Journal articles: 'Conservative bias'

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Olmsted, Kathryn S. "Conservative Bias." Reviews in American History 48, no. 4 (2020): 605–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2020.0066.

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Rhoads, Steven E. "Bias against conservative writing." Academic Questions 18, no. 3 (September 2005): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-005-1012-2.

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Krzysztof Piątkowski, Krzysztof Piątkowski. "Konserwatyzm czy konserwatyzmy? Problemy współczesnych badań nad źródłami przekonań prawicowych." Człowiek i Społeczeństwo 45 (March 15, 2018): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cis.2018.45.5.

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In the field of research on the determinants of conservative beliefs, the problem of liberal ideological bias is becoming more and more prominent. Traditionally conservatives are said to have weaker cognitive abilities and to experience more negative emotions. It is being noticed that classical theories of conservatism are based at least partially on a stereotyped image of the subject of their research. This paper presents an overview of classical and contemporary psychological attitudes towards the phenomenon of ideological conservatism. It presents theories of Tomkins, Adorno, Wilson and Paterson, as well as modern research conducted in the field of cognitive science and motivated cognition. Moreover, the most important phenomena identified today as causes of conservative attitudes, including Needs for Security and Certainty, Negativity Bias, and Disgust Sensitivity are being described. The paper discusses modern paradigms of understanding conservatism with the emphasis on determining their potential of reducing the one-sided view of psychology on the ideological conservatism.

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Davies, Ben. "Enhancement and the Conservative Bias." Philosophy & Technology 30, no. 3 (December 3, 2016): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13347-016-0245-z.

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BRENNAN, GEOFFREY, and ALAN HAMLIN. "Analytic Conservatism." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 4 (September 8, 2004): 675–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123404000249.

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We propose an analytic account of dispositional conservatism that attempts to uncover a foundation of what is often taken to be an anti-foundationalist position. We identify a bias in favour of the status quo as a key component of the conservative disposition and address the question of the justification of such a conservative disposition, and the circumstances in which the widespread adoption of such a disposition might be normatively desirable. Our analysis builds on a structural link between the economist's traditional emphasis on questions of feasibility and the conservative's attachment to the status quo.

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Mayer, William G. "What conservative media? The unproven case for conservative media bias." Critical Review 17, no. 3-4 (June 2005): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810508443642.

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Katz, Paul S. "The conservative bias of life scientists." Current Biology 29, no. 14 (July 2019): R666—R667. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2019.05.066.

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Katz, Paul S. "The conservative bias of life scientists." Current Biology 29, no. 17 (September 2019): 2970–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2019.08.025.

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Lilienfeld, Scott O., and Robert D. Latzman. "Threat bias, not negativity bias, underpins differences in political ideology." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 37, no. 3 (June 2014): 318–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x1300263x.

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AbstractAlthough disparities in political ideology are rooted partly in dispositional differences, Hibbing et al.'s analysis paints with an overly broad brush. Research on the personality correlates of liberal–conservative differences points not to global differences in negativity bias, but to differences in threat bias, probably emanating from differences in fearfulness. This distinction bears implications for etiological research and persuasion efforts.

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Rothenberg, Naomi R. "Private Information, Performance Measurement Bias, and Leading by Example." Journal of Management Accounting Research 29, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/jmar-51500.

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ABSTRACT This paper studies the effect of performance measurement error and bias on the principal's preference for a leader, who signals private information about a favorable common shock to a follower. Without a leader, both agents are privately informed and relative performance evaluation is optimal due to its ability to remove the common shock. An increase in the conservative bias can increase or decrease compensation, depending on the likelihood of the common shock. With leading by example, joint performance evaluation can be optimal for the leader, reducing the leader's incentives to free ride on the follower and an increase in the conservative bias reduces compensation. The principal prefers a leader if the likelihood of the common shock is low, or if agents' outputs are more likely to be independent. Further, the more accurate the performance measure, the principal's preference for a leader decreases, but the effect of conservatism is mixed. JEL Classifications: D23; D82; J33; M41.

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Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia, Cornelia Mothes, and Nick Polavin. "Confirmation Bias, Ingroup Bias, and Negativity Bias in Selective Exposure to Political Information." Communication Research 47, no. 1 (July 18, 2017): 104–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650217719596.

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Selective reading of political online information was examined based on cognitive dissonance, social identity, and news values frameworks. Online reports were displayed to 156 Americans while selective exposure was tracked. The news articles that participants chose from were either conservative or liberal and also either positive or negative regarding American political policies. In addition, information processing styles (cognitive reflection and need-for-cognition) were measured. Results revealed confirmation and negativity biases, per cognitive dissonance and news values, but did not corroborate the hypothesis derived from social identity theory. Greater cognitive reflection, greater need-for-cognition, and worse affective state fostered the confirmation bias; stronger social comparison tendency reduced the negativity bias.

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Chakraborty, Anujit. "Present Bias." Econometrica 89, no. 4 (2021): 1921–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3982/ecta16467.

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Present bias is the inclination to prefer a smaller present reward to a larger later reward, but reversing this preference when both rewards are equally delayed. Such behavior violates stationarity of temporal choices, and hence exponential discounting. This paper provides a weakening of the stationarity axiom that can accommodate present‐biased choice reversals. We call this new behavioral postulate Weak Present Bias and characterize the general class of utility functions that is consistent with it. We show that present‐biased preferences can be represented as those of a decision maker who makes her choices according to conservative present‐equivalents, in the face of uncertainty about future tastes.

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McCrary, Justin, Garret Christensen, and Daniele Fanelli. "Conservative Tests under Satisficing Models of Publication Bias." PLOS ONE 11, no. 2 (February 22, 2016): e0149590. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0149590.

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Pornpattananangkul, Narun, Bobby K. Cheon, and Joan Y. Chiao. "The role of negativity bias in political judgment: A cultural neuroscience perspective." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 37, no. 3 (June 2014): 325–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x13002707.

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AbstractHibbing et al. provide a comprehensive overview of how being susceptible to heightened sensitivity to threat may lead to conservative ideologies. Yet, an emerging literature in social and cultural neuroscience shows the importance of genetic and cultural factors on negativity biases. Promising avenues for future investigation may include examining the bidirectional relationship of conservatism across multiple levels of analysis.

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Manganaris, Panayotis, Charalambos Spathis, and Apostolos Dasilas. "How institutional factors and IFRS affect the value relevance of conservative and non-conservative banks." Journal of Applied Accounting Research 17, no. 2 (May 9, 2016): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaar-09-2014-0094.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the value relevance of accounting information before and after mandatory International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) adoption as well as the ensuing relationship between conditional conservatism and value relevance. The authors probe the above relationship by considering a number of institutional parameters, such as the accounting origin of each European country, the degree of differentiation between domestic standards and IFRS, and the level of each country’s enforcement. Design/methodology/approach – The authors run panel data regressions for banks listed in 15 European countries using both the price and the return model. The authors partition the total sample in conservative and non-conservative banks – based on Khan and Watts (2009) – and in other institutional clusters based on prior highly acclaimed studies. Value relevance is then gauged by the corresponding adjusted R2. Findings – The results provide evidence that IFRS have reinforced the value relevance for both conservative and non-conservative banks. However, this result alters when controlling for institutional dimensions. Specifically, the value relevance of conservative banks is strengthened when operating in high enforcement, low differences or English-origin environments, while non-conservative banks display better goodness-of-fit in French-origin countries. Research limitations/implications – A survivorship bias might exist because the authors require three years of data before and three years after IFRS adoption for including a bank in the sample. More importantly, the post-IFRS period coincides with the burst of global financial crisis, which may have severely affected this bias. Furthermore, the C_Score methodology has been developed in a US-oriented context. Therefore, the validity of this measure might be different in countries with other institutional settings, such as week legal enforcement of high level of IFRS divergence. Practical implications – The authors stress the qualitative significance of conditional conservatism and suggest that accounting standards regulators redefine the qualitative substance of conditional conservatism vis-à-vis other accounting quality properties, such as value relevance. Also, both conditional conservatism and value relevance are directly linked to contracting, thus the findings are of value to the entities that are legally involved with banks. These findings are particularly important, especially when the authors take institutional parameters into consideration. Originality/value – Studies that investigate the relationship between value relevance and conditional conservatism in the banking sector are scarce. In the wake of IFRS adoption, the authors signify the role of institutional features as potential determinants in accounting quality changes, as well as in the relationship between value relevance and conditional conservatism.

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Brown, Elizabeth K., Kelly M. Socia, and Jasmine R. Silver. "Conflicted conservatives, punitive views, and anti-Black racial bias 1974–2014." Punishment & Society 21, no. 1 (October 19, 2017): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474517736295.

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Research suggests that the views of “conflicted conservatives,” Americans who self-identify as conservative but express support for liberal governmental policies and spending, are particularly important in policymaking and politics because they are politically engaged and often act as swing voters. We examine punitive views among conflicted conservatives and other political subgroups in three distinct periods in the politics of punishment in America between 1974 and 2014. In particular, we consider the punitive views of conflicted conservatives relative to consistent conservatives, moderates, and liberals. Given the barrier that racialized typifications of violent crime may pose to current criminal justice reform efforts, we also explore the role of anti-Black bias in predicting punitive views among White Americans across political subgroups. Our overall findings indicate that conflicted conservatives are like moderates in their support for the death penalty and like consistent conservatives on beliefs about court harshness. These findings, and supplemental analyses on punitive views and voting behaviors across political subgroups, call into question whether conflicted conservatives have acted as critical scorekeepers on penal policy issues. We also find that anti-Black racism was significantly related to punitive views across political subgroups and among liberals in particular.

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Raithatha, Mehul, and Tara Shankar Shaw. "Do Family Firms Choose Conservative Accounting Practices?" International Journal of Accounting 54, no. 04 (December 2019): 1950014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1094406019500148.

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We investigate whether family firms are motivated to adopt conservative accounting practices, given their unique characteristics of high promoter holdings, less diversified equity, and long-term interest in the business. We examine whether heterogeneity within family firms, captured through family members’ involvement in management and the firm’s affiliation to a business group, drives conservative behavior. We test our model on a sample of 2534 listed Indian firms from 2006 to 2015. Our results indicate that family-controlled firms are more conditionally conservative in their accounting practices, especially when family members manage them and when they are affiliated with a business group. These findings are robust to alternative measures of conservatism and also after controlling for omitted variable bias and reverse causality.

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HAMID, AHMAD FAUZI ABDUL, and MUHAMAD TAKIYUDDIN ISMAIL. "Abdullah Ahmad Badawi: A Malaysian Neo-Conservative?" Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 3 (August 9, 2012): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000151.

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AbstractThis article proposes an analysis of changes implemented during Malaysia's Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's administration (2003–09), using the theoretical framework commonplace in studies on conservatism. Based on the premise that transformations in conservative polities are prone to producing conflict, the dynamics of conflict situations during Abdullah's checkered Premiership is foregrounded. As we apply the main criteria defining conservatism to regime behaviour in Malaysia, it becomes clear that such criteria are stoutly held by the regime's elites in their quest for social harmony and political stability. Regime maintenance then finds justifications in such seemingly sublime ends, thereby self-perpetuating Malaysian conservatism. Such despondency prevailed during Mahathir Mohamad's administration (1981–2003), which displayed bias against changes and introduced schemes to justify the systems it upheld. Transmutations wrought during Abdullah's tenure may have been neither substantial nor totalizing, but within the conservative paradigm which had long gripped national politics, Abdullah's deviations were significant nevertheless.

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Gibiino, Gian Piero, Alberto Santarelli, and Fabio Filicori. "Charge-conservative GaN HEMT nonlinear modeling from non-isodynamic multi-bias S-parameter measurements." International Journal of Microwave and Wireless Technologies 11, no. 5-6 (February 8, 2019): 431–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1759078719000059.

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AbstractGuaranteeing charge conservation of empirically extracted Gallium Nitride (GaN) High-Electron-Mobility Transistor (HEMT) models is necessary to avoid simulation issues and artifacts in the prediction. However, dispersive effects, such as thermal and charge-trapping phenomena, may compromise the model extraction flow resulting in poor model accuracy. Although GaN HEMT models should be extracted, in principle, from an isodynamic dataset, this work deals with the systematic identification of an approximate, yet most suitable, charge-conservative empirical model from standard multi-bias S-parameters, i.e., from non-isodynamic data. Results show that the obtained model maintains a reasonable accuracy in predicting both small- and large-signal behavior, while providing the benefits of charge conservation.

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Keskek, Sami, and Senyo Y. Tse. "Does Forecast Bias Affect Financial Analysts’ Market Influence?" Journal of Accounting, Auditing & Finance 33, no. 4 (September 1, 2016): 601–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0148558x16665965.

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Prior studies find that analysts tend to bias their forecasts upward in poor information environments and downward in rich information environments, consistent with attempts to curry favor with management. We find that investors anticipate this behavior by reducing their response to upward forecasts in poor information environments and downward forecasts in rich information environments. Using Hugon and Muslu’s measure of analyst conservatism as an ex ante indicator of individual analysts’ forecast bias tendencies, we show that the stronger return response they find to conservative analysts’ forecast revisions is restricted to poor information environments, where optimistic analyst bias is prevalent. Our results suggest that analysts pay a price in market influence when their forecasts reinforce analysts’ typical forecast bias for the firm’s information environment. Conversely, analysts whose forecasts conflict with the typical bias for the firm are rewarded with larger than average return responses.

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Utych, Stephen M. "Powerless Conservatives or Powerless Findings?" PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 4 (June 25, 2020): 741–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000505.

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ABSTRACTNoting the lack of “anti-man” bias research in the 2016 election, Zigerell (2019) argued that a relative lack of conservatives in political science can lead to bias in publications against political science research supporting conservative viewpoints. This article offers an alternative explanation for this lack of research: that this research produces null findings and therefore is subject to the “file-drawer problem,” in which null effects are less likely to be published than positive effects. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Studies, I provide an illustrative example to support this claim and suggest some solutions.

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Keene, Justin Robert, Heather Shoenberger, Collin K. Berke, and Paul D. Bolls. "The biological roots of political extremism." Politics and the Life Sciences 36, no. 2 (2017): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2017.16.

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Recent research has revealed the complex origins of political identification and the possible effects of this identification on social and political behavior. This article reports the results of a structural equation analysis of national survey data that attempts to replicate the finding that an individual’s negativity bias predicts conservative ideology. The analysis employs the Motivational Activation Measure (MAM) as an index of an individual’s positivity offset and negativity bias. In addition, information-seeking behavior is assessed in relation to traditional and interactive media sources of political information. Results show that although MAM does not consistently predict political identification, it can be used to predict extremeness of political views. Specifically, high negativity bias was associated with extreme conservatism, whereas low negativity bias was associated with extreme liberalism. In addition, political identification was found to moderate the relationship between motivational traits and information-seeking behavior.

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Sedek, Grzegorz, Malgorzata Kossowska, and Klara Rydzewska. "The importance of adult life-span perspective in explaining variations in political ideology." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 37, no. 3 (June 2014): 329–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x13002732.

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AbstractAs a comment on Hibbing et al.'s paper, we discuss the evolution of political and social views from more liberal to more conservative over the span of adulthood. We show that Hibbing et al.'s theoretical model creates a false prediction from this developmental perspective, as increased conservatism in the adult life-span trajectory is accompanied by the avoidance of negative bias.

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Gampa, Anup, Sean P. Wojcik, Matt Motyl, Brian A. Nosek, and Peter H. Ditto. "(Ideo)Logical Reasoning: Ideology Impairs Sound Reasoning." Social Psychological and Personality Science 10, no. 8 (March 5, 2019): 1075–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619829059.

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Beliefs shape how people interpret information and may impair how people engage in logical reasoning. In three studies, we show how ideological beliefs impair people’s ability to (1) recognize logical validity in arguments that oppose their political beliefs and (2) recognize the lack of logical validity in arguments that support their political beliefs. We observed belief bias effects among liberals and conservatives who evaluated the logical soundness of classically structured logical syllogisms supporting liberal or conservative beliefs. Both liberals and conservatives frequently evaluated the logical structure of entire arguments based on the believability of arguments’ conclusions, leading to predictable patterns of logical errors. As a result, liberals were better at identifying flawed arguments supporting conservative beliefs and conservatives were better at identifying flawed arguments supporting liberal beliefs. These findings illuminate one key mechanism for how political beliefs distort people’s abilities to reason about political topics soundly.

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Cholbi, Michael. "ANTI-CONSERVATIVE BIAS IN EDUCATION IS REAL — BUT NOT UNJUST." Social Philosophy and Policy 31, no. 1 (2014): 176–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052514000181.

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Bedingfield, Sid. "Journal's Health Care Plan Coverage Free of Murdock's Conservative Bias." Newspaper Research Journal 33, no. 2 (March 2012): 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073953291203300206.

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Hogan, Patrick Colm. "Negativity bias, emotion targets, and emotion systems." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 37, no. 3 (June 2014): 314–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x13002586.

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AbstractHibbing et al.'s article isolates a plausible psychological factor contributing to differences in political orientation. However, there are two potential difficulties. Both the nature of negativity and the liberal–conservative opposition are ambiguous. A possible way of treating these problems enhances the theoretical framework through fuller reference to emotion systems and categories of triggers for those systems.

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Erkens, David H., K. R. Subramanyam, and Jieying Zhang. "Affiliated Banker on Board and Conservative Accounting." Accounting Review 89, no. 5 (April 1, 2014): 1703–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/accr-50798.

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ABSTRACT We examine the effect of lender monitoring through board representation, which we label “affiliated banker on board” (AFB) on conservative accounting. We hypothesize that monitoring reduces lenders' demand for conservatism-facilitated control transfers through debt covenants by reducing the information asymmetry that underlies the agency problem of debt. Consistent with our hypothesis, we find that AFB firms have markedly lower conservative accounting than non-AFB firms. This result is robust to a battery of tests that account for bias from both observable and unobservable factors. We also find additional evidence to support key elements of our hypothesis. First, an examination of the relation between borrower-unfavorable renegotiations and covenant violations suggests that board representation allows lenders to renegotiate in a timelier manner based on private information. Second, an examination of the relation between covenant intensity and conservative accounting suggests that board representation decreases lenders' reliance on conservatism-facilitated control transfers. Finally, an analysis that uses relationship lending as an alternative proxy of lender monitoring suggests that it is lender monitoring, and not AFB per se, that reduces demand for conservative accounting. JEL Classifications: G3; G21; M41 Data Availability: All data are publicly available from sources identified in the text.

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Rallings, Colin, Michael Thrasher, and Ron Johnston. "The Slow Death of a Governing Party: The Erosion of Conservative Local Electoral Support in England 1979–97." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no. 2 (June 2002): 271–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00005.

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This article first describes the decline in Conservative Party representation in local government over the period 1979–97. It then explores a number of factors to account for the nature and depth of that decline, including: differential abstention; the desertion of heartland voters; tactical voting at local level; and electoral bias. Clearly, the Conservatives' performance at local elections was worse than might have been expected given the party's overall electoral popularity. It appears that Conservative council candidates largely fell victim to the changing pattern of party competition and the apparent ability of rival parties to target seats more effectively. Furthermore, the impact of these factors was compounded by the operation of biases within the electoral system.

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Wang, Ze, and Guoyuan Qi. "Modeling and Analysis of a Three-Terminal-Memristor-Based Conservative Chaotic System." Entropy 23, no. 1 (January 4, 2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/e23010071.

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In this paper, a three-terminal memristor is constructed and studied through changing dual-port output instead of one-port. A new conservative memristor-based chaotic system is built by embedding this three-terminal memristor into a newly proposed four-dimensional (4D) Euler equation. The generalized Hamiltonian energy function has been given, and it is composed of conservative and non-conservative parts of the Hamiltonian. The Hamiltonian of the Euler equation remains constant, while the three-terminal memristor’s Hamiltonian is mutative, causing non-conservation in energy. Through proof, only centers or saddles equilibria exist, which meets the definition of the conservative system. A non-Hamiltonian conservative chaotic system is proposed. The Hamiltonian of the conservative part determines whether the system can produce chaos or not. The non-conservative part affects the dynamic of the system based on the conservative part. The chaotic and quasiperiodic orbits are generated when the system has different Hamiltonian levels. Lyapunov exponent (LE), Poincaré map, bifurcation and Hamiltonian diagrams are used to analyze the dynamical behavior of the non-Hamiltonian conservative chaotic system. The frequency and initial values of the system have an extensive variable range. Through the mechanism adjustment, instead of trial-and-error, the maximum LE of the system can even reach an incredible value of 963. An analog circuit is implemented to verify the existence of the non-Hamiltonian conservative chaotic system, which overcomes the challenge that a little bias will lead to the disappearance of conservative chaos.

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Ortega-Avila, Ana Belen, Pablo Cervera-Garvi, Ana Marchena-Rodriguez, Esther Chicharro-Luna, Christopher J. Nester, Chelsea Starbuck, and Gabriel Gijon-Nogueron. "Conservative Treatment for Acute Ankle Sprain: A Systematic Review." Journal of Clinical Medicine 9, no. 10 (September 27, 2020): 3128. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jcm9103128.

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The aim was to identify conservative treatments available for acute ankle sprain and to evaluate their effectiveness with respect to pain relief and short-term recovery of functional capacity. A systematic review of the relevant literature was conducted via a data search of the PROSPERO, PubMed, Scopus, CINAHL, PyscINFO and SPORTDiscus databases, from inception until December 2019, focusing on randomised control trial studies. Two of the authors independently assessed the quality of each study located and extracted the relevant data. The quality of each paper was assessed using the Cochrane risk of bias tool included in RevMan 5. In all, 20 studies met the inclusion criteria. In terms of absence of bias, only nine papers were classed as “high quality”. Studies (75%) were of low quality in terms of the blinding of participants and personnel and uncertainty in blinding of outcome assessment and all presented one or more other forms of bias. Despite the generally low quality of the studies considered, it can be concluded that conservative treatment for acute ankle sprain normally achieves pain relief and rapidly improved functionality. Research based on higher-quality study designs and procedures would enable more definitive conclusions to be drawn.

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Glover, Jonathan C., and Haijin H. Lin. "Accounting Conservatism and Incentives: Intertemporal Considerations." Accounting Review 93, no. 6 (March 1, 2018): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/accr-52107.

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ABSTRACT We study intertemporal incentive properties of conditional accounting conservatism. Conservatism has detrimental and beneficial properties. In our first model, conservatism introduces downward bias in the first period; any understatement of first-period performance is reversed in the second period. A conservative bias is not costly in the first period but instead is costly in the second period when a new manager may be rewarded for the performance of his predecessor. In an extension on learning, we illustrate a beneficial role of conservatism in fine-tuning incentives. In the second model, conservatism is modeled as recognizing effort-independent bad news early and good news late. Recognizing bad news early can be optimal because of intertemporal rent shifting, which improves incentives via an “incentive spillback.” We also study overlapping projects (a multi-task setting) in which an interior accounting system can be optimal to avoid making one of the overlapping projects an incentive bottleneck. JEL Classifications: D21; D74; D82; D86.

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Brosvic, Gary M., Nancy A. Civale, Patricia Long, Deborah Kieley, Kathryn Kristoff, Nicole Memblatt, Rachel Gordon, Laurell Parris, Carla Giambelluca, and Roberta E. Dihoff. "Signal-Detection Analysis of the Müller-Lyer and the Horizontal-Vertical Illusions." Perceptual and Motor Skills 79, no. 3 (December 1994): 1299–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1994.79.3.1299.

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Perceptual error in the Müller-Lyer and the Horizontal-Vertical illusions was quantified using nonparametric signal-detection measures of sensitivity and response bias. Sensitivity scores were positively related to signal strength with the greatest values observed for the strongest signals. Sensitivity at each signal strength did not differ between the two illusions. Response-bias scores were inversely related to signal strength, with the most conservative biases observed for the strongest signals. Response biases for each signal strength were significantly more conservative for the Horizontal-Vertical than for the Müller-Lyer illusion.

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Baron, Jonathan, and John T. Jost. "False Equivalence: Are Liberals and Conservatives in the United States Equally Biased?" Perspectives on Psychological Science 14, no. 2 (March 2019): 292–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745691618788876.

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On the basis of a meta-analysis of 51 studies, Ditto et al. (this issue, p. 273) conclude that ideological bias is equivalent on the left and right of U.S. politics. In this commentary, we contend that this conclusion does not follow from the review and that Ditto and his colleagues are too quick to embrace a false equivalence between the liberal left and the conservative right. For one thing, the issues, procedures, and materials used in the studies reviewed by Ditto and his colleagues were selected for purposes other than the inspection of ideological asymmetries. Consequently, methodological choices made by researchers were systematically biased to avoid producing differences between liberals and conservatives. We also consider the broader implications of a normative analysis of judgment and decision making and demonstrate that the bias examined by Ditto and his colleagues is not, in fact, an irrational bias, and that it is incoherent to discuss bias in the absence of standards for assessing accuracy and consistency. Other conclusions about domain-general asymmetries in motivated social cognition have suggested that epistemic virtues are more prevalent among liberals than conservatives, and these conclusions are closer to the truth of the matter when it comes to current American politics. Finally, we question the notion that the research literature in psychology is necessarily characterized by liberal bias, as several authors have claimed.

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BROOCKMAN, DAVID E., and CHRISTOPHER SKOVRON. "Bias in Perceptions of Public Opinion among Political Elites." American Political Science Review 112, no. 3 (March 22, 2018): 542–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000011.

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The conservative asymmetry of elite polarization represents a significant puzzle. We argue that politicians can maintain systematic misperceptions of constituency opinion that may contribute to breakdowns in dyadic representation. We demonstrate this argument with original surveys of 3,765 politicians’ perceptions of constituency opinion on nine issues. In 2012 and 2014, state legislative politicians from both parties dramatically overestimated their constituents’ support for conservative policies on these issues, a pattern consistent across methods, districts, and states. Republicans drive much of this overestimation. Exploiting responses from politicians in the same district, we confirm these partisan differences within individual districts. Further evidence suggests that this overestimation may arise due to biases in who contacts politicians, as in recent years Republican citizens have been especially likely to contact legislators, especially fellow Republicans. Our findings suggest that a novel force can operate in elections and in legislatures: Politicians can systematically misperceive what their constituents want.

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Darling-Hammond, Sean, Eli K. Michaels, Amani M. Allen, David H. Chae, Marilyn D. Thomas, Thu T. Nguyen, Mahasin M. Mujahid, and Rucker C. Johnson. "After “The China Virus” Went Viral: Racially Charged Coronavirus Coverage and Trends in Bias Against Asian Americans." Health Education & Behavior 47, no. 6 (September 10, 2020): 870–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1090198120957949.

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On March 8, 2020, there was a 650% increase in Twitter retweets using the term “Chinese virus” and related terms. On March 9, there was an 800% increase in the use of these terms in conservative news media articles. Using data from non-Asian respondents of the Project Implicit “Asian Implicit Association Test” from 2007–2020 ( n = 339,063), we sought to ascertain if this change in media tone increased bias against Asian Americans. Local polynomial regression and interrupted time-series analyses revealed that Implicit Americanness Bias—or the subconscious belief that European American individuals are more “American” than Asian American individuals—declined steadily from 2007 through early 2020 but reversed trend and began to increase on March 8, following the increase in stigmatizing language in conservative media outlets. The trend reversal in bias was more pronounced among conservative individuals. This research provides evidence that the use of stigmatizing language increased subconscious beliefs that Asian Americans are “perpetual foreigners.” Given research that perpetual foreigner bias can beget discriminatory behavior and that experiencing discrimination is associated with adverse mental and physical health outcomes, this research sounds an alarm about the effects of stigmatizing media on the health and welfare of Asian Americans.

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Liao, Pei-Cheng, and Suresh Radhakrishnan. "Auditors’ Liability to Lenders and Auditor Conservatism." Management Science 66, no. 8 (August 2020): 3788–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2019.3302.

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We examine the near-privity rule that increases the auditor’s legal liability exposure by considering a debtholder who can sue the auditor and recover damages when there is an audit failure. We show that the increase in the auditor’s legal liability induces the auditor to choose more informative and more conservative efforts. Although the increased informative effort has a favorable spillover effect that increases the equityholder’s expected payoff, the increased conservative effort induces a bias—that is, decreases the likelihood of reporting a true good state as good—and thus induces an adverse spillover effect that decreases the equityholder’s expected payoff. As such, when the conservative effort bias is small, the favorable spillover effect dominates the adverse spillover effect, and the equityholder prefers the near-privity regime. This paper was accepted by Suraj Srinivasan, accounting.

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Eisinger, Robert M., Loring R. Veenstra, and John P. Koehn. "What Media Bias? Conservative and Liberal Labeling in Major U.S. Newspapers." Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 12, no. 1 (January 2007): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x06297460.

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Singh, Sanjula Dhillon, Hens Bart Brouwers, Jasper Rudolf Senff, Marco Pasi, Joshua Goldstein, Anand Viswanathan, Catharina J. M. Klijn, and Gabriël Johannes Engelmundus Rinkel. "Haematoma evacuation in cerebellar intracerebral haemorrhage: systematic review." Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery & Psychiatry 91, no. 1 (December 17, 2019): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jnnp-2019-321461.

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BackgroundGuidelines regarding recommendations for surgical treatment of spontaneous cerebellar intracerebral haemorrhage (ICH) differ. We aimed to systematically review the literature to assess treatment strategies and outcomes.MethodsWe searched PubMed and Embase between 1970 and 2019 for randomised or otherwise controlled studies and observational cohort studies. We included studies according to predefined selection criteria and assessed their quality according to the Newcastle-Ottawa Scale (NOS) and risk of bias according to a predefined scale. We assessed case fatality and functional outcome in patients treated conservatively or with haematoma evacuation. Favourable functional outcome was defined as a modified Rankin Scale score of 0–2 or a Glasgow Outcome Scale score of 4–5.ResultsWe included 41 observational cohort studies describing 2062 patients (40% female) with spontaneous cerebellar ICH. A total of 1171 patients (57%) underwent haematoma evacuation. Ten studies described a cohort of surgically treated patients (n=533) and 31 cohorts with both surgically and conservatively treated patients (n=638 and n=891, respectively). There were no randomised clinical trials nor studies comparing outcome between the groups after adjustment for differences in baseline characteristics. The median NOS score (IQR) was 5 (4–6) out of 8 points and the bias score was 2 (1–3) out of 8, indicative of high risk of bias. Case fatality at discharge was 21% (95% CI 17% to 25%) after conservative treatment and 24% (95% CI 19% to 29%) after haematoma evacuation. At ≥6 months after conservative treatment, case fatality was 30% (95% CI 25% to 30%) and favourable functional outcome was 45% (95% CI 40% to 50%) and after haematoma evacuation, case fatality was 34% (95% CI 30% to 38%) and 42% (95% CI 37% to 47%).ConclusionsControlled studies on the effect of neurosurgical treatment in patients with spontaneous cerebellar ICH are lacking, and the risk of bias in published series is high. Due to substantial differences in patient characteristics between conservatively and surgically treated patients, and high variability in treatment indications, a meaningful comparison in outcomes could not be made. There is no good published evidence to support treatment recommendations and controlled, preferably randomised studies are warranted in order to formulate evidence-based treatment guidelines for patients with cerebellar ICH.

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Gruen, D., Y. Zhang, A. Palmese, B. Yanny, V. Busti, B. Hoyle, P. Melchior, et al. "Dark Energy Survey Year 1 results: the effect of intracluster light on photometric redshifts for weak gravitational lensing." Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 488, no. 3 (July 27, 2019): 4389–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mnras/stz2036.

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Abstract We study the effect of diffuse intracluster light on the critical surface mass density estimated from photometric redshifts of lensing source galaxies, and the resulting bias in a weak lensing measurement of galaxy cluster mass. Under conservative assumptions, we find the bias to be negligible for imaging surveys like the Dark Energy Survey with a recommended scale cut of ≥200 kpc distance from cluster centres. For significantly deeper lensing source galaxy catalogues from present and future surveys like the Large Synoptic Survey Telescope program, more conservative scale and source magnitude cuts or a correction of the effect may be necessary to achieve percent level lensing measurement accuracy, especially at the massive end of the cluster population.

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Hessling, Jan Peter. "Sampling Variance and Bias of the Wilks Conservative Estimate of Confidence Intervals." Nuclear Science and Engineering 184, no. 3 (November 2016): 388–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.13182/nse16-8.

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Spiro, Peter S. "Improving a group forecast by removing the conservative bias in its components." International Journal of Forecasting 5, no. 1 (1989): 127–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0169-2070(89)90070-8.

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De Ornellas, Kevin. "From Tory Boy to #sadmanonatrain: Great British Railway Journeys and the hard and soft masculinities of Michael Portillo." Journal of Popular Television 9, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 251–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jptv_00053_1.

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Before 2005, Michael Portillo was a reviled populist, right-wing British Conservative politician. Seemingly, he is a now a mellowed national treasure due largely to his approachable, friendly, prolific series of travelogues, Great British Railway Journeys (2010‐present). This multi-series documentary has been a remarkable BBC success: delivering upbeat music, dynamic camera work, a repetitive format, rosy-tinted Victoriana and celebratory subject matter, the programme makers ensure that the programme is feel-good, cosy, nostalgic and soothing. But Portillo’s political inclinations are apparent: Portillo, sometimes quite subtly, expresses consistently his passion for free enterprise, for the supposed benefits of historical colonialism, for the monarchy, for the military and for social liberalism. A believer in an enterprise-encouraging small state and in personal liberty and social mobility, Portillo’s politics chime in directly with the current thinking of the Conservative Party leadership. In short, the apparently benign travelogue series promotes Portillo’s mainstream post-Thatcherite British Conservatism: an analysis of the ubiquitous programme’s understated but clear Conservatism counters right-wing accusations about the BBC’s alleged leftist bias.

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Giersch, Jason. "Punishing campus protesters based on ideology." Research & Politics 6, no. 4 (October 2019): 205316801989212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019892129.

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Recent protests on university campuses have inspired conservative claims that liberals allow partisanship to color their judgement of disorderly activists. Prior research suggests, however, that both ideologies are prone to political bias. Furthermore, because conservatives are typically more concerned with orderliness and authority, there are theoretical reasons to expect conservatives to respond more forcefully to protests than liberals, especially when those protesters are political opponents. Using an experimental design with two samples, one with Mechanical Turk participants and the other with current college students, the study finds support for the hypotheses that (1) conservatives are more punitive towards protesters than liberals, (2) both ideologies are more likely to punish when protesters are their political opponents, and (3) conservatives’ responses to protesters are more sensitive to their ideology than liberals’. These results support recent studies of the psychology of political ideology and punitiveness.

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Clavio, Galen, and Ryan Vooris. "ESPN and the Hostile Media Effect." Communication & Sport 6, no. 6 (November 16, 2017): 728–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479517739835.

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Recent layoffs at sports media giant Entertainment and Sports Programming Network (ESPN) have caused some commentators to question whether the network’s forays into social and political commentary are at the heart of shrinking revenue streams. Several conservative political commentators have accused ESPN of a liberal bias in their recent coverage of social issues within and related to sport. This study examined the political perception of ESPN by audiences, by applying a perceptual theory of communication known as the hostile media effect. Prior research of the hostile media effect has found that audiences with strongly held beliefs subjectively perceive media bias relative to their own beliefs, whether or not any actual bias is being demonstrated by the media source in question. Through a nationwide survey, study subjects were asked about their political leanings, media consumption, and views on ESPN. Statistical analysis found that individuals with conservative political leanings were more likely than others to view ESPN as hostile to their political beliefs, and those who perceived ESPN as hostile media were less likely to trust ESPN to cover social and political issues fairly.

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Chen, Kejing, Yanxi Li, Kung'unde Marco, and Wenzhang Sun. "Cognitive Bias and Capital Structure in Emerging Markets: Evidence from Chinese Listed Companies." Journal of International Business and Economy 16, no. 1 (July 1, 2015): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.51240/jibe.2015.1.4.

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We study the influence of managerial cognitive bias on corporate debt policy in China. We develop a theoretical model of capital structure that incorporates tax benefits of debt and predicts how managerial cognitive bias can lead to suboptimal capital structure choices. We find that when managerial cognitive bias is severe, the firm tends to choose overly-conservative or overly-aggressive debt levels, and the debt level is unrelated to the tax rate. In contrast, when managerial cognitive bias is mild, the firm responds to the tax benefit of debt and tends to choose a debt level that is positively related to the tax rate. We contribute to the literature by introducing managerial cognitive bias into the decision making process. We study how cognitive bias can affect capital structure decisions by incorporating the prospect theory in developing a capital structure model.

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Herron, Michael C., and Kenneth W. Shotts. "Cross-Contamination in EI-R: Reply." Political Analysis 11, no. 1 (2003): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/11.1.77.

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We address in Herron and Shotts (2003; hereinafter HS) an increasingly common statistical practice called EI-R, in which point estimates generated by the King (1997) ecological inference technique are used as dependent variables in second-stage linear regressions. Although HS argue that EI-R slope estimates are inconsistent and suffer from attenuation bias, this characterization of EI-R is excessively conservative. Indeed, we show here that EI-R estimates can suffer from sign reversals, attenuation bias, and augmentation bias, that inference based on these estimates can be misleading, and that EI-R is unfixable and should not be used.

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Leong, Yuan Chang, Janice Chen, Robb Willer, and Jamil Zaki. "Conservative and liberal attitudes drive polarized neural responses to political content." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 44 (October 20, 2020): 27731–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2008530117.

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People tend to interpret political information in a manner that confirms their prior beliefs, a cognitive bias that contributes to rising political polarization. In this study, we combined functional magnetic resonance imaging with semantic content analyses to investigate the neural mechanisms that underlie the biased processing of real-world political content. We scanned American participants with conservative-leaning or liberal-leaning immigration attitudes while they watched news clips, campaign ads, and public speeches related to immigration policy. We searched for evidence of “neural polarization”: activity in the brain that diverges between people who hold liberal versus conservative political attitudes. Neural polarization was observed in the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (DMPFC), a brain region associated with the interpretation of narrative content. Neural polarization in the DMPFC intensified during moments in the videos that included risk-related and moral-emotional language, highlighting content features most likely to drive divergent interpretations between conservatives and liberals. Finally, participants whose DMPFC activity closely matched that of the average conservative or the average liberal participant were more likely to change their attitudes in the direction of that group’s position. Our work introduces a multimethod approach to study the neural basis of political cognition in naturalistic settings. Using this approach, we characterize how political attitudes biased information processing in the brain, the language most likely to drive polarized neural responses, and the consequences of biased processing for attitude change. Together, these results shed light on the psychological and neural underpinnings of how identical information is interpreted differently by conservatives and liberals.

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Keating, Vincent Charles, and Katarzyna Kaczmarska. "Conservative soft power: liberal soft power bias and the ‘hidden’ attraction of Russia." Journal of International Relations and Development 22, no. 1 (May 11, 2017): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41268-017-0100-6.

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Todd, Juanita, Alexander Provost, and Gavin Cooper. "Lasting first impressions: A conservative bias in automatic filters of the acoustic environment." Neuropsychologia 49, no. 12 (October 2011): 3399–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2011.08.016.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Conservative bias'

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