloway, David. "The Soviet Party Congress." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 42, no. 5 (1986): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1986.11459368.

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8

Frank, Peter. "The Twenty-Eighth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union: A Personal Assessment." Government and Opposition 25, no. 4 (1990): 472–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00398.x.

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TO PARAPHRASE ALEXANDER YAKOVLEV, THE ONLY predictable thing about the 28th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) would be its utter unpredictability.Twice brought forward from its original planned date (February 1991), it began its deliberations in Moscow's Palace of Congresses on 2 July 1990. Little optimism attended the opening. Instead, the mood was nervous and jittery, angry and spiteful. Gone were the self-congratulation, unanimity and routinized ovations of previous congresses. Society at large was stubbornly indifferent to what was happening in the Kremlin; the Par

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Curry, James M., and Frances E. Lee. "Non-Party Government: Bipartisan Lawmaking and Party Power in Congress." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 1 (2019): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718002128.

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Majority leaders of the contemporary Congress preside over parties that are more cohesive than at any point in the modern era, and power has been centralized in party leadership offices. Do today’s majority parties succeed in enacting their legislative agendas to a greater extent than the less-cohesive parties of earlier eras? To address this question, we examine votes on all laws enacted from 1973–2016, as well as on the subset of landmark laws identified by Mayhew. In addition, we analyze the efforts of congressional majority parties to pass their agendas from 1985 to 2016. We find that enac

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10

Chhibber, Pradeep K., and John R. Petrocik. "The Puzzle of Indian Politics: Social Cleavages and the Indian Party System." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 2 (1989): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005433.

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The social cleavage theory of parly systems has provided a major framework for the study of Western party systems. It has been quite unimportant in studying other party systems, especially those of developing countries, where comparative development, and not mass electoral politics, has been the focus of study. This article reports the results of an attempt to bridge these traditions by analysing popular support for the Congress Party of India in terms of the expectations of the social cleavage theory of parties. This analysis illustrates the degree to which Indian partisanship conforms to the

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11

Reddy, Thiven. "The Congress Party Model: South Africa's African National Congress (ANC) and India's Indian National Congress (INC) as Dominant Parties." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (2005): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905774270493.

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Abstract The paper argues that the model developed to analyze the dominance of the Indian National Congress of the political party system during the first two decades of independence helps in our understanding of the unfolding party system in South Africa. A comparison of the Congress Party and the African National Congress suggests many similarities. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first part focuses on the dominant party system in India. In the second part, I apply the model of the Congress System to South Africa. I argue that the three features of the Congress System – a

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12

Aldrich, John H., Jacob M. Montgomery, and David B. Sparks. "Polarization and Ideology: Partisan Sources of Low Dimensionality in Scaled Roll Call Analyses." Political Analysis 22, no. 4 (2014): 435–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpt048.

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In this article, we challenge the conclusion that the preferences of members of Congress are best represented as existing in a low-dimensional space. We conduct Monte Carlo simulations altering assumptions regarding the dimensionality and distribution of member preferences and scale the resulting roll call matrices. Our simulations show that party polarization generates misleading evidence in favor of low dimensionality. This suggests that the increasing levels of party polarization in recent Congresses may have produced false evidence in favor of a low-dimensional policy space. However, we sh

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13

Fiers, Stefaan. "Partijgebeuren en rolverwachtingen t.a.v. de verkiezing of selectie van de partijvoorzitter in de Parti Socialiste (1981-1995)." Res Publica 38, no. 1 (1996): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i1.18657.

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This article deals with the process through which party leaders in the Parti Socialiste were selected in the eighties and the nineties. Despite theparty congress's entitlement to elect leaders, the critical factor in winning the leadership has been endorsement by predecessors. G. Spitaels and Ph. Busquin are cases in point.The congress merely serves as a ritual, as a consequence of which the outcome of the vote is highly predictable, influenced as it is by party events and role-expectations. Socialist party leaders have a wide arsenal at their disposal to rule the party in a rather autoritaria

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14

Tran, Ngoc Hang. "THE ISSUE OF PRIVATE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE SPIRIT OF THE XIII CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF VIETNAM." International Journal of Management and Commerce Innovations 10, no. 1 (2022): 255–59. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6620046.

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<strong>Abstract:</strong> The private economy is increasingly occupying a large proportion and playing an important role in the economic development of the country. Our Party and State have affirmed the importance of the private sector in the process of economic development - society. In this article, the author refers to the issue of private economic development in the spirit of the 13th Party Congress. <strong>Keywords:</strong> Private economy, Vietnam, Party Congress. <strong>Title:</strong> THE ISSUE OF PRIVATE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE SPIRIT OF THE XIII CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PART

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15

Gainsborough, Martin. "From Patronage to "Outcomes": Vietnam's Communist Party Congresses Reconsidered." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 2, no. 1 (2007): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2007.2.1.3.

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The article offers a revisionist approach to assessing the significance of Communist Party congresses in Vietnam. Analysis to date has focused on the presumed policy significance of a particular congress. The article argues that much more important than policy are outcomes, or what actually happens on the ground. Consequently, it is suggested that a more fruitful way to assess the significance of Vietnam's congresses is to view them first and foremost as occasions when access to patronage and political protection are circulated and then consider how outcomes emerge as a result of this.

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16

Wightman, Gordon. "Czechoslovakia: The seventeenth party congress." Journal of Communist Studies 2, no. 3 (1986): 304–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278608414826.

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17

Moskowitz, Daniel J., Jon C. Rogowski, and James M. Snyder Jr. "Parsing Party Polarization in Congress." Quarterly Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (2024): 357–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00022039.

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18

Dickson, Barney. "Groen links' first party congress." Capitalism Nature Socialism 3, no. 2 (1992): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455759209358483.

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19

Poole, Keith T., and Howard Rosenthal. "on party polarization in Congress." Daedalus 136, no. 3 (2007): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed.2007.136.3.104.

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20

Burakowski, Adam, and Krzysztof Iwanek. "India’s Aam Aadmi (Common Man’s) Party." Asian Survey 57, no. 3 (2017): 528–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.3.528.

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The Aam Aadmi Party (Common Man’s Party, AAP) has taken over part of the program of the Indian National Congress. The AAP was able to include new solutions within the traditional political repertoire. In Delhi the AAP took over the traditional Congress electorate but was also able to reach out to the middle-class voter.

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21

Saint-Martin, Denis. "Gradual Institutional Change in Congressional Ethics: Endogenous Pressures toward Third-Party Enforcement." Studies in American Political Development 28, no. 2 (2014): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x14000066.

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Ethics reform in Congress is expected to display extensive instability and “cycling.” Members hold conflicting views about ethics, and parties have weak capacities to order their preferences. The trend is for legislators to resist change until a scandal erupts and forces them to act. As a result, ethics reforms in Congress have typically developed through a layering of short-term and piecemeal institutional responses to the scandal of the moment. But the accumulation over time of seemingly small adjustments to the ethics process has been more path-dependent than anticipated in theories of disj

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22

Verma, Vijay. "The Changing Nature of the Indian Party System: ‘Congress System’ to ‘BJP Dominance’." Research Expression 6, no. 8 (2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.61703/10.61703/vol-6vyt8_1.

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In the last 75 years, the Indian political system has gone through various changes and transition phases, the clear impact of which can be seen in the Indian party system. The existence of the Congress as an important national party after independence, both at the national and state levels, in what Rajni Kothari termed the 'Congress System' (1952-1967). Morris-Jones described the 1950–1967 phase in similar terms as "coexistence with competition but without a trace of alternative". 1977 marked the beginning of the end of the 'Congress system' by Rajni Kothari, which had been facing challenges s

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23

Lebo, Matthew J., Adam J. McGlynn, and Gregory Koger. "Strategic Party Government: Party Influence in Congress, 1789?2000." American Journal of Political Science 51, no. 3 (2007): 464–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00262.x.

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24

Leonov, M. M. "Socialist Revolutionary party and the Second International." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-42-50.

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The path of the Socialist Revolutionary party to the Second International was a thorny one. Russian social democrats were zealous in creating obstacles, primarily their representative in the International Socialist Bureau (IBS) G.V. Plekhanov. His efforts to the Socialist Revolutionary groups in the 90-ies of the XIX century denied the right of representation in the international socialist community. European political parties were mentally closer to the RSDLP, and their socialist competitors were wary. The Socialist Revolutionary had to work hard to convince the parties of the International o

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25

Domes, Jürgen. "The 13th Party Congress of the Kuomintang: Towards Political Competition?" China Quarterly 118 (June 1989): 345–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000017847.

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The Kuomintang (KMT) held its 13th Party Congress from 7 to 13 July 1988 on Taiwan. The Congress departed from its predecessors in several significant ways: a majority of its delegates had been directly elected by party members; a local-born Taiwanese was officially confirmed as Party leader; the Central Committee was elected at the Congress by secret ballot; after which it appointed its own Standing Committee, the majority of whom were local-born Taiwanese and for the first time included a woman.

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26

Otto, Aaron A. "The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Lessons from the 103rd and the 104th Congresses, and What We May Expect in the 107th." Policy Perspectives 8, no. 1 (2000): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v8i1.4221.

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The congressional elections of 1994 gave the GOP a unique opportunity: the chance to govern as the majority party in the House for the first time in 40 years. However, the balance of power in the House has narrowed with every election cycle since 1994, giving the Democrats the potential to retake the majority in 2000. Although either party may be in a position to serve in the majority, the more likely scenario is that both parties will probably be at parity with each other. This article compares the management styles and priorities of the last Democratic Congress (103rd, 1993-95) with the subs

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27

Soikham, Piyanat. "Revisiting a dominant party: Normative dynamics of the Indian National Congress." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 1 (2018): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118805157.

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Previous scholarship has established that the Indian National Congress (INC) is widely regarded as India’s dominant party due to its consecutive victories in winning the majority of the vote share in elections, its ability to manage and embrace internal conflict through strong organizational structures and the dominant capacity to set the public agenda and political order. To deepen understanding of this party, this article adopts a norm-based framework to define norms, a social understanding of social groups, which determines and shapes actions and behaviour. Building upon this framework, des

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Patterson, Samuel C., and Gregory A. Caldeira. "Party Voting in the United States Congress." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (1988): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000497x.

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By the standard of most European parliaments, levels of party voting in the United States Congress are relatively low. Nevertheless, party voting does occur in the House of Representatives and the Senate. In the American context, a party vote occurs when majorities of the two congressional parties, the Democrats and the Republicans, oppose one another. The authors construct measurements of levels of party voting in Congress in the years after the Second World War. They then develop a model to test the effects of a number of independent variables that influence fluctuations in party voting leve

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Hadley, Charles D. "Comment: Problems Analyzing Congress, Chronological Age, and Critical Elections." American Review of Politics 14 (April 1, 1993): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.119-121.

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The above analysis by Whicker and Jewell suffers, in part, because the authors bring an extensive and very diverse literature-elections, economics, and congressional studies-to bear on the phenomenon of partisan change among congresses measured by various manipulations of the age of members of congress. While “critical elections” (Key 1955) denote periods of sharp partisan change, the authors use this terminology interchangeably with “realigning elections” (e.g., Key 1959; Chambers & Burnham 1967, 1975; Burnham 1969, 1970), even though control of the political system (in this case, congres

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Chander, Sunil. "Congress—Raj Conflict and the Rise of the Muslim League in the Ministry Period, 1937–39." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (1987): 303–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013822.

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The Government of India Act of 1935 was a constitutional device meant to extend the Raj's political alliances in Indian society. The Congress Party, on the other hand, construed the Act as a new challenge to the demand for independence. The authorities discovered that the Congress ministers’ primary loyalties lay with the imperatives of the party and not with the constitutional arrangement. Concern on this account was heightened by the resurgence of ground-level Congress activism. The Congress strengthened and expanded its volunteer organization while it governed the provinces. If the formal p

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31

Gang, Chen. "From 17th to 18th Party Congress: Implications for Intra-Party Democracy." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 2 (2015): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v32i2.4757.

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Growing intra-party pluralism and intensified factional rivalry have pressured the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) to adjust the authoritarian official-selection system by resorting to an 'intra-Party democracy' mechanism based on informal polls among influential party officials and retirees. The progress, albeit slow and opaque since the 17th Party Congress in 2007, is increasingly seen as the CPC's only solution to intensified factional rivalry at various levels and the decline of legitimacy associated with the corrupt and inept officialdom. With backroom straw polls setting

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32

Rakhmatov, Murod G. "ALL-TURKESTAN MUSLIM CONGRESS IN 1917." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 6 (2021): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-6-22.

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Some peculiarities of the important changes of 1917 in the Turkestan region are shown on the basis of archival materials and historical sources. The article examines the focus on the 1917 All-Turkestan Muslim Congress.The main issues discussed at the congresses were the activities of Shura Islamia and Shura Ulamo, Turon and other political organizations, the activities of the political party Ittifoki Muslimin and the political system of Turkestan. He also analyzed the basic principles and norms of state structure based on a parliamentary republic called the Federal Republic of Turkestan.Index

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33

Nikolenyi, Csaba. "When the Central Player Fails: Constraints on Cabinet Formation in Contemporary India." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 2 (2004): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040181.

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From the first post–independence election in 1952 until the general elections of 1989, the Indian National Congress party won a plurality of the votes and a majority of the legislative seats in every national parliamentary election except for the one that was held in 1977. Although the party maintained its dominant position in the national party system for almost four decades, starting in 1967 it gradually lost it at the subnational level. Finally, the 1989 national election brought Congress dominance to a definite end in the national party system as well. Since 1989, Congress has neither rema

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Barrow, Lynda K. "Party On? Politicians and Party Switching in Mexico." Politics 27, no. 3 (2007): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00296.x.

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The breakdown of Mexico's hegemonic party system raises questions about the nature of the new system and of the prospects of consolidating Mexican democracy. The concern addressed in this article is that, at the very same time that democratisation has made Mexicans' electoral choices more significant, frequently changing party allegiances among candidates and even elected officials renders these choices less meaningful. Since parties ‘matter’ in a democratic polity, party switching may prove an impediment to the development of a liberal and stable democracy. Partisan shifts within the state co

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35

Sarkin, V. G. "The XXVII Congress of the CPSU: the largest political event of our time." Kazan medical journal 67, no. 2 (1986): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/kazmj65303.

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From February 25 to March 6, 1986, the XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held in Moscow. The days of the Congress were special in the life of the Soviet country, the Leninist Party, and every communist and non-party worker: they summed up the results of the way covered, evaluated what had been achieved, and outlined the prospects for further development. The congress was an event of great historical significance for our comrades abroad and for all progressive mankind.

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Latell, Brian. "Cuba after the Third Party Congress." Current History 85, no. 515 (1986): 425–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1986.85.515.425.

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37

Frankland, Mark. "Gloomy signal from the Party Congress." Index on Censorship 15, no. 6 (1986): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228608534112.

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Winter, R. P. "Sudan and the National Congress Party." Mediterranean Quarterly 18, no. 2 (2007): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2007-005.

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Theriault, Sean M. "Party Polarization in the US Congress." Party Politics 12, no. 4 (2006): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068806064730.

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Ansolabehere, Stephen, Maxwell Palmer, and Benjamin Schneer. "Divided Government and Significant Legislation: A History of Congress from 1789 to 2010." Social Science History 42, no. 1 (2017): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.42.

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This article presents and analyzes the most comprehensive database to date of significant acts of Congress—from 1789 to 2010—to test whether divided party control of government affects the number of important acts Congress passes. We find that unified control corresponds with one additional significant act passed per Congress in the nineteenth century and four additional such acts in the twentieth century. However, party control of government cannot explain the broad historical trends in the rate at which Congress passes significant legislation. Nixon in 1969 was far more successful with a Dem

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McCarty, Nolan, Keith T. Poole, and Howard Rosenthal. "The Hunt for Party Discipline in Congress." American Political Science Review 95, no. 3 (2001): 673–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401003069.

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We analyze party discipline in the House of Representatives between 1947 and 1998. The effects of party pressures can be represented in a spatial model by allowing each party to have its own cutting line on roll call votes. Adding a second cutting line makes, at best, a marginal improvement over the standard single-line model. Analysis of legislators who switch parties shows, however, that party discipline is manifest in the location of the legislator's ideal point. In contrast to our approach, we find that the Snyder-Groseclose method of estimating the influence of party discipline is biased

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Thornton, Patricia M. "Of Constitutions, Campaigns and Commissions: A Century of Democratic Centralism under the CCP." China Quarterly 248, S1 (2021): 52–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741021000758.

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AbstractDemocratic centralism, a hallmark of Leninist party organizations, has played a formative role in the history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Yet despite being hailed as an “inviolable” and “unchanging” Party principle, understandings of democratic centralism have shifted dramatically over the century of its existence. This study traces the long arc of the concept's evolution across successive Party Constitutions, focusing on three critical historical junctures: the Sixth Party Congress, which formally adopted democratic centralism into its Constitution as an organizational princ

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Gaido, Daniel. "Paul Levi and the Origins of the United-Front Policy in the Communist International." Historical Materialism 25, no. 1 (2017): 131–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341515.

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During its first four congresses, held annually under Lenin (1919–22), the Communist International went through two distinct phases: while the first two congresses focused on programmatic and organisational aspects of the break with Social-Democratic parties (such as the ‘Theses on Bourgeois Democracy and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat’, adopted by the first congress, and the 21 ‘Conditions of Admission to the Communist International’, adopted by the second), the third congress, meeting after the putsch known as the ‘March Action’ of 1921 in Germany, adopted the slogan ‘To the masses!’, w

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Kierasiński, Mariusz. "Sino-North Korean Ideological Relations in Face of 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China." HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 3, no. 2 (2022): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.33790.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the most important aspects of the ideological relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the face of the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). The Policy Brief is divided into four parts: Reactions of the Workers' Party of Korea to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party CPC; Mention of Korea during the 20th CPC Congress; The role of CPC in People's Republic of China according to WKP and the Significance of Sino-North Korean ideological relations after 20th Congress of the CP

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Alam, Dr Md Aftab. "Causes and Consequences of the Decline of the “One Party Dominance” of the Indian National Congress." Praxis International Journal of Social Science and Literature 6, no. 6 (2023): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.51879/pijssl/060608.

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When India got independence and chose to be a democracy, experts were skeptical whether India will survive as a democracy, because it was not a middle income country, industrialisation had not taken place in India, and it was large and highly diverse country, these were preconditions for democracy. Congress has been one of the most important institutions in India’s modern political development trajectory. Congress has played a significant role, while remaining as a dominant party in a competitive party system, in evolving an institutionalized democracy in post-independent India. But, we have w

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Qiang, Zhong, Meng Li, and Liao Yang. "Research on the Changes and Measures of the Central Government of China in the Governance of Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions since the Late 1990s." Journal of Social and Political Sciences 2, no. 1 (2019): 200–226. https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.02.01.62.

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On the basis of reviewing Hong Kong's sovereignty and Macao's sovereignty returning to China before and after their sovereignty return to China, the article analyzes the changes in the United Front Work in Hong Kong and Macao since the 16th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and reflected on the success or failure of the United Front Work in Hong Kong and Macao during the post-return period. It discussed the Hong Kong and Macao united front work in the era of comprehensive governance before the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and before the 19th N

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Reddy, K. Siva. "Emergence of the BJP and Erosion of the Congress: A Critical Evaluation." International Journal of Management and Development Studies 11, no. 09 (2022): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.53983/ijmds.v11n09.003.

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The historical scenario of Indian politics marked a period of One Party dominance, which pertained to the Indian National Congress' supremacy in the years following India's independence in 1947. This party played a crucial role in the struggle for freedom and garnered considerable backing throughout the nation. The waning of the Congress Party's control led to a more diversified political landscape in India, where numerous parties and coalitions competed for authority. Despite remaining a significant political entity, the Congress Party's influence became more localized, and it encountered opp

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Gueorguiev, Dimitar D., and Paul J. Schuler. "KEEPING YOUR HEAD DOWN: PUBLIC PROFILES AND PROMOTION UNDER AUTOCRACY." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (2016): 87–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2015.1.

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AbstractDuring recent party congresses in China and Vietnam, two highly anticipated candidates for promotion were sidelined. In China, Bo Xilai was arrested for corruption and stripped of his party membership. In Vietnam, Nguyen Ba Thanh remained a provincial leader with little opportunity for promotion to the Politburo. Existing arguments about promotions under authoritarian rule are unable to explain these outcomes. In particular, both candidates were competent and well connected. This cuts contrary to the expectations of both performance-based promotion and factional promotion theories. We

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Manion, Melanie. "Chinese Democratization in Perspective: Electorates and Selectorates at the Township Level." China Quarterly 163 (September 2000): 764–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100001465x.

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Progress in democratization is widely judged by how well elections function as instruments allowing ordinary citizens to choose political leaders to represent their preferences. In January 1999, I travelled to villages and towns in Chongqing as a member of a Carter Center delegation invited by the National People's Congress (NPC) to observe the electoral processes that produce delegates to people's congresses, chairmen and deputy chairmen of these congresses, and government leaders at the township level. The Carter Center is an American nongovernment organization associated with Emory Universi

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Birch, Julian. "The 1986 Party Program and the National Minorities in the USSR." Nationalities Papers 15, no. 2 (1987): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408052.

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Since Gorbachev's accession to power in March 1985, his rule has been marked by a very visible concern for economic reforms and developments in international relations. Nationality and minority affairs within the USSR, which played such a prominent part previously with the mass emigration movements and open dissent of the 1970s, have not been at the forefront of his interests, in either his speeches or his travels. However, the local Party congresses and the 27th Congress of the CPSU as a whole provide an opportunity for a review of current thinking on this enduring and contentious issue. The

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