Relevant bibliographies by topics / Congressional decision making

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Congressional decision making'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Congressional decision making"

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HANSFORD, THOMAS G., and DAVID F. DAMORE. "Congressional Preferences, Perceptions of Threat, and Supreme Court Decision Making." American Politics Quarterly 28, no. 4 (2000): 490–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x00028004003.

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Previous research examining the impact of extra-Court factors on Supreme Court decision making has developed conflicting theoretical perspectives supported with limited empirical evidence. In an attempt to better assess the influence of Congress on Court decisions, we develop a theoretical model specifying the conditions under which congressional preferences might constrain justices' votes on the merits. More specifically, we argue that previous congressional overrides in an issue area and case-level interest group activity make congressional preferences salient for the justices. In these threat situations, the justices will be most likely to shift their final votes on the merits in a manner congruent with the preferences of Congress. Based on our logit analysis of data on all orally argued statutory cases from 1963 to 1995, we find mixed support for our hypotheses and conclude that there are limited conditions under which congressional preferences may influence a justice's vote.
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Martin, Andrew D. "Congressional Decision Making and the Separation of Powers." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (2001): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401002180.

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To what extent does the separation of powers affect congressional roll call voting behavior? To answer this question, I offer a strategic model of congressional decision making that asserts members of Congress pursue public policy goals when casting roll call votes. From the equilibrium predictions of a formal model, I generate testable hypotheses by computing the expected net amount of sophisticated (nonsincere) congressional behavior given changes in decision context. I test the predictions of the theoretical model with data from all civil rights roll call votes from the 83d to the 102d Congress. The results demonstrate that both the other legislative chamber and the Supreme Court profoundly constrain House members and senators when casting roll call votes. This is strong evidence of the importance of policy outcomes to members of Congress when voting on the floor.
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BERGARA, MARIO, BARAK RICHMAN, and PABLO T. SPILLER. "Modeling Supreme Court Strategic Decision Making: The Congressional Constraint." Legislative Studies Quarterly 28, no. 2 (2003): 247–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298003x200881.

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Mills, Russell W. "Congressional modification of benefit-cost analysis as a vehicle for particularized benefits and a limitation on agency discretion: the case of the federal contract tower program." Journal of Benefit-Cost Analysis 4, no. 3 (2013): 301–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbca-2013-0014.

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The literature on Congressional control of the bureaucracy has examined how members of Congress pursue strategies such as oversight, the limitation of discretion in legislation [Moe, T. (1989). The politics of bureaucratic structure. In J. E. Chubb & P. E. Peterson (Eds.), Can the Government Govern? Washington, DC: Brookings Institution); Huber, J. D., & Shipan, C. R. (2002). Deliberate discretion: The institutional foundations of bureaucratic autonomy. New York: Cambridge University Press], and the use of tools such as administrative procedures [McCubbins, M., & Schwartz, T. (1984). Congressional oversight overlooked: police patrols vs. fire alarms. American Journal of Political Science, 21(1), 165–179; McCubbins, M., Noll, R., & Weingast, B. (1987). Administrative procedures as instruments of political control. Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 3, 243–277] and limitation riders [MacDonald, J. A. (2010). Limitation riders and congressional influence over bureaucratic policy decisions. American Political Science Review, 104 (November), 766–782] to exert influence over executive agency decision making. One area where Congress has attempted to exert control over agency decision-making is through the legislative modification of one of the most common bureaucratic decision-making tools: benefit-cost analysis (BCA). While scholars have examined political influence in agency regulatory impact analysis BCAs for proposed rules [Shapiro, S., & Morrall III, J. F. (2012). The triumph of regulatory politics. Benefit-cost analysis and political salience. Regulation and Governance, 6(2), 189–206], there has been a lack of examination of Congressional modification of agency BCA processes to justify and protect particularized [Mayhew, D. (1974). Congress: The electoral connection. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press] infrastructure projects in their districts. This paper will examine the effect of Congressional control over agency BCA processes to secure particularized benefits by developing an in-depth case study of the Federal Contact Tower Program (FCTP) operated by the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) that examines the political and public management implications of Congress’s limitation of the FAA’s autonomy to operate the FCTP under current benefit-cost guidance. Building upon the literature on particularized benefits and Congressional delegation, the results of this study indicate that members of Congress use BCA processes to insulate infrastructure projects in their districts by restricting the ability of agencies to optimize program effectiveness.
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Herrnson, Paul S. "National Party Decision Making, Strategies, and Resource Distribution in Congressional Elections." Western Political Quarterly 42, no. 3 (1989): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448430.

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Herrnson, P. S. "National Party Decision Making, Strategies, and Resource Distribution in Congressional Elections." Political Research Quarterly 42, no. 3 (1989): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298904200307.

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Burgin, Eileen. "Deciding on human embryonic stem cell research: Evidence from Congress's first showdown by President George W. Bush." Politics and the Life Sciences 28, no. 1 (2009): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/28_1_3.

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This paper examines the influences that congressional staff people viewed as important in shaping legislators' voting decisions on the human embryonic stem (ES) cell research bill in the 109th Congress, the first legislation vetoed by President George W. Bush. The analysis illuminates factors that impact congressional decision making on a salient issue with a strong moral component. Constituent concerns, ideology, and a desire to make good public policy all centrally affected members' choices; however, moral overtones permeated considerations relevant to the human ES cell research question. In addition, at least three influences that directly reflect or relate to members' moral claims — religious convictions, personal connections to potential beneficiaries of human ES cell research, and moral pressure from outside interests — were important also. The analysis draws on data gathered from interviews with congressional aides.
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Todhunter, James P. "Domestic Political Incentives, Congressional Support, and U.S. Mediation." International Negotiation 23, no. 3 (2018): 333–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23011123.

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Abstract Powerful states have numerous resources that can be mobilized in mediation processes. However, evidence suggests that such states are not more likely to be successful than other mediators. This article examines U.S. mediations through the lens of foreign policy decision making and argues that leaders make foreign policy decisions primarily with their domestic consequences in mind. Further, it contends that presidential administrations seek to build a record of success in order to improve their domestic political fortunes based on the policy options available to them. The study tests two explanations of foreign policy substitution based on domestic conditions and institutional configurations, the “party cover” and “policy availability” arguments, for U.S. mediations from 1945–1999. Results for the party cover argument are more robust, suggesting that domestic conditions play an important role in the decision to engage in mediation and imply that successful mediation is secondary to domestic politics.
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Hines, Shawnda. "Washington Hotline." College & Research Libraries News 80, no. 6 (2019): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.80.6.356.

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Asadi, Tohid, and Marzieh Javadi Arjmand. "Presidential-Congressional Relations in US Foreign Policy Decision-Making: a Theoretical Treatise." MGIMO Review of International Relations 4, no. 61 (2018): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2018-4-61-219-240.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Congressional decision making"

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Shafran, Jobeth Surface. "Bringing policy back into the policy making process." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3243.

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My research project is a break from the current trend in the literature that focuses on the conflict associated with roll call voting—party polarization and institutional friction. I am interested in determining how policy characteristics of roll call decisions can affect legislators' vote choices. Bills not only differ according to issue content—agricultural policy versus social welfare policy—but also according to how ambiguous they are—a collection of disparate issues versus one specific issue. Using a dataset of House roll calls from 1985-2004 and the Policy Agendas Project content coding scheme, I show that variation in both policy area and policy ambiguity of a given bill is associated with variation in the accuracy of ideology in predicting roll call vote choice.<br>text
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Books on the topic "Congressional decision making"

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Hansen, Orval. Congressional operations: The role of mail in decision making in Congress. Center for Responsive Politics, 1987.

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C, King David. Congressional vote options. National Bureau of Economic Research, 1999.

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Office, General Accounting. Forest Service decision-making: A framework for improving performance : report to Congressional requesters. The Office, 1997.

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Office, General Accounting. Forest Service decision-making: A framework for improving performance : report to congressional requesters. The Office, 1997.

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Office, General Accounting. Forest Service decision-making: A framework for improving performance : report to Congressional requesters. The Office, 1997.

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Office, General Accounting. Forest Service decision-making: A framework for improving performance : report to Congressional requesters. The Office, 1997.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Concurrent resolution expressing Congressional support for the goals and ideals of National Health Care Decisions Day. [United States Government Printing Office], 2008.

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Office, General Accounting. SSA disability decision making: Additional steps needed to ensure accuracy and fairness of decisions at the hearings level : report to Congressional Requesters. GAO, 2003.

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Reviewing delegation: An analysis of the congressional reauthorization process. Praeger, 2003.

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Office, General Accounting. SSA disability decision making: Additional measures would enhance agency's ability to determine whether racial bias exists : report to Congressional Requesters. GAO, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Congressional decision making"

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Boyd, Christina L., Michael J. Nelson, Ian Ostrander, and Ethan D. Boldt. "Theorizing Political Responsiveness in Prosecutorial Decision-Making." In The Politics of Federal Prosecution. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197554685.003.0005.

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This chapter details our theory for why we should expect the priorities and preferences of the president, Congress, and a U.S. Attorney’s local public to affect prosecutorial behavior. We argue that principal-agency theory provides a useful tool to understand how political principals like the president and Congress can influence U.S. Attorney decision-making. We expect that presidential rhetoric and congressional hearings on crime-fighting priorities will provide important, meaningful signals regarding these principals’ priorities and that federal prosecutors will adjust their behavior depending on the strength of the signals they have received from their principals. Additionally, we anticipate that U.S. Attorneys will be mindful of their local public’s preferences because they are often drawn from the district in which they serve and will continue to work in the district when their tenure ends. We also introduce the empirical measures used to capture political superiors’ communication to federal prosecutors that we rely on in the remainder of the book.
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Kay, W. D. "Congressional Decision Making and Long-Term Technological Development: The Case of Nuclear Fusion." In Science, Technology, and Politics. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429305511-6.

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Minta, Michael D. "Introduction." In Oversight. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691149257.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, namely to demonstrate via an analysis of congressional oversight activities that black and Latino legislators provide superior substantive representation of minority interests compared to white legislators. The book shows that black and Latino legislators are more likely to advocate on issues such as racial profiling and affirmative action. They are also more likely to intervene in agency decision making by attending, testifying, and engaging in deliberations at congressional oversight hearings in support of minority interests. Moreover, minority legislators write more letters urging agency officials to pursue the enforcement of civil rights policies, and they spend significant time and effort promoting and advocating for class-based solutions that benefit all racial and ethnic groups, such as efforts to end poverty and increase Medicaid and community development funding. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
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Weimer, David L. "Policy analysis in the United States." In Policy Analysis in the United States. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447333821.003.0002.

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Four demands have driven the development of policy analysis in the U.S. First, reformers have sought evidence to support their efforts. Beginning with the municipal bureaus of the Progressive Era, advocacy groups have sought supportive policy analysis, resulting in the proliferation of ideologically differentiated think tanks that produce policy research. Second, politicians have recognized the need for specialized expertise to address pressing problems. Operations research grew out of efforts to solve problems facing the U.S. in World War II and led to subsequent efforts to improve bureaucratic decision-making capacity. Third, the growing scope and complexity of government have led to a demand for information to support routine decision processes. Fiscal offices support state budgeting and the Congressional Budget Office, Government Accountability Office, and Congressional Research Service support the routine business of Congress. Fourth, politicians have sought to discipline their own (and especially others’) future actions by mandating that analyses be applied to certain classes of decisions. Legislative requirements that the Army Corps of Engineers consider the benefits of investment projects were introduced at the beginning of the last century, legislative requirements for the completion of environmental impact statements were imposed in 1970, and beginning in 1981, executive orders have required cost-benefit analyses be completed for major agency rulemakings. Higher education has responded to these demands by supplying persons trained specifically in policy analysis.
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Patashnik, Eric M., and Justin Peck. "Can Congress Do Policy Analysis?" In Does Policy Analysis Matter? University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520287396.003.0003.

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This chapter addresses the issues of using nonpartisan policy analysis within the current US legislative setting. It criticizes some of the earlier studies that assess congressional use of policy analysis for applying too narrow a conception of how analysis can affect decision making. The chapter conducts an original survey of over 150 policy professionals working in the Washington, DC, area and uses it to assess how well Congress carries out the different tasks or steps of policy analysis. It asks how well a certain institution carries out the policy-analytic mission rather than viewing policy analysis as the task of an individual or a small team focused on one particular issue.
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Edwards, George C. "Strategic Position with Congress." In Predicting the Presidency. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691170374.003.0003.

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This chapter examines Barack Obama’s strategic position with Congress, again explaining why he was not more successful. Presidential persuasion is at the margins of congressional decision making. There are several components of the opportunity for obtaining support from both Democrats and Republicans, aside from existing public support for the president’s initiatives. The chapter first provides an overview of partisanship in Congress and the ideology of Congress before addressing a number of key questions; for example, whether there is a perception in Congress that the president received an electoral mandate on behalf of specific policies, whether the president’s party enjoys a majority in a chamber, the degree of ideological polarization in Congress, or whether the structure of the decision facing Congress favors the president. The chapter shows that presidential leadership is highly dependent on the opportunity structure not only with the public but also with Congress.
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Wolak, Jennifer. "Support for Compromise in Principle and in Practice." In Compromise in an Age of Party Polarization. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197510490.003.0009.

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This chapter reports a set of experiments that consider people’s appraisals of specific policy compromises in Congress, focusing on whether people like compromises less once they understand what types of policy concessions they entail. Drawing on recent congressional compromises on domestic violence legislation, education reform, and health-care policy, the experiments test whether people evaluate Congress and its policy outcomes differently when bills are represented as compromises where both sides made concessions in order to achieve policy gains. The results show that people are disappointed when they learn that a bill failed to pass due to members of Congress refusing to compromise. Members of Congress do not seem to be penalized for their support of compromise legislation. Policy compromises serve to boost the perceived legitimacy of the decision-making process, particularly among those who are ideologically opposed to the outcome.
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Cox, Adam B., and Cristina M. Rodríguez. "Wither Legislative Supremacy?" In The President and Immigration Law. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190694364.003.0008.

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This chapter evaluates a central critique of the President’s power to make policy through enforcement, embodied in Justice Anthony Kennedy’s exclamation that President Obama’s relief initiatives would have turned the government “upside down.” This worry that the Executive might transform its authority to enforce the law into a legislative power that belongs to Congress is misplaced. The history of presidential immigration law underscores why. After demonstrating the impossibility of constraining enforcement judgments through a lawyerly search through the immigration code for congressional priorities, the chapter then explains and defends a two-principals model of decision-making, using the terms of contemporary separation of powers theory. The governance in which the Executive engages as a co-principal in the formulation of immigration policy provides a vital complement to the legislature, not only by checking legislative excess and adapting the legal regime in response to the effects of the law on the ground, but also by expanding possibilities for democratic engagement and policymaking within an otherwise sluggish system.
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Colglazier, E. William. "Evidential, Ethical, and Policy Disputes: Admissible Evidence in Radioactive Waste Management." In Acceptable Evidence. Oxford University Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195089295.003.0013.

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A sustained and definitive radioactive waste management policy has been a elusive goal for our nation since the beginning of the nuclear age. An atmosphere of contentiousness and mistrust among the interested parties, fed by a long history of policy reversals, delays, false starts, legal and jurisdictional wrangles, and scientific overconfidence and played out against the background of public concern with nuclear power and weapons issues generally, has dogged society's attempts to come to grips with the radioactive waste-management issue. The policy conflicts have become so intense and intractable that Congress has been forced to deal with the issue periodically. The year 1982 was one watershed year for congressional action on high-level nuclear waste, and 1987 proved to be another. This chapter will examine ethical and value issues in radioactive waste management (RWM), with a special emphasis on disputes about scientific evidence. Controversies over evidence have been particularly important because of the many scientific uncertainties and problems inherent in trying to ensure that nuclear waste in a geological repository will harm neither people nor the environment for the thousands of years that the waste will remain hazardous. This requirement of guaranteeing adequate safety over millennia is an unprecedented undertaking for our regulatory and scientific institutions. The first section of the chapter will provide a brief historical overview of the national policy disputes in radioactive waste management, and the second section will discuss some of the key value issues that have been at the heart of the controversies. Our approach is to delineate key policy issues and to separate the value components of each into three categories: procedural, distributional, and evidential. Key stakeholders—Congress, federal agencies, the nuclear industry, utilities, environmental groups, state governments, Native American tribes, local communities—take particular policy positions justified in part on the basis of procedural, distributional, and evidential values. Procedural values refer to who should make what decision for whom and by what process. Distributional values concern what is a fair allocation of costs, benefits, and risks to the affected parties and to society as a whole. Evidential values refer to what counts as evidence, for example, what type and degree of scientific evidence is sufficient and admissible in making a particular societal decision, especially in the face of large scientific unknowns and significant social and scientific debate. Categories of "value concerns" thus include fairness and appropriateness of process, outcomes, and evidence.
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Conant, James K., and Peter J. Balint. "The National Environmental Policy Act of 1969, the Rise of Environmental Protection in the 1970s, and the Political Drama of the Next Three Decades." In The Life Cycles of the Council on Environmental Quality and the Environmental Protection Agency. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190203702.003.0005.

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The National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) was approved unanimously in the Senate and with near unanimity in the House of Representatives in December 1969. President Nixon signed the act into law on January 1, 1970. The new statute was both brief and farsighted. In fewer than 3,500 words the congressional authors of NEPA articulated for the first time a national policy on the environment, set in motion an innovative regulatory process centered on environmental impact statements, institutionalized public participation in federal environmental decision making, and introduced the requirement that the president report annually to Congress on the nation’s environmental status and trends. NEPA also included a provision that established a new agency, the Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ), in the Executive Office of the President. The CEQ’s assigned statutory role was to implement the environmental impact statement process, prepare the president’s annual environmental report on the condition of the environment, develop policy proposals for solving environmental problems, and coordinate efforts across the federal government to address environmental concerns. As stated in the law, NEPA is designed to “encourage productive and enjoyable harmony between man and his environment”; to “promote efforts which will prevent or eliminate damage to the environment and biosphere and stimulate the health and welfare of man”; and to “fulfill the responsibilities of each generation as trustee of the environment for succeeding generations.” The references to promoting harmony between people and the environment, protecting the biosphere, and affirming the nation’s responsibility for environmental stewardship illustrate an understanding of the scope, scale, and significance of environmental matters that was significantly ahead of its time. The language in NEPA quoted above anticipated by twenty years the concern for the Earth’s biosphere and the concept of environmental sustainability that would become more widely articulated in the run-up to the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro. Moreover, NEPA has had an enduring global impact. By the law’s fortieth anniversary, a majority of U.S. states had established their own environmental impact statement requirements and more than 160 nations worldwide had adopted similar legislation.
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Reports on the topic "Congressional decision making"

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Froebel, Pauline M. Model III Decision Making. Congressional Politics and Federally Funded Research and Development Centers. Defense Technical Information Center, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada440823.

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