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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Conservative Medical Society (Great Britain)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Conservative Medical Society (Great Britain)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Conservative Medical Society (Great Britain)"

1

Crook, D. "PROCEEDINGS OF THE PATHOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND." Journal of Medical Microbiology 42, no. 2 (February 1, 1995): 141–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1099/00222615-42-2-141.

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Caswell, M. W. "Proceedings Of The Pathological Society Of Great Britain And Ireland." Journal of Medical Microbiology 44, no. 4 (April 1, 1996): iii—xii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1099/00222615-44-4-iii.

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Watt, P. J. "Proceeding of the Pathological Society of Great Britain and Ireland." Journal of Medical Microbiology 45, no. 3 (September 1, 1996): i—vii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1099/00222615-45-3-i.

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SMYTH, JAMES J. "THOMAS CHALMERS, THE ‘GODLY COMMONWEALTH’, AND CONTEMPORARY WELFARE REFORM IN BRITAIN AND THE USA." Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 845–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000016.

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ABSTRACTCurrent prescriptions for welfare reform and increased reliance on the voluntary sector often base their appeal on the lessons of history, in particular the apparent successes of Victorian philanthropy in combating ‘pauperism’. This article looks at how this message has become influential in the USA and the UK among the ruling parties of right and left through the particular prism of the neo-conservative appreciation of the work of Thomas Chalmers, the early nineteenth-century Scottish churchman and authority on poverty. The attraction of Chalmers, both to the Charity Organization Society then and neo-conservatives today, lies in the practical application of his idea of the ‘godly commonwealth’ in Glasgow and Edinburgh where voluntary effort, organized through the church, replaced the statutory obligations of the poor law. While Chalmers, and his followers, declared his ‘experiments’ to be great successes, modern Scottish historians have revealed these claims to be false and his efforts failures. Only by completely ignoring the evidence presented by this historiography and continuing to rely on Chalmers's own writings and earlier hagiographies can the neo-conservative approbation of Chalmers be sustained. Such wilful neglect raises questions both about their approach to history and their proposed remedies for tackling poverty today.

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Wilkes, Fiona A., Harith Akram, Jonathan A. Hyam, Neil D. Kitchen, Marwan I. Hariz, and Ludvic Zrinzo. "Publication productivity of neurosurgeons in Great Britain and Ireland." Journal of Neurosurgery 122, no. 4 (April 2015): 948–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2014.11.jns14856.

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OBJECT Bibliometrics are the methods used to quantitatively analyze scientific literature. In this study, bibliometrics were used to quantify the scientific output of neurosurgical departments throughout Great Britain and Ireland. METHODS A list of neurosurgical departments was obtained from the Society of British Neurological Surgeons website. Individual departments were contacted for an up-to-date list of consultant (attending) neurosurgeons practicing in these departments. Scopus was used to determine the h-index and m-quotient for each neurosurgeon. Indices were measured by surgeon and by departmental mean and total. Additional information was collected about the surgeon's sex, title, listed superspecialties, higher research degrees, and year of medical qualification. RESULTS Data were analyzed for 315 neurosurgeons (25 female). The median h-index and m-quotient were 6.00 and 0.41, respectively. These were significantly higher for professors (h-index 21.50; m-quotient 0.71) and for those with an additional MD or PhD (11.0; 0.57). There was no significant difference in h-index, m-quotient, or higher research degrees between the sexes. However, none of the 16 British neurosurgery professors were female. Neurosurgeons who specialized in functional/epilepsy surgery ranked highest in terms of publication productivity. The 5 top-scoring departments were those in Addenbrooke's Hospital, Cambridge; St. George's Hospital, London; Great Ormond Street Hospital, London; National Hospital for Neurology and Neurosurgery, Queen Square, London; and John Radcliffe Hospital, Oxford. CONCLUSIONS The h-index is a useful bibliometric marker, particularly when comparing between studies and individuals. The m-quotient reduces bias toward established researchers. British academic neurosurgeons face considerable challenges, and women remain underrepresented in both clinical and academic neurosurgery in Britain and Ireland.

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Francis, Patricia. "Philip Brookes Mason (1842–1903): surgeon, general practitioner and naturalist." Archives of Natural History 42, no. 1 (April 2015): 126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2015.0285.

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Philip Brookes Mason (1842–1903) of Burton-on-Trent, Staffordshire, was a medical doctor, a keen naturalist and collector. He first devoted himself to the study of botany, later Lepidoptera, then conchology and finally Coleoptera. His private collections, however, were of a wider nature accumulated both from his own gatherings and from purchases. He was an important figure in the Burton-on-Trent Natural History and Archaeological Society and in national societies including the Entomological Society of London and the Conchological Society of Great Britain and Ireland. He campaigned for a museum in Burton-on-Trent and his medical and altruistic achievements are also noteworthy. The current whereabouts of his collections are given in an appendix.

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King, Mary. "Innovative new vascular programme combines surgery and radiology." Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 90, no. 2 (February 1, 2008): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/147363508x276440.

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2008 looks set to be a year of major challenges for vascular surgery. Vascular surgeons could soon be training alongside other medical professionals including radiologists if a new curriculum and training programme, devised by the Vascular Society of Great Britain and Ireland, is accepted by the royal colleges and the Postgraduate Medical Education and Training Board. The programme will combine surgical experience with the interventional radiology needed to carry out endovascular procedures and aims to meet the increased demands of aneurysm screening.

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Skomorohina, O. "Populism in the UK in the context of the contemporary political process." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (December 18, 2020): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-74-84.

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The article analyzes the development of populism in the UK. It is found that, in general, the European Union has experienced three «trust crisis» in the EU institutions over the past ten years, which have also had an impact on the emergence of populism in the United Kingdom. The British vote in the brexit referendum in favor of leaving the European Union was an important manifestation of established populist forces in Europe. Using the methods of comparison and case study, the essence and dynamics of the development of populism in the UK are determined, and the degree of influence of populism on modern British domestic policy is determined. The author concludes that the main support for populist politicians comes from people who are «losers from globalization», who are the key electorate of the Conservative party of Great Britain. The current state of development of populist forces in the United Kingdom is based on the appeal of the Conservative party to the key problems of British society: health, climate change, etc. The conclusion about the continuing triumph of populist forces in the UK is based on the victory of the Conservative party in the parliamentary elections in 2019, when the party's leader B. Johnson actively used the populist narrative in the election campaign. The author also concludes that the electorate is shifting away from the populist forces represented by the United Kingdom Independence Party in favor of the Conservative party. This research adds to the previous knowledge about the development of legal populism in the European Union and, in particular, in the UK, and also allows you to form an idea of the role and place of legal populism in modern domestic politics in the UK.

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9

Nasr, MK, JS Budd, and M. Horrocks. "Uncomplicated Varicose Vein Surgery in the UK – A Postcode Lottery?" Annals of The Royal College of Surgeons of England 90, no. 6 (September 2008): 474–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/003588408x301109.

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INTRODUCTION Recent research confirms that uncomplicated varicose vein surgery provides significant benefits in terms of quality of life compared to conservative treatment at a relatively small cost. There appear to be major variations in indications for treating varicose veins across the UK and this seems to be based mainly on financial restraint imposed by local Primary Care Trusts (PCTs). This survey was aimed at quantifying this variation. MATERIALS AND METHODS An E-mail questionnaire was sent to 245 surgical members of the Vascular Society of Great Britain and Ireland across the UK. The main questions asked were aimed at finding out whether surgeons were having any restrictions imposed on them by their local PCTs with regard to treatment of varicose veins. RESULTS A total of 109 surgeons replied (44% response rate). Of these, 64% of surgeons had restrictions set upon them by their local PCTs; however, 62% of surgeons under restrictions still offered surgery for symptomatic uncomplicated varicose veins. Restrictions varied from 100% to 0% across different regions in the UK. CONCLUSIONS Many patients are denied surgical treatment for their symptomatic uncomplicated varicose veins according to where they live in the UK regardless of their symptoms.

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Löwy, Ilana. "“Nothing More to Be Done”: Palliative Care Versus Exerimental Therapy in Advanced Cancer." Science in Context 8, no. 1 (1995): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700001964.

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The ArgumentPatients suffering from advanced, incurable cancer often receive from their doctors proposals to enroll in a clinical trial of an experimental therapy. Experimental therapies are increasingly perceived not as a highly problematic approach but as a near-standard way to deal with incurable cancer. There are, however, important differences in the diffusion of these therapies in Western countries. The large diffusion of experimental therapies for malignant disease in the United States contrasts with the much more restricted diffusion of these therapies in the United Kingdom. The difference between the two reflects differences in the organization of health care in these countries and distinct patterns of the professionalization of medical oncology in America and in Britain. The high density and great autonomy of medical oncologists in the United States encourages there the diffusion of experimental therapies (regarded by some as expensive and inefficient); the lower density of these specialists in the United Kingdom and their task as consultants and not primary caregivers, favors the choice of more conservative (for some, too conservative) treatments. Theoretically, the decision as to whether patients suffering from advanced, incurable cancer will be steered toward an experimental therapy or toward palliative care depends on the values and beliefs of these patients and their physicians. In practice, however, such choice does not depend exclusively on the individual' cultural background and ethical values, but is also strongly affected by the — culturally conditioned — Professional and institutional structure of medicine

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Books on the topic "Conservative Medical Society (Great Britain)"

1

Britain), Conservative Medical Society (Great. The Conservative Medical Society anniversary brochure: Conservative Medical Society, 20 years. [London]: The Society, 1995.

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2

Secret society: Inside-- and outside-- the Conservative Party. London: Indigo, 1996.

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3

Culture wars: School and society in the conservative restoration 1969-1984. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992.

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Culture wars: School and society in the conservative restoration, 1969-1984. Boston: Routledge & K. Paul, 1986.

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5

Hoggart, Richard. The tyranny of relativism: Culture and politics in contemporary English society. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers, 1998.

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6

Health and society in Britain since 1939. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

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Health and society in Twentieth-century Britain. London: Longman, 1994.

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Kaji, Sritharan, and Royal Society of Medicine (Great Britain), eds. Royal Society of Medicine career handbook: FY1/ST2. London: Hodder Arnold, 2011.

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9

Medicine and society in Wakefield and Huddersfield, 1780-1870. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

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10

Disease prevention as social change: The state, society and public health in the U.S., France, Great Britain, and Canada. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Conservative Medical Society (Great Britain)"

1

Hollo way, S. W. F. "The Orthodox Fringe: The origins of the Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain." In Medical Fringe and Medical Orthodoxy 1750ߝ1850, 129–57. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429422744-8.

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"Producing Experts, Constructing Expertise: The School of Pharmacy of the Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain, 1842-1896." In The History of Medical Education in Britain, 116–40. Brill | Rodopi, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004418394_009.

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Bonner, Thomas Neville. "Toward New Goals for Medical Education, 1830-1850." In Becoming a Physician. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062984.003.0011.

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The years around 1830, as just described, were a turning point in the movement to create a more systematic and uniform approach to the training of doctors. For the next quarter-century, a battle royal raged in the transatlantic countries between those seeking to create a common standard of medical training for all practitioners and those who defended the many-tiered systems of preparing healers that prevailed in most of them. At stake were such important issues as the care of the rural populations, largely unserved by university-trained physicians, the ever larger role claimed for science and academic study in educating doctors, the place of organized medical groups in decision making about professional training, and the role to be played by government in setting standards of medical education. In Great Britain, the conflict over change centered on the efforts of reformers, mainly liberal Whigs, apothecary-surgeons, and Scottish teachers and practitioners, to gain a larger measure of recognition for the rights of general practitioners to ply their trade freely throughout the nation. Ranged against them were the royal colleges, the traditional universities, and other defenders of the status quo. Particularly sensitive in Britain was the entrenched power of the royal colleges of medicine and surgery— “the most conservative bodies in the medical world,” S. W. F. Holloway called them—which continued to defend the importance of a liberal, gentlemanly education for medicine, as well as their right to approve the qualifications for practice of all other practitioners except apothecaries. Members of the Royal College of Physicians of London, the most elite of all the British medical bodies, were divided by class into a small number of fellows, almost all graduates of Oxford and Cambridge, and a larger number of licentiates, who, though permitted to practice, took no part in serious policy discussions and could not even use such college facilities as the library or the museum. “The Fellows,” claimed a petition signed by forty-nine London physicians in 1833, “have usurped all the corporate power, offices, privileges, and emoluments attached to the College.”

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Bonner, Thomas Neville. "Between Clinic and Laboratory: Students and Teaching at Midcentury." In Becoming a Physician. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062984.003.0012.

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Despite the gathering momentum for a single standard of medical education, the portals of access to medicine remained remarkably open at the middle of the nineteenth century. From this time forward, governments and professional associations—in the name of science and clinical knowledge and the protection of the public’s health—steadily limited further entrance to medicine to those with extensive preparatory education and the capacity to bear the financial and other burdens of ever longer periods of study. But in 1850, alternative (and cheaper) paths to medicine, such as training in a practical school or learning medicine with a preceptor, were still available in the transatlantic nations. Not only were the écoles secondaires (or écoles préparatoires) and the medical-surgical academies still widely open to those on the European continent without a university-preparatory education, but British and American training schools for general practitioners, offering schooling well below the university level, were also widely available to students and growing at a rapid pace. “The establishment of provincial medical schools,” for those of modest means, declared Joseph Jordan of Manchester in 1854, was an event “of national importance. . . . Indeed there has not been so great a movement [in Britain] since the College of Surgeons was established.” A decade before, probably unknown to Jordan, a New York professor, Martyn Paine, had voiced similar views about America’s rural colleges when he told students that “no institutions [are] more important than the country medical schools, since these are adapted to the means of a large class of students . . . [of] humble attainments.” In both Britain and America, according to Paine’s New York contemporary John Revere, the bulk of practitioners “are generally taken from the humbler conditions in society, and have few opportunities of intellectual improvement.” The social differences between those who followed the university and the practical routes to medicine were nearly as sharp as they had been a halfcentury before. Even when a medical degree was awarded after what was essentially a nonuniversity education, as it was in the United States, Paine distinguished between graduates of country schools, “where lectures and board are low,” and “the aristocrats of our profession, made so through the difference of a few dollars.”

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Bonner, Thomas Neville. "An Uncertain Enterprise: Learning to Heal in the Enlightenment." In Becoming a Physician. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062984.003.0005.

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There was no more turbulent yet creative time in the history of medical study than the latter years of the eighteenth century. During this troubled era, familiar landmarks in medicine were fast disappearing; new ideas about medical training were gaining favor; the sites of medical education were rapidly expanding; and the variety of healers was growing in every country. Student populations, too, were undergoing important changes; governments were shifting their role in medicine, especially in the continental nations; and national differences in educating doctors were becoming more pronounced. These transformations are the subject of the opening chapters of this book. These changes in medical education were a reflection of the general transformation of European society, education, and politics. By the century’s end, the whole transatlantic world was in the grip of profound social and political movement. Like other institutions, universities and medical schools were caught up in a “period of major institutional restructuring” as new expectations were placed on teachers and students. Contemporaries spoke of an apocalyptic sense of an older order falling and new institutions fighting for birth, and inevitably the practice of healing was also affected. From the middle of the century, the nations of Europe and their New World offspring had undergone a quickening transformation in their economic activity, educational ideas, and political outlook. By 1800, in the island kingdom of Great Britain, the unprecedented advance of agricultural and industrial change had pushed that nation into world leadership in manufacturing, agricultural productivity, trade, and shipping. Its population growth exceeded that of any continental state, and in addition, nearly three-fourths of all new urban growth in Europe was occurring in the British Isles. The effects on higher education were to create a demand for more practical subjects, modern languages, and increased attention to the needs of the thriving middle classes. Although Oxford and Cambridge, the only universities in England, were largely untouched by the currents of change, the Scottish universities, by contrast, were beginning to teach modern subjects, to bring practical experience into the medical curriculum, and to open their doors to a wider spectrum of students.

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