Academic literature on the topic 'Conservative censorship'

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Journal articles on the topic "Conservative censorship"

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ESBERG, JANE. "Censorship as Reward: Evidence from Pop Culture Censorship in Chile." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (2020): 821–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305542000026x.

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Censorship has traditionally been understood as a way for dictators to silence opposition. By contrast, this article develops and tests the theory that certain forms of censorship—in particular, prohibitions on popular culture—serve not only to limit political information but also to reward dictators’ supporters. Using text analysis of all 8,000 films reviewed for distribution during Chile’s dictatorship, I demonstrate that rather than focusing only on sensitive political topics, censors banned movies containing content considered immoral. Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative
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Mansour, Dina. "Egyptian film censorship." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 4 (December 21, 2012): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.4.02.

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Films are a representation and manifestation of culture; yet, since the early days of filmmaking public debates have questioned whether “the motion picture industry was morally fit to control the content of its own products” (Robichaux). Today, the Arab world is plagued by the same dilemma. In a region where government censorship is the norm, heavy restrictions are imposed on locally produced films as a means of “safeguarding” public norms, religion and culture. Also problematic in today’s globalised world is the influx of foreign films into local markets, which not only defy public norms, but
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Richards, Chase. "Ernst Keil vs. Prussia: Censorship and Compromise in theAmazonAffair." Central European History 46, no. 3 (2013): 533–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938913000988.

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Recent scholarship has cautioned us that censorship does not require a censor, nor can it be described merely as the repression of information by power. Censorship can be discursively productive, and historically it has worn many guises. This article treats a case in which state censorship practices were unstable, their execution uncertain, and their target cunning, if ultimately open to compromise. Sparked by an antiaristocratic short story in Ernst Keil'sGartenlaube(arbor, bower), the most widely read German periodical of the era, theAmazonaffair involved not only its namesake ship—the Pruss
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Krizsán, Bálint. "A Nemzeti Ujság politikai állásfoglalása és a márciusi fordulat, 1845–1848." Belvedere Meridionale 31, no. 2 (2019): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.2.7.

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The aim of my study is to show a Hungarian conservative newspaper’s political principles during the second half of the 1840s. The Nemzeti Ujság was undergoing massive changes under the direction of Sándor Lipthay between the last two Hungarian diets of the Reform Era. The events of the examined period had serious effects upon those changes. For instance the moderate censorship; the diet of 1843/44 and the resulting opposition of the absolutist governemnt of Wien; furthermore the foundation of the Hungarian Conservative Party. Nevertheless the Revolution of 1848 had the most significant effect
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McKee, Alan. "Censorship of Sexually Explicit Materials: What Do Consumers of Pornography Have to Say?" Media International Australia 120, no. 1 (2006): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0612000108.

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This article attempts to bring a new set of voices into public debates about censorship in Australia — those of consumers of pornography. Forty-six consumers — chosen to provide the most diverse range of voices across gender, age, sexuality, income, place of residence and state/territory — were interviewed in detail. Interviewees consistently distinguished between beneficial and harmful pornography. The main issue was consent, with child pornography, bestiality and violent pornography being singled out for condemnation. The interviewees noted that public debates about pornography in Australia
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Foster, Gaines M. "Conservative Social Christianity, the Law, and Personal Morality: Wilbur F. Crafts in Washington." Church History 71, no. 4 (2002): 799–819. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070009630x.

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In 1895, Wilbur F. Crafts opened on office in Washington, D.C. and proclaimed himself a Christian lobbyist. Over the next quarter century, until his death in 1922, he mobilized churches and individual Christians to pressure Congress on behalf of bills, some he had written, to limit divorce, to control sexuality, and to restrict or prohibit the use of narcotics and alcohol. He also led an unsuccessful campaign for federal censorship of the movies. Crafts deserves more attention than historians of American religion have paid him. His legislative accomplishments render his career important in its
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Romashko, Tatiana. "Biopolitics and Hegemony in Contemporary Russian Cultural Policy." Russian Politics 3, no. 1 (2018): 88–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00301005.

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Since 2011, Russian ‘licensing civil society’ 1 has predominated through censorship and the restrictive regulation of arts and cultural societies. The current conservative project has turned artistic space into public space, indicating moral abuse and a threat to the spiritual health of the Russian nation. Consequently, the symbolic borders of human creativity and individual freedom in arts and cultural societies have been reduced to patriotism, nationalism and moral deductive functions of the state-approved program. This paper will explore Russian state cultural policy and argue that biopolit
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Warner, Rob. "The evangelical matrix:." Evangelical Quarterly 80, no. 1 (2008): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08001003.

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This paper examines evidence of contemporary British evangelical diversity, in terms of theological and socio-political convictions. Survey responses are analyzed from the leadership teams of prominent evangelical organisations, delegates at the most recent National Evangelical Assembly and theological college students. The contours of a modified theological consensus become apparent. Although evangelicals have embraced social justice – anti-racist, anti-sexist and favouring debt cancellation for the developing world – they remain conservative in terms of sexual ethics, supporting restrictive
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Lavrinovich, Dmitry S. "Deputies from the Mogilev province to the State Duma III and IV: social and political characteristics." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2020): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-2-31-39.

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The article reveals social characteristics of the State Duma deputies. The author shows that due to the censorship nature of the electoral law of 3 June 1907, the deputy corps was dominated by the representatives of the elite groups of population (nobles, large landowners). Besides, the important role was played by the deputies from the church and the officials. Most of them, according to their political views, were supporters of the conservative centre. Deputies focused on the Stolypin’s land reform and the draft law on the introduction of elected zemstvos in the western provinces of the Russ
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Berg, Scott. "“The Lord Has Done Great Things for Us”: The 1817 Reformation Celebrations and the End of the Counter-Reformation in the Habsburg Lands." Central European History 49, no. 1 (2016): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000066.

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AbstractIn anticipation of the upcoming five-hundreth anniversary in 2017 of the start of the Reformation, this article addresses the memory of this event in Central Europe by focusing on the tricentennial celebrations of 1817. The jubilees that took place that year were unique in that they were the first ones characterized by an ecumenical spirit. The article focuses on the Habsburg lands, where the 1817 jubilees were especially significant because of the recent dismantling of the Counter-Reformation by Emperor Joseph II and the favorable policies for Protestants pursued by his conservative s
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Conservative censorship"

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Mann, Kyleigh. "The Invisible Free Speech Crisis: Why We Ignore Conservative Censorship on College Campuses." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1827.

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Petitions to reject controversial speakers from college campuses would have little effect unless administrators were willing to formally disinvite speakers. So, why are administrators responsive to some movements to exclude certain perspectives from campus and not others? This paper attempts to answer this question through an empirical study of 349 speaker disinvitation attempts on 218 U.S. colleges and universities from 2000 to 2017. I use an original data set with information sourced from the Foundation for Individual Rights and U.S. News and World Report to determine what factors predict a
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Kozlowski, Lisa. "STUDENT CENSORSHIP IN THE SOCIAL WORK CLASSROOMS." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/459.

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Through the evolution of the field of social work, a divide in its ideologies has emerged and certain political and ideological groups such as the religious and conservatives have become underrepresented. As a result, over the years the liberal philosophies have emerged as the dominant group. This has led to a decrease in diversity within the field. Recognition of biases in the field of social work is difficult. Through a qualitative analysis method, this study was meant to explore if social work students feel they are free to share openly in the classroom, and if they are accepting of all ide
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Cannon, Ammie. "Controversial Politics, Conservative Genre: Rex Stout's Archie-Wolfe Duo and Detective Fiction's Conventional Form." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2006. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/469.

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Rex Stout maintained his popular readership despite the often controversial and radical political content expressed in his detective fiction. His political ideals often made him many enemies. Stances such as his ardent opposition to censorship, racism, Nazism, Germany, Fascism, Communism, McCarthyism, and the unfettered FBI were potentially offensive to colleagues and readers from various political backgrounds. Yet Stout attempted to present radical messages via the content of his detective fiction with subtlety. As a literary traditionalist, he resisted using his fiction as a platform for an
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Watkins, Daniel J. "Enlightenment, Catholicism, Conservatism: The Isaac-Joseph Berruyer Affair and the Culture of Orthodoxy in France, ca. 1700-1830." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1393237720.

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Borges, Jorge. "Telenovelas brasileiras entre tradição e pós-modernidade ˸ um estudo do papel das beatas." Thesis, Paris 3, 2019. http://bibnum.univ-paris3.fr/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=323343.

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Cette recherche est née de l'observation de la télénovela brésilienne en tant que produit mainstream aux caractéristiques tellement sui generis. L'immersion dans un récit, quotidienne et sur une période d'environ huit mois, plonge le public dans cet environnement fictif et permet d'atteindre un objectif qui va bien au-delà du divertissement. La télénovela se manifeste par la nécessité d'être un reflet constant de la société, dans laquelle elle aussi finit par se refléter. Si sa valeur artistique est remise en question, son pouvoir d'influence est incontestable. Conscients de ce pouvoir de pers
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Books on the topic "Conservative censorship"

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Basbanes, Nicholas A. A splendor of letters: The permanence of books in an impermanent world. HarperCollins, 2003.

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A splendor of letters: The permanence of books in an impermanent world. HarperCollins, 2003.

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Sang-in, Chŏn, ред. Hanʼguk hyŏndaesa: Chinsil kwa haesŏk. Nanam Chʻulpʻan, 2005.

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Propaganda Research Institute (U.S.), ed. Conservative periodicals: Where are they?. Propaganda Research Institute, 1985.

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Matzko, Paul. The Radio Right. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073220.001.0001.

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By the early 1960s, and for the first time in history, most Americans across the nation could tune their radio to a station that aired conservative programming from dawn to dusk. People listened to these shows in remarkable numbers; for example, the broadcaster with the largest listening audience, Carl McIntire, had a weekly audience of twenty million, or one in nine American households. For the sake of comparison, that is a higher percentage of the country than would listen to conservative talk radio host Rush Limbaugh forty years later. As this Radio Right phenomenon grew, President John F.
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Daneshgar, Majid. Studying the Qur'an in the Muslim Academy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190067540.001.0001.

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This book sheds light on how the study of Islam in the Muslim lands become an exercise in politics and pious apologetics. It also displays the way modern critical historical approach to the Qurʾān is under threat across the world. The author shows the combination of traditional practices, sectarian rivalry, prejudice and outdated attitudes—reflexive censorship, mutual systemic exclusion by Sunni and Shi‘i traditions of each other’s points of view along with lack of interest in work done outside the Middle East and a fixation on a narrow and flawed interpretation of Orientalism, Edward W. Said’
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Rhodes, Neil. Literature in Crisis. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198704102.003.0003.

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This chapter discusses the ways in which the Reformation produces a crisis for humanist literary values and the Erasmian ideal of bonae literae. Initially attacked by conservatives such as Martin Dorp, literature then falls victim to a Reformation ideology which denigrates fiction and the imagination. This is evident in the debates between More and Tyndale and is reinforced by censorship at the end of Henry VIII's reign. The chapter ends with a discussion of the extreme case of Cornelius Agrippa, whose comprehensive denunciation of the arts and sciences would abolish literature altogether. The
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Basbanes, Nicholas A. A Splendor of Letters: The Permanence of Books in an Impermanent World. Harper Perennial, 2004.

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A Splendor of Letters: The Permanence of Books in an Impermanent World. Harper Perennial, 2004.

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The silencing: How the left is killing free speech. 2015.

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Book chapters on the topic "Conservative censorship"

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Matzko, Paul. "Introduction." In The Radio Right. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073220.003.0001.

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The advent of mass right-wing radio in the early 1960s fueled the rise of modern conservatism and provoked the most successful government censorship campaign in America of the past half century. That episode should encourage a reevaluation of John F. Kennedy’s presidency; even more significantly, the story of the Radio Right should transform the scholarly debate over the origins of the New Right. Instead of trying to explain the uptick in activism by looking to sudden changes in the demand for conservative ideas, this work emphasizes shifts in the supply of those ideas. Furthermore, in contradiction to self-serving mythologizing by conservative institutions and intellectuals, it centers the role played by radicals and grassroots activists in conservative movement formation.
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Powell, Fred. "Religious nationalism, sectarianism and anti-semitism." In The Political Economy of the Irish Welfare State. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447332916.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the efforts of the new Irish Free State to construct a socially integrated culture. This would be shaped into a socially conservative communitarian form inspired by Catholic corporatism, cultural nationalism, and rejection of modernity. Young people were targeted in the post-revolutionary climate of social and cultural conservatism. The education system was used to promote cultural segregation. Censorship and women's subordination dominated the cultural landscape, with reproductive rights and divorce suppressed in an increasingly patriarchal traditional society. The 1937 Constitution enshrined the new social policy principles in the basic law of the country. In the end, the state bureaucracy proved resistant to openly changing Irish governance.
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Matzko, Paul. "“The Red Lion Roars Again”." In The Radio Right. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073220.003.0005.

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After the assassination of John F. Kennedy, leadership of the counter–Radio Right censorship campaign passed to the Democratic National Committee (DNC). DNC Chairman John Bailey recruited operative Wayne Phillips to take charge of a team that would intimidate conservative broadcasters who either supported Barry Goldwater or attacked Lyndon Johnson during the 1964 election. By Phillips’s own estimations, the project was a remarkable success, garnering hundreds of hours of free airtime via Fairness Doctrine complaints. They were aided by a new front organization—secretly created by the DNC—called the National Council for Civic Responsibility. As a bonus, the campaign also generated a court challenge from journalist Fred Cook against conservative radio station owner John Norris. The resulting court case, Red Lion Broadcasting Co., Inc. v. FCC, went all the way to the US Supreme Court, which ultimately upheld the Fairness Doctrine.
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O'Brien, Mark. "Free State–free press?" In The Fourth Estate. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096136.003.0004.

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This chapter examines how a conservative climate impacted on journalism in the newly independent Free State. It surveys the moral crusades against what was viewed as vulgar journalism and the lobbying by vigilance associations to cleanse journalism of content, such as crime reporting, that was considered undesirable. It examines the impact the Censorship of Publications Act 1929 had on journalism by looking at the Waterford Standard case of 1929 and the lesser-known ‘kissing case’ of 1937 – both of which had a long-lasting chilling effect on journalism in Ireland – particularly in relation to media coverage of certain types of crime.
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Davis, Jonathan, and Rohan McWilliam. "Introduction: new histories of Labour and the left in the 1980s." In Labour and the Left in the 1980s. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526106438.003.0001.

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In 1980, notwithstanding the defeat of the Labour government the year before, the political left in its various forms remained a major presence in British life. Local government, the media, trade unions, pressure groups, the arts and academia: all were often dominated by left-of-centre voices that created networks of opposition to the recently elected Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher. Since the reforming Labour government of 1945, the liberal left had some reason to believe that it had shaped the orthodoxies of modern Britain with the welfare state, Keynesian economic policy and the liberal reforms that abolished censorship and challenged gender and racial discrimination. It was still possible, in 1980, for some to believe that a socialist future beckoned....
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Craig, Berry. "The Rebirth of the Old Rebel Press and the Thorny Issue of Censorship in Wartime." In Kentucky's Rebel Press. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813174594.003.0009.

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Kentucky became intensely pro-Southern after the war, a fact reflected in the rise of the old Confederate press. Some of the papers did not survive the conflict, but many did. Haldeman returned to Louisville and restarted the Courier, which soon had a greater circulation than both the Journal and the Democrat. In 1868 he bought out his rivals. The new paper, the Louisville Courier-Journal, was Democratic and relatively moderate. Its editor was the storied Henry Watterson, a former Confederate soldier and journalist. The Yeoman was back in business, too. Ironically, though, the Statesman’s new owners turned the paper Republican. Other secessionist organs such as the Covington Journal, Cynthiana News, Hickman Courier, and Paducah Herald resumed publication as conservative Democratic organs. Whereas the rebel editors and publishers had represented the minority opinion during the war, they found themselves in step with most Kentuckians afterward. Yet the question remains: was the Lincoln administration justified in suppressing hostile newspapers?
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""Pornography, Obscenity, and the Case for Censorship" (1971)." In Conservatism. Princeton University Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691213118-026.

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Bloomfield, Paul. "Labour’s liberalism: gay rights and video nasties." In Labour and the Left in the 1980s. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526106438.003.0004.

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This article covers a time in which the defence and improvement of the Lesbian and Gay community was employed as a political stick with which to beat Labour. It highlights the tensions and contradictions with Labour’s liberalism and considers how a Party which, in the 1950s and 60s, had facilitated a relaxation of censorship laws in Britain, was unsure how to react to the great ‘Video Nasties’ furore of the mid-1980s and did little to provide constructive criticism of the legislation when it was presented. The Party stumbled over the path it wished to take in pursuit of a more liberal country, and this represented the classic dilemma faced by Labour in having to appeal to both the (perceived) liberal-minded middle classes and the more socially conservative working class which it was set up to serve. This article shows that, despite the upheaval that was taking place within Labour, it could still be a reforming force. It maintained its commitment to minority rights at a time when such sentiments were viewed with downright hostility, particularly in the eyes of the tabloid newspapers. In spite of the divisions within the Party, Labour found common ground in the promotion of social liberalism.
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"Sense and Censorship: Tuairim and Cultural Conservatism." In Tuairim, intellectual debate and policy formulation. Manchester University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719085253.003.0005.

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