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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Conquest of Gaul

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Academic literature on the topic 'Conquest of Gaul'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Conquest of Gaul"

1

Ralston, Ian. "Central Gaul at the Roman Conquest: conceptions and misconceptions." Antiquity 62, no. 237 (December 1988): 786–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00075232.

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Several recent reconstructions of the social and economic development of non-Mediterranean Gaul afterc. 200 BC have argued for the development of complex societies, characterized by the appearance of centralized political entities with urban – or at least urbanizing – communities. The emergence of such ‘Archaic States’ is often considered as having been restricted to a broad zone running eastward from the Atlantic façade through the northern Massif Central to the Swiss plateau. Five certain such states are usually claimed: Bituriges cubi, Aedui, Arverni, Sequani, Helvetii; and three probable: Pictones, Lemovices and Lingones. The constitutents of this zone were originally recognized by Dr Daphne Nash (1976; 1978a; 1978b; 1981), and her view has since been adopted in Britain by Champion and his collaborators (1984), Bintliff (1984) and, most recently, Cunliffe (1988: figure 38). Essential to the formulation of this hypothesis was a wide-ranging consideration of three domains of protohistoric evidence on Gaul: literary, most conspicuously Julius Caesar’s deBello Gallico; numismatics; and the settlement record of the late La Tène and its more shadowy antecedents. Among more recent commentators, a primary interest in the ‘core–periphery’ relationship (Cunliffe 1988; Rowlands et al. 1987) which existed between the Mediterranean world and Central Gaul is manifest. In a minimal view, this interaction may be envisaged in terms of the consequences of long-distance trade and subsequent military conquest spurring socio-political change. The unspoken by-product of this perspective is that differential development within non-Mediterranean Gaul is simplistically presented in terms of distance-decay from the Mediterranean littoral, with little attention being paid to the effects of physiographic diversity across this landmass.

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Osgood, Josiah. "The Pen and the Sword: Writing and Conquest in Caesar's Gaul." Classical Antiquity 28, no. 2 (October 1, 2009): 328–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2009.28.2.328.

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Julius Caesar was remembered in later times for the unprecedented scale of his military activity. He was also remembered for writing copiously while on campaign. Focusing on the period of Rome's war with Gaul (58––50 BCE), this paper argues that the two activities were interrelated: writing helped to facilitate the Roman conquest of the Gallic peoples. It allowed Caesar to send messages within his own theater of operations, sometimes with distinctive advantages; it helped him stay in touch with Rome, from where he obtained ever more resources; and it helped him, in his Gallic War above all, to turn the story of his scattered campaigns into a coherent narrative of the subjection of a vast territory henceforward to be called ““Gaul.”” The place of epistolography in late Republican politics receives new analysis in the paper, with detailed discussion of the evidence of Cicero.

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Strechie, Mădălina. "Caesar – The Revolutionary of Roman Military Affairs." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2016-0028.

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Abstract In Romans’ view, Caius Julius Caesar was not only a writer, a politician, a triumvir, but also a visionary, a general, a founder and a revolutionary of military art and politics. Through his wars, Caesar brought a new perspective as the creator of a true reform of political and military affairs. A brilliant mind, Caesar made of the military art a political platform, his political consecration being actually his military glory, the war with the Gauls. By inspired military manoeuvres and a well planned strategy, Caesar conquered the entire Gaul, a very large and resourceful territory. The conquest of Gaul gave Caesar the opportunity to conquer Rome, as the sole leader, with a new redoubtable political actor on his side, the army. Alea iacta est and the Rubicon was crossed by the founder of a new political and military power, the empire. The commander of the army, imperator, also becomes the political commander of the Republic, transformed by Caesar into an empire. By the civil war, Caesar accomplished the revolution of military and political affairs, changing the army from an institution of power into a political institution, a government partner of the supreme military leader who became Rome’s too, a fact carried out by his heir, Augustus. Caesar turned the war into a political affair, dominating his political and military opponents through ambition, consistency, intelligence, acumen, charisma, the qualities worthy of a world military leader.

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Christol, Michel. "Time and Space." Archaeological Dialogues 9, no. 1 (July 2002): 39–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001975.

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G. Woolf argues that the transformation of the aristocracies of Interior Gaul was not so much caused by the conquest itself as by the fact that from that point in time these aristocracies became involved in the transformations of Roman society following the introduction of the Principate and other subsequent changes in Roman politics (novel ways of elite competition and gaining popularitas). Tacitus discusses these developments at length. In addition, this process took place in a provincial area where outside interference was rare.

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Christol, Michel. "Time and Space." Archaeological Dialogues 9, no. 1 (July 2002): 39–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800002026.

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G. Woolf argues that the transformation of the aristocracies of Interior Gaul was not so much caused by the conquest itself as by the fact that from that point in time these aristocracies became involved in the transformations of Roman society following the introduction of the Principate and other subsequent changes in Roman politics (novel ways of elite competition and gainingpopularitas). Tacitus discusses these developments at length. In addition, this process took place in a provincial area where outside interference was rare.

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6

Reddé, Michel. "Native Farms and Roman Villae in “Long-haired” Gaul: A Confrontation between Classical Sources and Archaeological Data." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 72, no. 1 (March 2017): 41–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahsse.2018.20.

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The terms “native farm” and “Roman villa,” often contrasted by historians, stem from a long-standing and still-unsettled historiographical debate. In northern Gaul, they particularly evoke the work of Roger Agache, whose aerial surveys showed a landscape populated by large villae that were readily interpreted as great aristocratic estates in contrast to small native settlements. This view became more or less dominant, giving the impression that the Roman conquest swiftly and radically altered the agrarian system of northern Gaul. In spite of many attempts to correct it, the idea of an agricultural economy based on the production of large estates remains widely accepted among historians. This article offers a reminder of how difficult it is to apprehend the complex situation of ancient rural landscapes through the lens of Classical sources. It then goes on to consider the recent contribution of development-led archaeology and the interpretative problems posed by the intermeshing of numerous rural settlements whose size and luxury are not necessarily relevant indicators of productivity.

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Wells, Peter S. "Perspectives on changes in early Roman Gaul." Archaeological Dialogues 9, no. 1 (July 2002): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800002051.

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Jan Slofstra and Greg Woolf have written very stimulating papers about the changing character of societies, and especially of their elites, in Interior Gaul and on the Rhine frontier. The contrast between these two regions provides a valuable arena for considering larger questions of change in Gaul, with emphasis on development of civic society in Central Gaul and of a militarised society on the frontier. I shall first comment on a few of the important issues that these papers raise, then suggest some additional and alternative ways of thinking about the problems. Woolf's discussion of cultural practice shows how this approach can help to focus future research on subjects related directly to the actual changes. His review of expressions of status differences in earlier circumstances, back into the early Iron Age, provides a useful long-term context for considering the changes that accompanied and followed the Roman conquest. The distinction he draws between the mainly public display of elite status in late Iron Age contexts, and more private displays in the Roman period, is important and merits further investigation. In Slofstra's paper, I find the discussion of the relationships between structure and agency very useful in this context. His emphasis on the interplay between the categories power, culture, and identity is highly pertinent. His explication of the differences in Roman policy and native reaction between pre-Augustan and post-Augustan times is instructive. The contrasting patterns he outlines between changes in Central Gaul and those on the Rhine frontier, and the three-level interpretation he presents for understanding the Batavian revolt, are valuable models for formulating future research strategies.

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Luley, Benjamin P. "Coinage at Lattara. Using archaeological context to understand ancient coins." Archaeological Dialogues 15, no. 2 (December 2008): 174–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203808002663.

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AbstractThe Celtic-speaking town of Lattara (modern Lattes) in Iron Age southern Gaul was an important centre of sustained colonial interaction with Etruscans, Massalian Greeks and Romans from the sixth century B.C. One of the important consequences of these encounters was the introduction of coinage. Through an examination of the archaeological context of coins, I investigate how the use and value of money changed at Lattara after the Roman conquest. Drawing upon several anthropological discussions of money in colonial settings, particularly Jean and John Commaroff's (2006) notion of ‘commensuration’, I suggest that the incorporation of coinage into transaction systems at Lattara was related to its expedience as a standardized form of value, which facilitated exchange between the inhabitants of the town and foreign merchants.

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Webster, Jane. "At the End of the World: Druidic and Other Revitalization Movements in Post-Conquest Gaul and Britain." Britannia 30 (1999): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526671.

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Johnson, Odai. "Remains: Performance at the Edge of Empire." Theatre Survey 58, no. 2 (April 19, 2017): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557417000084.

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So wrote the Irish American poet John Montague of the great loss of culture under Great Britain's empire, a violent overmapping of identity whose poignant erasure was itself richly preserved in plays, poems, and songs. Nothing of Ireland's past, it seems, was remembered quite so vigorously as its erasure. And because that disappearance has become such a familiar text of loss, in poem, play, and song, I want to evoke that archive of absence for this study of a similar erasure, centuries earlier—not the Irish under English of Brian Friel's Translations, but the Gallic Celts under Rome; not The Dying Gaul whose images of self-slaughter ennobled their extirpation, but those who survived the conquest, the surrendered, widows and children of the slaughtered who grew that grafted tongue, the twice-born who learned to live again as refugees under Roman rule, and adopt foreign ways—to tease out what little remains there are of the theatre's role in that erasure, resistance, and that monumental realignment of identity called “Romanizing.”

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Conquest of Gaul"

1

Matthews, Nicola. "Settlement change in Southern Gaul c.150 BC-AD 100 and the development of Gallia Narbonensis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310444.

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Watson, Alasdair John Malcolm. "Religious acculturation and assimilation in Belgic Gaul and Aquitania from the Roman Conquest until the end of the Second Century CE : selected aspects." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/30894.

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The prevailing opinion regarding Gallo-Roman religion, expressed by Jullian, Hubert, Thévenot, Duval, Hatt and Wightman, is that it was a fusion between the two religions. Scholars who dissent from this view can be divided into two different groups. On the one hand, Woolf contends that, during a formative period of Gallo-Roman civilisation, there was a partial abandonment of the Gallic rites, that Roman religion came to be understood to be better as well as different, and that Gallo-Roman religion offered more spiritually as well as materially. On the other hand, Vendryes, Le Roux, Guyonvarc’h and Benoît hold that the Gallic deities continued to be worshipped, some under a Roman guise, others in their original pre-Roman form; however, they accept aniconism, atectonism and the reports that the Romans stopped human sacrifice and headhunting. I agree, for the most part, with Vendryes, Le Roux, Guyonvarc’h and Benoît, but directly oppose Woolf. I argue, not only that the worship of the Gallic deities continued, but also that Gallic religion already made use of anthropomorphic images and formal structures before the Roman Conquest, that the disappearance of human sacrifice was wrongly attributed to the Romans and that the Romans never suppressed headhunting. In chapter one I discuss some conceptual problems that need clarification before the subject can be properly addressed. They include problems regarding terminology, presuppositions and errors. In the second chapter I refute the concept of aniconism and examine the archaeological and literary sources of information about Gallic religion and their reliability. Using these sources, in the third chapter, I identify Gallic deities and decode the enigma of the pantheon set out by Caesar. In the fourth chapter I dismantle the myth of atectonism and confirm the use of formal structures of worship and ritual by the Gauls; I also analyse the essential elements of such structures, supporting my argument by a comparison of pre-Roman Celtic sanctuaries from both inside and outside the Roman Empire. In the fifth chapter I examine the concept of sacrifice from an anthropological perspective and apply this approach to all Gallic sacrifices; I also examine the Gallic rituals of divination and circumambulation. I establish the basis for the magico-religious significance and popularity of headhunting in the sixth chapter. In the seventh chapter I define the Celtic belief in an Afterlife and demonstrate its attraction. Finally, in the eighth chapter, I examine how many of these Gallic beliefs and customs continued after the Roman Conquest and demonstrate that Gallic religion was not abandoned, that the Celtic sanctuary design was the basis for Gallo-Roman temple design and that the Gallo-Roman religion was far more Gallic than Roman.

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3

Sarthre, Camille-Ophélie. "Autour des monnayages d'argent et des monnayages cuivreux du centre-ouest de la Gaule avant la conquête : études numismatiques et analytiques /." [S.l. : s.n], 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41329685k.

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Books on the topic "Conquest of Gaul"

1

Nardo, Don. Caesar's conquest of Gaul. San Diego, CA: Lucent Books, 1996.

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2

Holmes, T. Rice. Caesar's conquest of Gaul [microform]. London: Macmillan, 1985.

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3

A, McDevitte W., and Bohn W. S, eds. The Gallic wars: Julius Caesar's account of the Roman conquest of Gaul. St. Petersburg, Fla: Red and Black Pub., 2008.

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4

Watson, Alasdair. Religious Acculturation and Assimilation in Belgic Gaul and Aquitania from the Roman Conquest until the End of the Second Century CE. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2007.

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5

Les fibules en Gaule méridionale: De la conquête à la fin du Ve s. ap. J.-C. Paris: Editions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1985.

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6

Battles of the ancient world 1285 BC - AD 451: From Kadesh to Catalaunian Field. London, UK: Amber, 2007.

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7

Caesar, Julius. The Conquest of Gaul. Barnes & Noble, 2005.

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8

Marius Mules The Conquest Of Gaul. Youwriteon, 2009.

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9

Moore, Tom. Britain, Gaul, and Germany. Edited by Martin Millett, Louise Revell, and Alison Moore. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199697731.013.015.

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Britain’s place in the Roman Empire cannot be seen in isolation. The province’s close links to Gaul and Germany stemmed from earlier interaction in the late Iron Age, and these connections have been seen as highly significant in explaining the changes in burial, dress, and settlement that took place in Britain from the first century BC to the fifth century AD. Exploring evidence from changes in diet, architecture, and burial rites, this chapter will assess the nature and extent of cultural interactions between these provinces. In particular, it will examine whether these links can be used to argue for a ‘Gallicization’ of Britain, rather than a ‘Romanization’. It will question whether such terms are helpful in reconceptualizing the processes of cultural change before and after the Roman Conquest or whether they present their own set of problems for understanding cultural interactions and social change.

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10

Freeman, Edward Augustus. Four Oxford Lectures, 1887: Fifty Years Of European History; Teutonic Conquest In Gaul And Britain. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Conquest of Gaul"

1

"Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul." In The Making of the Roman Army, 70–86. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203025611-10.

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"THE CONQUEST OF GAUL." In Julius Caesar, 152–87. Routledge, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203412763-14.

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3

Maier, Bernhard. "Gaul before the Roman Conquest." In The Celts, 55–74. Edinburgh University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748616053.003.0005.

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"The Conquest of Gaul (58–51 bc)." In Julius Caesar, edited by Luciano Canfora and Julian Stringer, 98–114. Edinburgh University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.003.0014.

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Hornung, Sabine. "Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul – A Factor of Crisis or Consolidation?" In Paths to Complexity - Centralisation and Urbanisation in Iron Age Europe, 191–202. Oxbow Books, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh1dt9v.21.

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Roymans, Nico, and Simone Scheers. "A coin hoard with an animal-headed gold bracelet from the vicinity of Philippeville." In Late Iron Age Gold Hoards from the Low Countries and the Caesarian Conquest of Northern Gaul, 109–16. Amsterdam University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt46n0nm.7.

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Van Impe, Luc, and Simone Scheers. "Remains of a disturbed gold hoard at Orp-le-Grand?" In Late Iron Age Gold Hoards from the Low Countries and the Caesarian Conquest of Northern Gaul, 117–24. Amsterdam University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt46n0nm.8.

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Scheers, Simone, and Guido Creemers. "The gold hoard of Heers." In Late Iron Age Gold Hoards from the Low Countries and the Caesarian Conquest of Northern Gaul, 125–70. Amsterdam University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt46n0nm.9.

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"Front Matter." In Late Iron Age Gold Hoards from the Low Countries and the Caesarian Conquest of Northern Gaul, I—IV. Amsterdam University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt46n0nm.1.

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10

Roymans, Nico, and Wim Dijkman. "The gold and silver hoard of Maastricht-Amby." In Late Iron Age Gold Hoards from the Low Countries and the Caesarian Conquest of Northern Gaul, 171–214. Amsterdam University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt46n0nm.10.

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