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Journal articles on the topic 'Congressional decision making'

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1

HANSFORD, THOMAS G., and DAVID F. DAMORE. "Congressional Preferences, Perceptions of Threat, and Supreme Court Decision Making." American Politics Quarterly 28, no. 4 (2000): 490–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x00028004003.

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Previous research examining the impact of extra-Court factors on Supreme Court decision making has developed conflicting theoretical perspectives supported with limited empirical evidence. In an attempt to better assess the influence of Congress on Court decisions, we develop a theoretical model specifying the conditions under which congressional preferences might constrain justices' votes on the merits. More specifically, we argue that previous congressional overrides in an issue area and case-level interest group activity make congressional preferences salient for the justices. In these thre
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2

Martin, Andrew D. "Congressional Decision Making and the Separation of Powers." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (2001): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401002180.

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To what extent does the separation of powers affect congressional roll call voting behavior? To answer this question, I offer a strategic model of congressional decision making that asserts members of Congress pursue public policy goals when casting roll call votes. From the equilibrium predictions of a formal model, I generate testable hypotheses by computing the expected net amount of sophisticated (nonsincere) congressional behavior given changes in decision context. I test the predictions of the theoretical model with data from all civil rights roll call votes from the 83d to the 102d Cong
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3

BERGARA, MARIO, BARAK RICHMAN, and PABLO T. SPILLER. "Modeling Supreme Court Strategic Decision Making: The Congressional Constraint." Legislative Studies Quarterly 28, no. 2 (2003): 247–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298003x200881.

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4

Mills, Russell W. "Congressional modification of benefit-cost analysis as a vehicle for particularized benefits and a limitation on agency discretion: the case of the federal contract tower program." Journal of Benefit-Cost Analysis 4, no. 3 (2013): 301–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbca-2013-0014.

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The literature on Congressional control of the bureaucracy has examined how members of Congress pursue strategies such as oversight, the limitation of discretion in legislation [Moe, T. (1989). The politics of bureaucratic structure. In J. E. Chubb & P. E. Peterson (Eds.), Can the Government Govern? Washington, DC: Brookings Institution); Huber, J. D., & Shipan, C. R. (2002). Deliberate discretion: The institutional foundations of bureaucratic autonomy. New York: Cambridge University Press], and the use of tools such as administrative procedures [McCubbins, M., & Schwartz, T. (1984
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5

Herrnson, Paul S. "National Party Decision Making, Strategies, and Resource Distribution in Congressional Elections." Western Political Quarterly 42, no. 3 (1989): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448430.

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6

Herrnson, P. S. "National Party Decision Making, Strategies, and Resource Distribution in Congressional Elections." Political Research Quarterly 42, no. 3 (1989): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298904200307.

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7

Burgin, Eileen. "Deciding on human embryonic stem cell research: Evidence from Congress's first showdown by President George W. Bush." Politics and the Life Sciences 28, no. 1 (2009): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/28_1_3.

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This paper examines the influences that congressional staff people viewed as important in shaping legislators' voting decisions on the human embryonic stem (ES) cell research bill in the 109th Congress, the first legislation vetoed by President George W. Bush. The analysis illuminates factors that impact congressional decision making on a salient issue with a strong moral component. Constituent concerns, ideology, and a desire to make good public policy all centrally affected members' choices; however, moral overtones permeated considerations relevant to the human ES cell research question. In
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8

Todhunter, James P. "Domestic Political Incentives, Congressional Support, and U.S. Mediation." International Negotiation 23, no. 3 (2018): 333–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23011123.

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Abstract Powerful states have numerous resources that can be mobilized in mediation processes. However, evidence suggests that such states are not more likely to be successful than other mediators. This article examines U.S. mediations through the lens of foreign policy decision making and argues that leaders make foreign policy decisions primarily with their domestic consequences in mind. Further, it contends that presidential administrations seek to build a record of success in order to improve their domestic political fortunes based on the policy options available to them. The study tests t
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Hines, Shawnda. "Washington Hotline." College & Research Libraries News 80, no. 6 (2019): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.80.6.356.

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10

Asadi, Tohid, and Marzieh Javadi Arjmand. "Presidential-Congressional Relations in US Foreign Policy Decision-Making: a Theoretical Treatise." MGIMO Review of International Relations 4, no. 61 (2018): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2018-4-61-219-240.

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11

Burgin, Eileen. "Influences shaping members' decision making: Congressional voting on the Persian Gulf War." Political Behavior 16, no. 3 (1994): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01498954.

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12

Chatfield, Sara, and Philip Rocco. "Is Federalism a Political Safety Valve? Evidence from Congressional Decision Making, 1960–2005." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 44, no. 1 (2013): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjt021.

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13

Jagger, Craig. "Commodity Models and Their Contribution to Congressional Policymaking: Reflections from the 2002 Farm Bill and Beyond: Discussion." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 36, no. 2 (2004): 395–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1074070800026675.

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The organizers of this session asked me to do two things: to place policy modeling into the context of both general congressional policymaking and that of the 2002 Farm Bill and to comment on the three papers of the session.Commodity models provide results that are useful for congressional decision making. Expected impacts of proposed policies on supply, demand, prices, and income are of interest to members of Congress. But decisions by policymakers depend on a variety of factors beyond model results, including professional backgrounds and perspectives, personal experiences, familiarity with p
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14

Rubenzer, Trevor, and Steven B. Redd. "Ethnic Minority Groups and US Foreign Policy: Examining Congressional Decision Making and Economic Sanctions." International Studies Quarterly 54, no. 3 (2010): 755–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00608.x.

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15

Shor, Boris, and Jon C. Rogowski. "Ideology and the US Congressional Vote." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 2 (2016): 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.23.

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A large class of theoretical models posits that voters choose candidates on the basis of issue congruence, but convincing empirical tests of this key claim remain elusive. The most persistent difficulty is obtaining comparable spatial estimates for winning and losing candidates, as well as voters. We address these issues using candidate surveys to characterize the electoral platforms for winners and losers, and large issue batteries in 2008 and 2010 to estimate voter preferences. Questions that were answered by both candidates and citizens allow us to jointly scale these estimates. We find rob
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Sung-jin Yoo. "Congressional Reforms in US Congress: Change of Decision-making Process under Republican Congress 1995~2004." 21st centry Political Science Review 18, no. 2 (2008): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.18.2.200809.117.

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17

Whiteman, David. "The Fate of Policy Analysis in Congressional Decision Making: Three Types of Use in Committees." Western Political Quarterly 38, no. 2 (1985): 294. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448631.

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18

Whiteman, D. "The Fate of Policy Analysis in Congressional Decision Making: Three Types of Use in Committees." Political Research Quarterly 38, no. 2 (1985): 294–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298503800210.

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19

Crowley, D. Max, J. Taylor Scott, Elizabeth C. Long, et al. "Lawmakers' use of scientific evidence can be improved." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 9 (2021): e2012955118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2012955118.

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Core to the goal of scientific exploration is the opportunity to guide future decision-making. Yet, elected officials often miss opportunities to use science in their policymaking. This work reports on an experiment with the US Congress—evaluating the effects of a randomized, dual-population (i.e., researchers and congressional offices) outreach model for supporting legislative use of research evidence regarding child and family policy issues. In this experiment, we found that congressional offices randomized to the intervention reported greater value of research for understanding issues than
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Washington, Ebonya L. "Female Socialization: How Daughters Affect Their Legislator Fathers' Voting on Women's Issues." American Economic Review 98, no. 1 (2008): 311–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.98.1.311.

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Parenting daughters, sociologists have shown, increases feminist sympathies. I test the hypothesis that children, much like neighbors or peers, can influence parental behavior. I demonstrate that conditional on total number of children, each daughter increases a congressperson's propensity to vote liberally, particularly on reproductive rights issues. The results identify an important (and previously omitted) explanatory variable in the literature on congressional decision making. Additionally the paper highlights the relevance of child-to-parent behavioral influence. (JEL D72, D83, J16)
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21

McCarty, Nolan M., and Keith T. Poole. "An Empirical Spatial Model of Congressional Campaigns." Political Analysis 7 (1998): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/7.1.1.

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Testing and estimating formal models of political behavior has not advanced as far as theoretical applications. One of the major literatures in formal theory is the spatial model of electoral competition which has its origins in the work of Black (1948) and Downs (1957). These models are used to make predictions about the policy positions candidates take in order to win elections. A lack of data on these candidate positions, especially challengers who never serve in Congress, has made direct testing of these models on congressional elections difficult.Recently, researchers have begun to incorp
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22

Lee, Mordecai. "How a Bill Becomes a Law, Hollywood Style." Public Voices 11, no. 1 (2016): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.102.

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While film studies have become common in public administration, no inquiries have related to the cinematic depiction of the process of public law, a subject that is the underpinning of all public administration. This inquiry identified thirteen movies that present scenes of how a bill becomes a law. From these movies the American public learns about lawmaking, as a civics lesson writ large. In large part, these movies are relatively accurate about both the technical steps involved in legislation as well as the political and behind- the-scenes aspects of decision-making in Congress. This means
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23

Grofman, Bernard. "Editor's Introduction." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 03 (1985): 536–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500022150.

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This minisymposium brings together excerpts from the expert witness declarations of four political scientists in an important case challenging California's congressional reapportionment as an unconstitutional political gerrymander,Badham v. Eu(D.C. California, 1984). These declarations are merely the “opening gun” inBadham. If the case goes to trial, we can anticipate additional statistical analyses will be performed and, of course, each of these experts would be subject to cross-examination about his testimony. Nonetheless, these four declarations represent an excellent illustration of the po
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24

Peabody, Bruce G. "Congressional Constitutional Interpretation and the Courts: A Preliminary Inquiry into Legislative Attitudes, 1959–2001." Law & Social Inquiry 29, no. 01 (2004): 127–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2004.tb00332.x.

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Through theoretically informed inquiry into congressional attitudes toward the Constitution and the courts as well as survey research of two modem Congresses, this study considers the prospects and implications of a more salient legislative role in constitutional affairs. By analyzing survey responses from the 86th (1959–61) and 106th (1999–2001) Congresses, and the political context in which these views were formed, this essay explores the legislature's evolving conception of its role and capacities as a constitutional interpreter. Among other findings, Congress demonstrates a persistent and
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25

Clarke, Andrew J., Jeffery A. Jenkins, and Kenneth S. Lowande. "Tariff politics and congressional elections: exploring the Cannon Thesis." Journal of Theoretical Politics 29, no. 3 (2016): 382–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629816647801.

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While a number of studies have examined the politics of tariff decision-making in the United States, little work has examined the subsequent political effects of tariff policy. We help fill this gap in the literature by analyzing—both theoretically and empirically—the electoral implications of tariff revision. Specifically, we investigate the veracity of the Cannon Thesis—the proposition advanced by Speaker Joe Cannon in 1910 that the majority party in the U.S. House was punished when it made major revisions to the tariff. We find that from 1877 to 1934 major tariff revisions were, on average,
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26

Gillman, Howard. "How Political Parties Can Use the Courts to Advance Their Agendas: Federal Courts in the United States, 1875–1891." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (2002): 511–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402000291.

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This case study of late-nineteenth century federal courts in the United States sheds light on two seemingly unrelated questions of general interest to political scientists: What tools are available to party leaders who seek to institutionalize their policy agendas or insulate those agendas from electoral politics? and How do we account for expansions of judicial power? Using an historical–interpretive analysis of partisan agendas, party control of national institutions, congressional initiatives relating to federal courts, the appointment of federal judges, judicial decision making, and litiga
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27

Donadelli, Flavia. "When evidence does not matter: The barriers to learning from science in two cases of environmental policy change in Brazil." Science and Public Policy 47, no. 3 (2020): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/scipol/scaa006.

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Abstract It is generally accepted in public policy debate that expert knowledge tends to contribute to more effective formulation and implementation of policy. Most of the literature, however, has tended to be exclusively focused on the science–policy interface, ignoring the necessary pre-conditions of the broader national and institutional context for the effective use of scientific evidence. This shortcoming becomes particularly pronounced in analysis of developing in less pluralist countries. This article analyses two cases of Brazilian environmental policy-making and discusses the institut
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Palley, Howard A. "The Evolution of FDA Policy on Silicone Breast Implants: A Case Study of Politics, Bureaucracy, and Business in the Process of Decision-Making." International Journal of Health Services 25, no. 4 (1995): 573–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/qgg6-xcdx-f830-94ax.

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The central issue facing federal regulation of breast implants is that while such devices are not functionally necessary or needed for survival, the side effects may be harmful and have not been proven unharmful. The Medical Device Amendments of 1976 appear to require such evidence prior to the FDA permitting the unrestricted marketing of these devices. However, only recently have such requirements been imposed by the FDA. The author examines the FDA's decision-making process, particularly as applied to silicone breast implants, and the factors that appear to have affected such decisions. In p
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Angevine, Sara. "Representing All Women." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2016): 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912916675737.

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Is sisterhood global? This study investigates if women in Congress are representing women worldwide by extending their surrogate representation of American women to women in foreign countries. Congressional research shows that race affects surrogate representation across borders via transnationalism. I test whether this also applies to gender when no shared “mother country” unites women, there are divisions over how to represent women, and American foreign policy is considered a stereotypically masculine policy domain. With an original dataset of three Congresses (2005–2010), I test if female
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Luce, Bryan R., Ya-Chen Tina Shih, and Karl Claxton. "INTRODUCTION." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 17, no. 1 (2001): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462301104010.

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Until the mid-1980s, most economic analyses of healthcare technologies were based on decision theory and used decision-analytic models. The goal was to synthesize all relevant clinical and economic evidence for the purpose of assisting decision makers to efficiently allocate society's scarce resources. This was true of virtually all the early cost-effectiveness evaluations sponsored and/or published by the U.S. Congressional Office of Technology Assessment (OTA) (15), Centers of Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the National Cancer Institute, other elements of the U.S. Public Health Servic
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Petty, Timothy R., John B. Gongwer, and William Schnabel. "Bridging policy and science action boundaries: information influences on US congressional legislative key staff decision making in natural resources." Policy Sciences 51, no. 1 (2018): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11077-018-9311-y.

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32

Cook, Timothy E. "The Electoral Connection in the 99th Congress." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 01 (1986): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500017091.

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Participant observation has provided some of our most impressive insights into the contemporary Congress. In particular, two scholars relied upon this method for results that must be regarded as shaping our current paradigm on Congress and its members: David Mayhew, who, six years after serving as an APSA Congressional Fellow, published his essay,Congress: The Electoral Connection(1974), and Richard Fenno, who traveled with representatives and senators in order to assess how members of Congress interact with their constituents and the impact of those interactions upon their performances in Was
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33

Walter, Aaron T. "Institutional partisanship." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 2 (2016): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0008.

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Abstract The balance of power between the legislative and executive branches of government in the United States has held firm despite the evolution of each branch. Moreover, as the primacy of one branch succumbed to the dominance of the other there remained a constant variable. Partisanship existed since the American founding, however, the importance of Congressional partisanship in the later half of the nineteenth century and rise of the imperial presidency in the twentieth century highlight the formidable challenges of divided government in the United States. The following paper utilizes rat
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34

Burger and Gochfeld. "A template of information needs for decision-making about delaying remediation on contaminated lands to protect human health." Journal of Toxicology and Environmental Health Part A 83, no. 10 (2020): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15287394.2020.1763221.

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The contamination legacy of industrialization, militarization, and nuclear arms race poses current or future risks to populations and the environment. Responsible parties and regulators make decisions regarding which sites to clean up, how, how much, and when. This study aimed to provide an information needs template to evaluate and reduce risks to human health when considering whether to initiate or delay remediation. This investigation focused on four aspects of timing and prioritization: 1) management, planning and implementation, 2) source terms, pathways, and exposures, 3) risks and recep
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Fleischman, Gary M., Sean Valentine, and Don W. Finn. "Ethical Reasoning and Equitable Relief." Behavioral Research in Accounting 19, no. 1 (2007): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/bria.2007.19.1.107.

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Professional manager perceptions were investigated in this study using a survey containing two equitable relief situational vignettes to investigate empirically two of the four steps from Rest's (1986) ethical reasoning process. Business societal perceptions of the equitable relief subset of the innocent spouse rules were also investigated, focusing on the knowledge of evasion and abuse factors. The results indicated that the ethical reasoning process was significantly related to ethical decision making and Rest's (1986) model. Furthermore, decision makers were more likely to judge that relief
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PRINS, BRANDON C., and BRYAN W. MARSHALL. "Congressional Support of the President: A Comparison of Foreign, Defense, and Domestic Policy Decision Making during and after the Cold War." Presidential Studies Quarterly 31, no. 4 (2001): 660–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0000-0000.2001.00192.x.

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37

Farhang, Sean. "Legislative-Executive Conflict and Private Statutory Litigation in the United States: Evidence from Labor, Civil Rights, and Environmental Law." Law & Social Inquiry 37, no. 03 (2012): 657–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01273.x.

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Examining qualitative historical evidence from cases of federal regulation in the areas of labor, civil rights, and environmental policy, this article provides support for the hypothesis that divergence between legislative and executive preferences—a core and distinctive feature of the American constitutional order—creates an incentive for Congress to rely upon private lawsuits, as an alternative to administrative power, to achieve its regulatory goals. It also shows that this mechanism encouraging statutory mobilization of private litigants had been operative long before its powerful growth s
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Hansen, Wendy L. "The International Trade Commission and the Politics of Protectionism." American Political Science Review 84, no. 1 (1990): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963628.

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I analyze the governmental regulation of internationally traded goods produced by U.S. industries. General theories of regulation—most notably “capture” theories and the theory of “congressional dominance”—are used to analyze the decision-making behavior of the U.S. International Trade Commission, which plays a major role in approving and providing tariffs, quotas, and various types of nontariff trade barriers sought by these industries. Unlike previous studies, this one simultaneously accounts for both the supply and demand sides of trade regulation. This work seeks to predict, on a basis of
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Gabay, Michael. "RxLegal: A Rapid Review of Right-To-Try." Hospital Pharmacy 53, no. 4 (2018): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0018578718783992.

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Right-to-try legislation is intended to allow patients with life-threatening illnesses access to investigational medical treatments without formal Food and Drug Administration (FDA) involvement. Currently, right-to-try laws have been enacted in 40 states. Despite the increased passage of right-to-try legislation at the state level, individuals have detailed arguments both for and against these laws. Proponents state that right-to-try removes regulatory burdens and improves timely access to potentially lifesaving medications for terminally ill patients, reduces inequalities regarding access, an
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40

Weinschenk, Aaron C., and Christopher T. Dawes. "Moral Foundations, System Justification, and Support for Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election." Forum 17, no. 2 (2019): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0012.

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Abstract We examine the role of moral foundations and system justification in explaining support for Donald Trump in the 2016 general election using data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey. A number of important findings emerge. First, we find that there are important partisan and ideological differences when it comes to moral foundations and system justification. Second, we find that moral foundations predict support for Trump above and beyond traditional determinants of vote choice such as ideology, partisanship, religiosity, and demographic characteristics. Third, we fi
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CORTELL, ANDREW P., and SUSAN PETERSON. "Limiting the Unintended Consequences of Institutional Change." Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 7 (2001): 768–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034007003.

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Students of institutional change pay insufficient attention to the conditions under which institutional reform produces unintended procedural and policy consequences. The authors contend that the broader institutional context in which an altered institution is embedded influences the likelihood and extent of such unintended outcomes. Three aspects of this environment are particularly important. First, a reformer's access to policy instruments may allow him or her to monitor compliance and sanction noncompliance with the altered institution. Second, normative understandings can reinforce or wor
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42

West, Robert, Hristo S. Paskov, Jure Leskovec, and Christopher Potts. "Exploiting Social Network Structure for Person-to-Person Sentiment Analysis." Transactions of the Association for Computational Linguistics 2 (December 2014): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tacl_a_00184.

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Person-to-person evaluations are prevalent in all kinds of discourse and important for establishing reputations, building social bonds, and shaping public opinion. Such evaluations can be analyzed separately using signed social networks and textual sentiment analysis, but this misses the rich interactions between language and social context. To capture such interactions, we develop a model that predicts individual A’s opinion of individual B by synthesizing information from the signed social network in which A and B are embedded with sentiment analysis of the evaluative texts relating A to B.
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43

Hird, John A. "The Political Economy of Pork: Project Selection at The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers." American Political Science Review 85, no. 2 (1991): 429–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963168.

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In previous studies of distributive politics scholars have investigated legislative influence without accounting for the policies' independent merits. As a result, they have failed to include a plausible explanation of the counterfactual (i.e., which projects would have been funded in the absence of congressional committee influence), which has led to invalid inferences regarding legislative influence. The model of distributive politics is reformulated to account for an assumed efficient and/or equitable project allocation in the absence of legislative influence. Using data from proposed Army
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Coleman, David G. "The Missiles of November, December, January, February…: The Problem of Acceptable Risk in the Cuban Missile Crisis Settlement." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 3 (2007): 5–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.3.5.

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This article examines how the Kennedy administration assessed the risk posed by Soviet short-range missiles in Cuba and the associated combat troops, particularly in the months after the peak of the Cuban missile crisis. The issue had a strong domestic political subtext that played out for months. Missiles in Cuba had been a topic of discussion well before the dramatic events of October 1962, and the dispute about them dragged on well past the famous “thirteen days.” Many studies assume a final resolution to the crisis that did not actually exist. The evidence from this period indicates that d
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Danilova, Ekaterina Nikolaevna. "Ukraine caucuses in the US Congress." Мировая политика, no. 2 (February 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.2.35601.

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The article analyzes the level of influence of Ukraine caucuses in the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate on the U.S. foreign-policy decision-making in relation to Ukraine in 1997 - 2021. To fully understand the role of caucuses in law making, the author describes their typology used by the Congressional Research Service, and analyzes their structure, purposes and main directions of activity. The research is based on the analysis of legislative documents of the U.S. Congress, based on which the author describes the activity of Ukraine caucuses, and on the systematization of annual financ
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46

Carpenter, Daniel P. "Adaptive Signal Processing, Hierarchy, and Budgetary Control in Federal Regulation." American Political Science Review 90, no. 2 (1996): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082885.

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Control over agency budgets is a critical tool of political influence in regulatory decision making, yet the causal mechanism of budgetary control is unclear. Do budgetary manipulations influence agencies by imposing resource constraints or by transmitting powerful signals to the agency? I advance and test a stochastic process model of adaptive signal processing by a hierarchical agency to address this question. The principal findings of the paper are two. First, presidents and congressional committees achieve budgetary control over agencies not by manipulating aggregate resource constraints b
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Brinkley, B. R. "Educating Congress on the importance of investigator-initiated biomedical research: Role of individual investigators and professional societies." Proceedings, annual meeting, Electron Microscopy Society of America 52 (1994): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424820100167743.

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Although American biomedical science relies heavily on the Federal Government for research funding, individual scientists have traditionally shunned politics and public policy. In years past, scientists were not encouraged to mingle with politicians, most of whom viewed scientists as fuzzballs and eggheads with whom they had little in common. Scientists generally believed that government and society valued their services and would always provide substantial support for research and training. Today, biomedical research funding requires a keen knowledge of the U. S. Congress and the political pr
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Kikkert, Peter. "“The United States Cannot Afford to Lag Behind Russia”: Making the Case for an American Nuclear Icebreaker, 1957-1961." Northern Mariner / Le marin du nord 31, no. 1 (2021): 30–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2561-5467.120.

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Between 1957 and 1961, members of Congress spearheaded efforts to gain authorization for the U.S. Coast Guard to construct a nuclear-powered icebreaker. This article uses congressional hearings, debates, and media coverage to conduct a frame analysis and map the arguments, themes, and stories used to convince decision-makers to build the vessel. While state competition became the central frame used by American nuclear icebreaker proponents, national security, science and technology, an uncertain future, and technical details about the existing fleet’s decline were also popular narratives. Alth
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Keylon, Rachel, and John Hollister. "The National Oceanographic Partnership Program: Successes in Partnerships." Marine Technology Society Journal 49, no. 2 (2015): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4031/mtsj.49.2.7.

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AbstractThe National Oceanographic Partnership Program (NOPP) was initiated in the 1990s when decades of work in ocean sciences by dedicated scientists converged with numerous ocean challenges that cut across scientific disciplines, government agencies, and congressional jurisdictions. A timely push for increased partnerships in ocean science led to the inclusion of the National Oceanographic Partnership Act in the FY 1997 Defense Authorization Act, formally establishing the NOPP. Since its inception, the NOPP has spurred strong, long-term collaborations across federal agencies and among vario
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Rose, Theda, Tanya L. Sharpe, Corey Shdaimah, and Dante deTablan. "Exploring coping among urban youth through photovoice." Qualitative Social Work 17, no. 6 (2017): 795–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325017693684.

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Adolescent perspectives on coping are often explored through quantitative methods within a problem-focused paradigm. To better understand how urban adolescents define, perceive, and experience coping, this research used photovoice, a qualitative research method that employs co-creation of meaning and knowledge around photographic images. Twelve adolescents in the 9th-11th grades at a Baltimore City High School photographed images representing coping. They participated in focus groups to discuss how their pictures reflected coping and its relationship to decision-making, development, and academ
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