Academic literature on the topic 'Consensus by non-opposition'

This article analyses how populist parties wage opposition in parliament. We conceptualise opposition behaviour in terms of two independent dimensions: scrutiny (monitoring and criticising government actions) and policy-making (participating in or directly influencing legislative production). In line with the conceptualisation of populism as an opposition to the ruling elite in name of ‘the people’, our hypothesis is that populist opposition parties are more likely to use scrutiny and less likely to use policy-making tools than non-populist opposition parties. We study the Netherlands between 1998 and 2017 as a typical example of a consensus democracy, where populist parties have a greater opportunity to win representation and use parliamentary tools (compared to majoritarian democracies). Our findings indicate that populist opposition parties are particularly less likely to engage in policy-making behaviour and somewhat more likely to engage in scrutiny behaviour.

Most of the present rules of international law regulate the behavior of States. Within States, however, there are other entities such as corporations, non–governmental organizations, individuals, international governmental organizations and armed opposition groups that are regulated by different national and international regimes. In this regard, non–State armed opposition groups present particular challenges to international law due to their dominant presence and participation in armed conflicts. Armed opposition groups are one of the most important actors in international humanitarian law today. Yet, taking into consideration that they a priori have certain international humanitarian obligations to fulfill, it remains unclear what the implications are when they, as a group, commit violations. Among these uncertainties, is that there is no formally recognized mechanism to attribute such breaches to the relevant non – state armed opposition group as such. In fact, unlike States, they have no organs. Similarly, there is also no consensus on circumstance that could preclude the wrongfulness of these breaches for armed opposition groups. By challenging the State–centric system of public international law, this article analyses the possible application of certain rules contained in the International Law Commission’s Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts (2001) to violations of international humanitarian law by armed opposition groups.

Addressing dissent, also known as ‘rejectionism’, will broaden and deepen the global consensus on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle. However, how should scholars understand the objections raised by state critics? To answer this question, I analyse R2P opposition as presented in official UN transcripts, voting records, and resolutions. The article reveals that six related themes of dissent exist with varying degrees of emphasis amongst opponents. Conventional depictions of R2P opposition, such as the absolute sovereignty or North vs. South explanations, are therefore inadequate representations of the diverse range of arguments employed by dissenters. Ultimately, I conclude that in order to build consensus at the expense of dissent, the principle should be further developed around four key notions: 1) non-coercive prevention and domestic capacity building, 2) enhanced prudential criteria for intervention, 3) global norm entrepreneurship from the Global South, and 4) veto restraint in R2P scenarios.

In the collective monograph “Election in the context of Crimea: the 2016-2018 election cycle and prospects for a political transition”, edited by V. Fyodorov, experts from the Russia Public Opinion Research Center analyze the evolution of Russian people’s political behavior during the years 2016-2018, while revealing the prospects and risks for subsequent election cycles. Major sociological evaluations of the latest electoral campaigns served as a basis for analyzing the electoral landscape. The authors note that elections in Russia are held under a political system with limited competition, which doesn’t create any possibility for an array of alternative choices. Sociological studies show that all of the latest election cycles in Russia were conducted in the typical spirit of Weber’s plebiscitary democracy, while the main source of public trust in society is the political leader’s personality, legitimized in a paternalistic fashion. Russian people do not consider elections within the logic of rational behavior and usefulness, or personal benefit and potential gains for the country as a whole. In public consciousness overcoming economic issues is not linked to developing democratic institutions. Most people distrust the opposition, made apparent by the failed election boycott proposed by the non-system opposition, by meager signal voting etc. This collective monograph highlights the basic foundations for a “post-Crimea consensus” – rallying around a strong leader figure, intensifying patriotic attitudes within the context of returning the Crimea and in the face of western sanctions. While studying mass consciousness, the authors highlight an “intermediate” state of the value environment, which is characterized by ideological divides and separations, the main of which divides the conservative majority and the liberal minority. Such ambiguity in the realm of values provides equal grounds for stating that we are dealing with both a “post-Crimea consensus” and a “post-Crimea divide”. The “post-Crimea consensus” served not only as a means of consolidation, but also as a means of isolation and exclusion. The monograph also considers the emotional component’s effect on electoral choice. The book pays careful attention to issues with political forecasting, as well as techniques and methods used in political forecasting, which allows for highlighting the subsequent course and trends in electoral processes.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to report public reactions to a total workplace smoking ban, including smoking behavior, attendance at bars and clubs, and attitudes toward a broader ban. Design/methodology/approach – Surveys were conducted in two adjacent jurisdictions, one of which instituted a total workplace smoking ban. Surveys took place before (n=1,609) and after (n=1,600) enactment of the ban in the relevant jurisdiction. Findings – No change in smoking prevalence occurred in the jurisdiction enacting the ban. Strong majorities of non-smokers supported the ban, while strong majorities of smokers expressed opposition. In the jurisdiction that enacted the ban, smokers who appeared to be high-volume consumers at bars and clubs were most likely to report reducing attendance at these establishments and to oppose the ban. Research limitations/implications – Surveys depend on accurate self-reporting of behavior and attitudes. Practical implications – Some bars and clubs may incur financial losses due to smoking bans. A core of strong opponents can undermine public consensus regarding smoking bans. Licensing a limited number of bars and clubs to allow smoking can safeguard this consensus. Social implications – Limited smoking bans can serve as a means of harm reduction, as non-smokers are protected from environmental tobacco smoke, and accommodation of smokers reduces their motivation to oppose bans. Originality/value – This investigation makes use of detailed data on the public’s thinking and reactions to a comprehensive smoking ban and is a before-after study with controls.

The article analyzes the political development of Montenegro from the state- and nation-building perspective. This process takes place in the context of multi-ethnicity and disagreements about national and religious identity. The concept of center-peripheral polarity by S. Rokkan is used as the main analytical tool. It reveals the influence of relations between centers and the peripheries on state and nation-building. The authors examine the historical aspects of the national identity formation in Montenegro. The article focuses on the factors that complicate the process of state- and nation-building, including the institutional ones. The authors consider problems of different levels that hinder the implementation of a unified national policy in relation to all «non-Montenegrin» groups: the cleavages between Montenegrins and Serbs, between Montenegrins and other ethnic minorities, between the Montenegrin state and the Serbian Orthodox Church. The article analyzes the current stage of nation- and state-building, the peculiarities of the influence of external actors on this process. The results of the 2020 parliamentary elections, when the opposition came to power largely due to the active position of the Serbian Orthodox Church are also discussed. The authors come to a conclusion about the effectiveness of institutions that must provide political decision-making and consensus-building between different ethnic groups.

Although there is little consensus on the relevance of non-contrastive allophonic processes in L2 speech acquisition, EFL pronunciation textbooks cover the suppression of stop release in coda position. The tendency for held stops in English is in stark opposition to a number of other languages, including Polish, in which plosive release is obligatory. This paper presents phonetic data on the acquisition of English unreleased stops by Polish learners. Results show that in addition to showing a tendency for the target language pattern of unreleased plosives, advanced learners may acquire more native-like VC formant transitions. From the functional perspective, languages with unreleased stops may be expected to have robust formant patterns on the final portion of the preceding vowel, which allow listeners to identify the final consonant when it lacks an audible release burst (see e.g. Wright 2004). From the perspective of syllabic positions, it may be said that ‘coda’ stops are obligatorily released in Polish, yet may be unreleased in English. Thus, the traditional term ‘coda’ is insufficient to describe the prosodic properties of post-vocalic stops in Polish and English. These differences may be captured in the Onset Prominence framework (Schwartz 2013). In languages with unreleased stops, the mechanism of submersion places post-vocalic stops at the bottom of the representational hierarchy where they may be subject to weakening. Submersion produces larger prosodic constituents and thus has phonological consequences beyond 'coda' behavior.

Shrimp is a major aquaculture species in Indonesia. Despite the Indonesian government’s effort to reinforce sustainability practices using a national eco-certification scheme, the uptake of stakeholders has been slow so far. This study analyzed diverse perceptions of the national eco-certification of shrimp aquaculture among stakeholders across the value chain in Indonesia. Using Q-methodology, 49 statements were selected, and they covered seven themes: conceptual understanding, priorities, motivation for eco-certification, market access, impacts of eco-certification, obstacles in Indonesia, and stakeholder involvement. Thirty respondents across the supply chain of whiteleg shrimp sorted these statements according to their level of agreement. Based on their support or opposition to eco-certification, responses were categorized into five perspectives: (1) supporter for the certification by principle, (2) market-oriented supporter, (3) collaborative supporter, (4) ambivalent self-sufficient, and (5) antagonistic business-oriented. Several reasons for stakeholder’s slow acceptance were identified. These include a limited understanding of sustainability concepts in eco-certification, uncertainty for the potential positive effects of eco-certification in terms of market access, the recognition of other priorities such as improving farm-infrastructures, and a lack of stakeholders’ participation in communication forums. The findings of this study can facilitate the process of consensus-building on eco-certification among farmers, scientists, the government, non-governmental organizations, and other stakeholders to support a viable pathway for policy development to achieve sustainable shrimp aquaculture. Ultimately, this study provides new insights on how a country in the Global South perceives eco-certification differently from the Global North.

Background: The cornerstone of a massive hemorrhage protocol (MHP) is the rapid delivery of blood components to mitigate the consequences of hemorrhagic shock, coagulopathy, and hypothermia in the exsanguinating patient pending definitive hemorrhage control. MHPs are used to facilitate protocol activation/termination, mobilize an interdisciplinary team, provide immediate access to blood, prioritize rapid blood testing, and commence hypothermia-prevention strategies. Non-randomized, before-after implementation studies have found an association between MHPs and improved patient outcomes, including mortality. There is variability in MHP implementation rates, content, and protocol compliance due to challenges presented by infrequent activation, variable team performance, and patient acuity. Methods: We used a modified Delphi technique to establish the framework for a standardized Provincial MHP toolkit and develop quality indicators. We assembled a panel of 36 content experts to represent relevant stakeholders at 150 Ontario hospitals. Panelists included physicians, nurses, and technologists from anesthesia, trauma, obstetrics, hematology, transfusion, emergency, transport, critical care, as well as representation by blood suppliers and patients. The group represented the diverse geographic healthcare program including academic, pediatric, suburban, and small rural hospitals. Panelists were required to attend a two-day MHP forum and complete all rounds of the Delphi. Panelists used digital surveys (LimeSurvey, Hamburg, Germany) to independently review 43 statements and 8 quality indicators drafted by a steering committee. Each statement was rated on a 7-point Likert scale from "definitely should not" to "definitely should include". Disposition of items was based on critieria determined a priori on the median Likert score. Round 1: (1) score at least >5.5 incorporated as written, (2) 2.6-5.4, discussed at the forum with all panelists, with a 2nd round revision, (3) <2.5, removed from further rounds, unless there was a strong opposition by the panel and a revision drafted for the second round. Novel statements and quality indicators could be added in the first round. No additional statements were added after round two. For the 2nd and 3rd rounds: (1) >5.5, accepted, (2) 2.4-5.4, rewritten and sent for round 3, (3) <2.4, removed. Merging or division of statements could occur where appropriate. Results: After 3 rounds, consensus was reached for 42 statements and 8 quality indicators. A 100% response rate was achieved from panelists in all three rounds. There were four main areas that required additional rounds and major modifications: (1) selection of the name of the protocol; (2) selection of the laboratory resuscitation targets; (3) determination of the pack configurations; and, (4) clarification of the role of rVIIa. The obstacle to selecting a unified name for the protocol was that many of the hospitals already had longstanding MHPs with specific names. Consensus on the laboratory targets and pack configuration was achieved by splitting statements into sub-sections. The rVIIa statement required three rounds of review to ensure the phrasing satisfied all the panelists for this controversial therapy. Interpretation: We believe that harmonization of MHPs in our region will simplify training, increase uptake of evidence-based interventions, enhance communication, improve patient safety, and ultimately improve outcomes. We highlight areas that need additional study: (1) RCTs are needed to determine if MHPs improve patient outcomes. (2) A "streamlined" version for community hospitals for stabilization before transfer to a tertiary care centre must be tested. (3) Activation and termination criteria have not been validated. (4) The frequency and type of laboratory testing has not been investigated. (5) Laboratory targets for resuscitation must be tested. (6) Does maintaining normothermia decrease transfusion? (7) Can fibrinogen concentrates and PCCs can be considered equivalent to cryoprecipitate and plasma, respectively? (8) Does compliance with the selected quality indicators result in improved outcome? These MHP recommendations will provide the basis for the design of local MHPs including specific recommendations for pediatric patients and for hospitals where definitive hemorrhage control may not be available. Disclosures Arnold: Novartis: Honoraria, Research Funding; Bristol-Myers Squibb: Research Funding; Rigel: Consultancy, Research Funding; Principia: Consultancy. Pai:Novartis: Honoraria. Sholzberg:Takeda: Honoraria, Research Funding; Baxalta: Honoraria, Research Funding; Baxter: Honoraria, Research Funding. Zeller:Canadian Blood Services: Consultancy; Pfizer: Other: Advisory Board; Ontario Ministry of Health and Long Term Care: Consultancy. Pavenski:Ablynx: Honoraria, Research Funding; Bioverativ: Research Funding; Shire: Honoraria; Alexion: Honoraria, Research Funding; Octapharma: Research Funding.

Ce mémoire propose de décrire et comprendre les pratiques communicationnelles menant à la prise de décision consensuelle d’une collaboration interorganisationnelle (CI) spécifique, la Table québécoise de la sécurité routière (TQSR). Nous adoptons la perspective de la communication constitutive des organisations (CCO) développée par « l’École de Montréal » pour appréhender les dimensions constitutives de ces pratiques de communication et de ce mode privilégié de décision en CI. Après un aperçu de la littérature disponible en matière de CI et concernant la notion de consensus, nous proposons de nous concentrer sur les pratiques communicationnelles du consensus en adoptant la perspective du consensus par absence d’opposition d’Urfalino (2014). L’analyse de conversation et les principes d’une approche rhétorique sont ensuite mobilisés pour rendre compte des pratiques de communication qui permettent l’accomplissement du consensus lors d’une séance plénière du troisième cycle de travail de la TQSR, spécifiquement consacrée à la rédaction de son rapport final. Nous verrons que 1) les pratiques communicationnelles mobilisées facilitent l’arrêt de la décision et que 2) celles-ci sont constitutives du consensus qui favorise l’unité du collectif de collaboration.
This thesis aims at describing and understanding the communication practices that sustain the consensual decision-making of an interorganizational collaboration (CI) collective, the “Table québécoise de la sécurité routière” (TQSR). We adopt a communication constitutive of organization (CCO) approach, as developed by the “Montréal School,” to understand the constitutive dimensions of these practices. After an overview of the available literature on CI and consensus decision-making, we propose to adopt the perspective of “consensus by non-opposition” developed by Urfalino (2014) to focus on the communicative practices that sustain this decision-making process. Conversation analysis and principles of a rhetorical approach are combined to analyze a plenary session from the TQSR third cycle of work, specifically aimed at drafting the collective’s final report. This analysis allows us to identify and discuss 1) the communication practices used to facilitate the consensus decision-making process and 2) the constitutive effects of consensus as it upholds the collective of collaboration’s unity.

Contemporary democracy is in crisis. People are losing faith in in a system of democratic institutions that can cope with current social problems. The book sheds new light on this issue, drawing on the ideas of M. M. Bakhtin, American pragmatism, and others to show that dialogue in democracy can transcend both antagonistic and consensual perspectives. The author provides an overview of the history of the dialogue-vs.-antagonism opposition as it is embedded in modern political theory, and outlines the concept of dialogue in contemporary political thought. The author argues that dialogue is a value in and by itself and that it aims at better understanding rather than at consensus. Therefore, the main purpose of the democratic system is to promote better understanding. This idea is labelled as “non-consensual democracy.” The author goes on to demonstrate that Bakhtin’s theory of dialogism can usefully amend and augmet the ways in which community is addressed in political theory, allowing us to overcome allowing us to overcome the liberalism-vs.-communitarianism debate. To conclude, he introduces the concept of |”critical community,” i.e., a "dialogical, self-reflective community critical of its own tradition," to show that collective identities can be constructed in critical dialogue with the tradition and the values of a community.

This chapter examines the linkage between the liberal consensus and coercive projects of political control, assessing why most Americans remained wedded to the ideal of consensus despite evidence of continuing social and political conflict. Efforts to build a national loyalty apparatus linked longstanding concerns about non-elite social and political groups with new efforts to control the expansion of state bureaucracies. One result was the radical left’s systematic exclusion from mainstream political life, while the intense political fallout produced by anticommunist overreach created a new political concept, “McCarthyism,” that was used to challenge efforts to limit free political expression and action. Red-hunting and the opposition it generated therefore helped to delimit a more closed political space, in which both radical-left and right-wing politics were circumscribed in favor of a core set of more centrist political axioms. To describe the outcome as a product of “consensus” downplays the role of both conflict and coercion in engineering these new political norms, but the idea of consensus cannot be ignored in the history of postwar red-hunting; the era’s debates revealed a consistent effort to deploy claims of consensus, whether in support of the need to root out subversives or to defend civil liberties.