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Journal articles on the topic 'Conservatives – Political activity – United States'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 28 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Rao, Ashwin, Fred Morstatter, Minda Hu, et al. "Political Partisanship and Antiscience Attitudes in Online Discussions About COVID-19: Twitter Content Analysis." Journal of Medical Internet Research 23, no. 6 (2021): e26692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/26692.

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Background The novel coronavirus pandemic continues to ravage communities across the United States. Opinion surveys identified the importance of political ideology in shaping perceptions of the pandemic and compliance with preventive measures. Objective The aim of this study was to measure political partisanship and antiscience attitudes in the discussions about the pandemic on social media, as well as their geographic and temporal distributions. Methods We analyzed a large set of tweets from Twitter related to the pandemic, collected between January and May 2020, and developed methods to clas

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2

Kim, Inhan. "Land Reform in South Korea under the U.S. Military Occupation, 1945–1948." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (2016): 97–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00639.

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The conventional wisdom regarding land reform in South Korea implemented by the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) is that it was a partial and short-term palliative driven by the exigent Communist threat and the free-land program adopted in North Korea. This article offers a new interpretation of the motives, process, and impact of the land reform program under the U.S. military occupation, highlighting three points. First, the United States was serious about conducting a land-to-tiller program because of its desire to stop Communism and pave the way for democracy in So

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Roman, Antonov. "USA Conservative Elites Strategy in the Political Identity Formation." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 2, no. 2024 (2024): 231–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2024-0-2-231-239.

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The article is focused on analysis of identity and its conceptions of the US conservative elite in the 20th and 21st centuries according American scientists. The development of the American conservative elites can be divided into three periods. The fi rst period took place during the post-war growth of the US economic prosperity in the 1950s. At this time, conservative forces also strengthened their positions due to increase of the anti-communist rhetoric. there was a need to study a new structure of society that would effectively explain the mechanisms of activity of conservative elites in th

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Ward, Matthew. "Opportunity, Resources, and Threat: Explaining Local Nativist Organizing in the United States." Sociological Perspectives 60, no. 3 (2016): 459–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121416655994.

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I examine variation in nativist organizing through an analysis of the number of nativist organizations in U.S. counties. I make two primary contributions to literatures on anti-immigrant phenomena and right-wing mobilization. First, I investigate the extent to which theories of threat, in addition to resource mobilization and political opportunity theories, further our understandings of nativist mobilization. Pro-immigrant oppositional activism and racist hate resource and organizational bases facilitate this mobilization, whereas a weak economic base, growing working-class base, and increasin

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Akou, Heather Marie. "Freedom of speech: A recent history of political t-shirts in the United States." Clothing Cultures 6, no. 2 (2019): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cc_00011_1.

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Since their invention in the 1930s, t-shirts have become one of the most common styles of casual clothing in the United States ‐ worn by all ages, genders and social classes. Although ‘graphic’ t-shirts have existed for decades, twenty-first-century technologies have made them much faster and easier to produce. Students protesting the Vietnam War in the 1960s and 1970s wore black armbands and grew their hair long; today, students (and activists of all ages) are more likely to wear political t-shirts. In a time when anyone with modest computer skills can design a graphic and get t-shirts profes

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Istomin, I. "Religious Groups and Their Influence on Interstate Relations (The Case of U.S.-Israel Relations)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 184–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-184-191.

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The impact of interest groups on foreign policy of the state up until today has not received substantial attention in the theory of international relations. In particular, activities of the entities shaped by the common religious affiliation of their members lack assessment in the academic literature. Meanwhile, their mobilization in the recent decades became significant aspect of political life both in developing and developed countries. The activity of religious groups in the United States forced deep transformation of the national political landscape, as they desire to affect not only inter

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Zhezhko-Braun, Irina. "Woken Capitalism: How American Oligarchs “Are Saving” Democracy." Ideas and Ideals 14, no. 3-1 (2022): 139–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2022-14.3.1-139-174.

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The article is a continuation of the series on US presidential campaigns. The latest of these, “A Shadow US Presidential Campaign”, revealed that the donor consortium Democracy Alliance sponsored a secret campaign against candidate Donald Trump in favor of the Democratic candidate, ostensibly “to save democracy”. The alliance-funded political infrastructure has given itself a mandate to transform the electoral system in 2020 under the pretext of ensuring safe voting amid the pandemic. The article describes the history of the emergence of oligarchic alliances in the United States and the extent

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Lunkin, R. N. "Religious Freedom as a Political Technology." Orthodoxia, no. 1 (September 27, 2023): 126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2022-1-126-139.

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The principles of freedom of conscience and of non-discrimination on religious and national grounds, forming the basis of international declarations and constitutions of most states of the world, have become a great historical achievement of mankind. However, at a certain stage, the freedom of conscience became a political tool. This was caused by the desire of Western governments, mainly the United States, to create their own democracy canon that could be introduced into other societies and states, making them open to American interests. The religious factor has acquired a great political sig

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HUDSON, CHERYL. "The “Un-American” Experiment: Jane Addams's Lessons from Pullman." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 4 (2013): 903–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813001370.

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The exceptional character of the United States' political culture has been and continues to be hotly contested. In the late nineteenth century, commentators framed radical ideologies as “un-American” and they subsequently entered the political lexicon as alien to American ideals and values. However, far less scholarly attention has been given to alternative definitions of “un-American” activity that emerged in the late nineteenth century. This article examines the charges made by contemporaries against the “un-American” town of Pullman and of George Pullman's patronage of his town and its work

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Wenzel, Joshua I. "A Different Christian Witness to Society: Christian Support for Gay Rights and Liberation in Minnesota, 1977–1993." Church History 88, no. 3 (2019): 720–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071900180x.

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The traditional narrative of religion and the gay rights movement in the post-1960s United States emphasizes conservative Christians and their opposition to gay rights. Few studies focus on the supportive role Christian leaders and churches played in advancing gay rights and nurturing a positive gay identity for homosexual Americans. Concentrating on the period from 1977 to 1993 and drawing largely from manuscript collections at the Minnesota Historical Society, including the Minnesota GLBT Movement papers of Leo Treadway, this study of Christianity and gay rights in the state of Minnesota dem

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Brown, Robert. "Closing Doors and Opening Gates: Professor Ruggles Gates, “Race Crossing” Research, and the Strange Survival of Scientific Racism in Post-war Australia." HoST - Journal of History of Science and Technology 19, no. 1 (2025): 129–57. https://doi.org/10.2478/host-2025-0006.

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Abstract In 1958, botanist-biologist Professor Reginald Gates conducted biometric and anthropometric “race crossing” studies on populations spanning Australia and Papua New Guinea. Gates is largely remembered as an anachronistic conservative whose opposition to interracial marriage and belief in race theory ostracised him from the post-war Anglo-American scientific mainstream. Paradoxically, the article aims to investigate the more positive responses that Gates, funded by segregationist American benefactors, received from Australian anthropologists interested in aiding his research. It argues

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Potočný, Miroslav. "Deklarace zásad mírového soužití." AUC IURIDICA MONOGRAPHIA 1972, no. 17 (2024): 3–97. https://doi.org/10.14712/30297958.2025.18.

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The study is concerned with the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States’ in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, which was unaninously adopted by the XXVth session of the United Nations General Assembly on October 24, 1970. In the first part of this study the author describes the process of the progressive development and codification of the principles of friendly relations and co-operation among states in the General Assembly and its special committee for the codification of these principles in the period 1962 to

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Alvarez, Mauricio J., and Markus Kemmelmeier. "Free speech as a cultural value in the United States." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 2 (2018): 707–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i2.590.

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Political orientation influences support for free speech, with liberals often reporting greater support for free speech than conservatives. We hypothesized that this effect should be moderated by cultural context: individualist cultures value individual self-expression and self-determination, and collectivist cultures value group harmony and conformity. These different foci should differently influence liberals and conservatives’ support for free speech within these cultures. Two studies evaluated the joint influence of political orientation and cultural context on support for free speech. Stu

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Menshchikova, Yulia V. "«THE EUROPEAN QUESTION»: FROM M. THATCHER TO J. MAJOR." History and Modern Perspectives 3, no. 2 (2021): 40–46. https://doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-2-40-46.

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In the 1990s, the European Communities entered a new phase of development. The UK took an active part in the integration changes. Under Prime Minister J. Major (1990-1997) The United Kingdom signed the Maastricht Treaty and became a full member of the European Union, which had emerged on the basis of the former supranational structures. The attitude of British society and political circles to the «European question» was ambiguous despite Britain’s membership of the EU. The country divided into supporters and opponents (otherwise known as «Euro-optimists» and «Euro-sceptics» respectively) of th

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Ondish, Peter, and Chadly Stern. "Liberals Possess More National Consensus on Political Attitudes in the United States: An Examination Across 40 Years." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 8 (2017): 935–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617729410.

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Do liberals or conservatives have more agreement in their political attitudes? Recent research indicates that conservatives may have more like-minded social groups than do liberals, but whether conservatives have more consensus on a broad, national level remains an open question. Using two nationally representative data sets (the General Social Survey and the American National Election Studies), we examined the attitudes of over 80,000 people on more than 400 political issues (e.g., attitudes toward welfare, gun control, same-sex marriage) across approximately 40 years. In both data sets, we f

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Zaitseva, Anastasiya Vital'evna. "The birth of neoconservatism in the United States on the pages of “National Review” in the second half of the 1950s." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2025): 280–94. https://doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2025.2.74171.

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The topic of American neoconservatism remains relevant to this day due to its continuing influence on US politics. One of the most important issues is the problem of the origin of this ideological and political current. It is usually associated with the emergence of the Commentary and Public Interest magazines in the 1960s. Nevertheless, traces of neoconservatism are clearly visible at earlier stages, in particular, they can be traced on the pages of the “National Review” magazine, created in 1955. In this article we set the goal to determine the place of “National Review” at the initial stage

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Zolotykh, V. R. "AMERICAN CONSERVATIVES AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL STRUGGLE OVER THE ISSUE OF IMMIGRATION IN MID 1990s." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 2 (2019): 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-2-183-191.

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After the victory of conservatives in Congress elections of 1994, various Right groups intensified their efforts, on the one hand, to reconsider liberal immigration laws, and on the other, to tighten policies on illegal immigrants. This article analyzes two interconnected initiatives introduced by the conservatives in the mid 1990s: Proposition 187, also known as the “Save Our State (SOS)” initiative, and The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA). In the first case, State of California conducted a referendum on a law that would establish a nationwide citi

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Clemens, Manuel. "Narrating Political Subjectivity." German Politics and Society 40, no. 1 (2022): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400102.

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The currently changing political landscape in Europe and the United States gives rise to the question of what the tasks of Bildung are right now. Are the humanities able to engender a conversation about the deep divisions between liberals, conservatives, and even anti-liberals? Do they have the wisdom to reach out equally to Obama voters with progressive values, to conservatives who believe strongly in family, the nation, and God, and to supporters of populist parties with strong anti-liberal tendencies? The article addresses these questions by arguing for a political Bildungsroman and scrutin

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19

Magistro, Beatrice, Ramit Debnath, Danny Ebanks, Paul O. Wennberg, and R. Michael Alvarez. "Political ideology and views toward solar geoengineering in the United States." PLOS Climate 4, no. 6 (2025): e0000643. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000643.

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Political polarization remains a significant barrier to effective climate action in the United States. Conservatives often express skepticism toward climate change policies emphasizing government intervention, while liberals are generally more supportive of these efforts. Solar geoengineering (SG), an emerging technology proposed to cool the Earth’s atmosphere, offers a climate intervention that may transcend entrenched ideological divides. SG remains relatively unknown to the public and has not yet been widely framed in partisan terms. Moreover, its perceived nature as a technological solutio

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20

Jae Young, Lim, and Woo Harin. "The Arts as a Polarized Issue and the Role of Political Trust in Promoting the Arts: Evidence From the United States." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 36, no. 1 (2021): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps36107.

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The arts in the United States, for a long time received strong support from both sides of the political aisle. However, in recent years, the arts have been transformed into a partisan issue that pits conservatives against liberals. The article points to the importance of political trust as a means of helping conservatives overcome their ideological inclinations and support the arts. Scholars argue that political trust influences more strongly individuals who perceive a given policy to be one that imposes ideological risks for them compared with those without such risks. Focusing on the moderat

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Kim, Kisok R., Je-Sang Kang, and Seongyi Yun. "Moral Intuitions and Political Orientation: Similarities and Differences between South Korea and the United States." Psychological Reports 111, no. 1 (2012): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/17.09.21.pr0.111.4.173-185.

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Koreans and Americans were compared in terms of political ideology and moral attitudes. The pattern found among U.S. participants is that liberals rated moral concerns about harm and unfairness higher than Korean conservatives, but conservatives rated moral concerns about betrayals of the ingroup and violations of social hierarchies and physical/spiritual purity higher. Compared with U.S. data (in which concerns about purity and disgust showed the strongest relation to ideology), Korean data revealed higher purity concerns overall, and a weaker relationship between purity concerns and ideology

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Faulkner, Robert K. "The United States: Liberals, Conservatives, and the Challenge of Liberation." Political Studies 41, no. 1_suppl (1993): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1993.tb01807.x.

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23

Ellis, Christopher. "Public Ideology and Political Dynamics in the United States." American Politics Research 40, no. 2 (2011): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x11429846.

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This article explores the role that two theoretically distinct conceptions of mass “ideology”—operational and symbolic—play in shaping policy and electoral change in the United States. I consider both types of ideology as aggregate, dynamic concepts, and find that though the public’s operational and symbolic preferences change in broadly similar ways over time, there are consequential differences in how these two types of ideology respond to the political context and in how they intersect with important political and social outcomes. Changes in the public’s operational ideology—the dominant di

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Gest, Justin, Tyler Reny, and Jeremy Mayer. "Roots of the Radical Right: Nostalgic Deprivation in the United States and Britain." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 13 (2017): 1694–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017720705.

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Following trends in Europe over the past decade, support for the Radical Right has recently grown more significant in the United States and the United Kingdom. While the United Kingdom has witnessed the rise of Radical Right fringe groups, the United States’ political spectrum has been altered by the Tea Party and the election of Donald Trump. This article asks what predicts White individuals’ support for such groups. In original, representative surveys of White individuals in Great Britain and the United States, we use an innovative technique to measure subjective social, political, and econo

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England, Erica. "Political Extremism and Radicalism: Far-Right Groups in America." Charleston Advisor 23, no. 3 (2022): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.23.3.38.

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Political Extremism and Radicalism: Far-Right Groups in America (hereafter known as PE&R) contains rare, hard-to-access primary sources that give insight into unorthodox fringe political and religious groups in the United States. The materials within the eight collections are from radical right groups, including ephemera, newsletters, election propaganda, and sermons/lectures from ultra-nationalists, white supremacists, and extreme right-wing conservatives.

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Wald, Kenneth D., and Ted G. Jelen. "Religion and Political Socialization in Context: A Regional Comparison of the Political Attitudes of American Jews." American Review of Politics 25 (April 1, 2004): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.99-116.

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The partisanship and ideological self-identification of Southern Jews in the United States are compared with those of Jews living outside the South. While there are few differences in the marginal distributions of these variables between the regions when the South is considered as a whole, we find that Jews living in Southern states other than Florida are more likely to consider themselves conservatives, while Jews living in Florida are more likely to identify with the Democratic Party. Further, political orientations are more differentiated among Jews outside the South. The implications of th

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Riccardi-Swartz, Sarah. "American Conservatives and the Allure of Post-Soviet Russian Orthodoxy." Religions 12, no. 12 (2021): 1036. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12121036.

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This article explores the growing affinity for the post-Soviet Russian Orthodox Church by far-right Orthodox converts in the United States, highlighting how the spiritual draw to the faith is caught up in the globalizing politics of traditionalism and a transnational, ideological reimaging of the American culture wars. Employing ethnographic fieldwork from the rural United States and digital qualitative research, this study situates the post-Soviet Russian Orthodox Church in the international flows of conservativism focused on reclaiming social morals and traditional religiosity. In doing so,

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Ashbee, Edward. "Immigration, National Identity, and Conservatism in the United States." Politics 18, no. 2 (1998): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00063.

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American conservatives are divided about the future of legal immigration. Whereas some assert that the US should remain a ‘nation of immigrants’, others insist that immigration levels should be reduced to a bare minimum. The divisions owe much to ddifferent conceptions of American national identity. Whereas some represent the US as a ‘universal nation’ open to all those who subscribe to particular political and philosophical principles, growing numbers within the conservative movement put forward visions of an American nation structured around a distinct ethno-culture. The rifts are deeply roo

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Davidai, Shai, and Martino Ongis. "The politics of zero-sum thinking: The relationship between political ideology and the belief that life is a zero-sum game." Science Advances 5, no. 12 (2019): eaay3761. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aay3761.

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The tendency to see life as zero-sum exacerbates political conflicts. Six studies (N = 3223) examine the relationship between political ideology and zero-sum thinking: the belief that one party’s gains can only be obtained at the expense of another party’s losses. We find that both liberals and conservatives view life as zero-sum when it benefits them to do so. Whereas conservatives exhibit zero-sum thinking when the status quo is challenged, liberals do so when the status quo is being upheld. Consequently, conservatives view social inequalities—where the status quo is frequently challenged—as

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Teitel, Ruti. "On Corporate Responsibility, Human Rights, and Transitional Justice: Quo Vadis?" Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018): 324–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.6.

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The 2018 ASIL panel on the question of corporate responsibility and human rights, and in particular, my remarks on corporate responsibility and transitional justice, preceded a long-awaited United States Supreme Court decision on the question of whether foreign corporate responsibility for human rights abuses belonged in United States courts ending in a closely decided vote—dividing sharply along political lines, with the Court conservatives in splintered opinions deciding against such liability. A forceful dissent by the four liberals on the Court would have allowed the Alien Tort Claims Act

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Aitalieva, Nurgul, and Lauren Harding. "Race, Political Ideology, and Support for Defunding the Police in the United States." International Journal of Strategic Research in Public Administration and Organizational Process 4, no. 1 (2024): 47–61. https://doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijsrpaop.v4.i1.04.

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This study investigates public attitudes toward “Defund the Police” proposals amid U.S. protests against racism and police brutality. Analysis of 2021 General Social Survey data reveals that racial identity and political ideology significantly shape these attitudes. Black Americans demonstrate the highest support for defunding, followed by Hispanic Americans and other racial and ethnic minorities, reflecting diverse historical and cultural experiences with the government. Political ideology further polarizes opinions, with liberals more supportive and conservatives more opposed. These findings

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MORISI, DAVIDE, JOHN T. JOST, and VISHAL SINGH. "An Asymmetrical “President-in-Power” Effect." American Political Science Review 113, no. 2 (2018): 614–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000850.

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When political polarization is high, it may be assumed that citizens will trust the government more when the chief executive shares their own political views. However, evidence is accumulating that important asymmetries may exist between liberals and conservatives (or Democrats and Republicans). We hypothesized that an asymmetry may exist when it comes to individuals’ willingness to trust the government when it is led by the “other side.” In an extensive analysis of several major datasets (including ANES and GSS) over a period of five decades, we find that in the United States, conservatives t

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Patterson, Dennis, Gamal Gasim, and Jangsup Choi. "Identity, Attitudes, and the Voting Behavior of Mosque-Attending Muslim-Americans in the 2000 and 2004 Presidential Elections." Politics and Religion 4, no. 2 (2011): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000186.

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AbstractIn a post-September 11 world, no religious group in the United States has become more important yet remains more misunderstood than Muslim-Americans. This is particularly true with respect to the manner in which religious and political attitudes influence Muslim-Americans’ political behavior. This article addresses this issue by using data gathered from surveys taken in 70 mosques throughout the United States. With these data, this article maps the political and religious attitudes and behavior of mosque-attending Muslim-Americans and then analyzes the voting behavior of these responde

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Du Boff, Richard B. "A Slippery Slope: Economists and Social Insurance in the United States." International Journal of Health Services 27, no. 3 (1997): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/1uf9-t8qc-3g3x-9ku0.

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Since the 1980s welfare state protections have been blamed for a host of economic problems. In the United States, conservatives have always disliked Social Security but could not effectively attack this popular program until the 1980s, when they devised a new tactic—warning young people that they would never get their “money's worth” from Social Security, which is on the brink of “bankruptcy.” The political climate, dominated by a drive to cut back “big government,” also became favorable for attempts to destabilize Social Security politically. Thus, negative images of Social Security have been

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Baldner, Conrad, Antonio Pierro, Marina Chernikova, and Arie W. Kruglanski. "When and Why Do Liberals and Conservatives Think Alike?" Social Psychology 49, no. 6 (2018): 360–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000354.

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Abstract. Research on moral foundations theory has found that liberals typically favor the individualizing foundations (i.e., concern for the individual) but typically oppose the binding foundations (i.e., concern for the group). We propose that need for cognitive closure (NFC) can explain when liberals will favor the binding foundations. In two studies, we found that liberals in Italy and the United States were more likely to endorse the binding foundations when they had high NFC. Overall, these results suggest that researchers should strive to understand the interaction between individuals’

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Knuckey, Jonathan. "Religious Conservatives, the Republican Party and Evolving Party Coalitions in the United States." Party Politics 5, no. 4 (1999): 485–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068899005004004.

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Howison, Jeffrey D. "The Historical Origins and Contemporary Dynamics of Conservatism in the United States: Anticommunism, the New Class Critique, and the Environment." Political Studies Review 16, no. 1 (2016): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929915611918.

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This review article offers a critical assessment of three recent books on postwar conservatism in the United States. The broad themes of these works – anticommunism, the new class critique, and opposition to environmentalism – are used as a basis to review the extant literature and to analyse the historical trajectory of the conservative movement. Although American conservatism is generally a unified political force, important ideological divisions remain both among and between libertarians and social conservatives. These divisions are imperative for understanding the movement today and offer

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Burnett, Alycia, Devin Knighton, and Christopher Wilson. "The Self-Censoring Majority: How Political Identity and Ideology Impacts Willingness to Self-Censor and Fear of Isolation in the United States." Social Media + Society 8, no. 3 (2022): 205630512211230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051221123031.

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The spiral of silence theory suggests that those who hold a contrary opinion to the majority tend to remain silent; however, social media may be flipping this upside down. The majority may remain silent to the hardcore vocal minority, implying a self-censoring majority. This study examines the spiral of silence theory, and the effect of political identity and ideology has on the willingness to self-censor and the fear of isolation with social media use. Through a survey distributed through a Qualtrics panel to participants that mirror the US census ( N = 1,047), this study investigates politic

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Sehic, Sandro. "Educational Preferences Among Conservatives and Liberals in the United States: A Quantitative Survey Study." Journal of Education and Learning 9, no. 5 (2020): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v9n5p106.

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The purpose of this quantitative survey research study was to explore educational preferences among individuals of conservative and liberal political orientation and of both genders in the United States of America with a 13-questionnaire survey that includes questions relating to different educational preferences. The literature review has revealed previously conducted research study that suggest that individuals of conservative and liberal political orientation may have psychological differences in the domain of emotions, attention, self-control, and cognition. However, the literature review

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McGinty, Emma E., Julia A. Wolfson, Tara Kirk Sell, and Daniel W. Webster. "Common Sense or Gun Control? Political Communication and News Media Framing of Firearm Sale Background Checks After Newtown." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 41, no. 1 (2016): 3–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-3445592.

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Abstract Gun violence is a critical public health problem in the United States, but it is rarely at the top of the public policy agenda. The 2012 mass shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, opened a rare window of opportunity to strengthen firearm policies in the United States. In this study, we examine the American public's exposure to competing arguments for and against federal- and state-level universal background check laws, which would require a background check prior to every firearm sale, in a large sample of national and regional news stories (n = 486) published in the year following the Ne

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Leduc, Daniel. "Le libre-échange canado-américain: défi à la souveraineté et au progrès." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 2 (1986): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900054032.

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AbstractThe federal election of 1984 brought to an end 16 years of virtually uninterrupted Liberal government whose foreign policy was characterized by an evident desire to set Canada apart from the United States and give a truly Canadian flavour to the country's diplomacy. The Conservatives have drawn a lesson for themselves from the limited results of such policy and have re-aligned the country more closely with the United States to resolve various issues inherited from the Liberals, free trade being one of them. If free trade were to become a reality, there would be serious implications for

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Motta, Matthew. "The Polarizing Effect of the March for Science on Attitudes toward Scientists." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 4 (2018): 782–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000938.

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ABSTRACTAmericans’ attitudes toward scientists have become more negative in recent years. Although researchers have considered several individual-level factors that might explain this change, little attention has been given to the political actions of scientists themselves. This article considers how March for Science rallies that took place across the United States in late April 2017 influenced Americans’ attitudes toward scientists and the research they produce. An online panel study surveying respondents three days before and two days after the March found that liberals’ and conservatives’

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Ruisch, Benjamin C., Mariana Von Mohr, Marnix Naber, Manos Tsakiris, Russell H. Fazio, and Daan T. Scheepers. "Sensitive liberals and unfeeling conservatives? Interoceptive sensitivity predicts political liberalism." Politics and the Life Sciences 41, no. 2 (2022): 256–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2022.18.

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AbstractThe stark divide between the political right and left is rooted in conflicting beliefs, values, and personality—and, recent research suggests, perhaps even lower-level physiological differences between individuals. In this registered report, we investigated a novel domain of ideological differences in physiological processes: interoceptive sensitivity—that is, a person’s attunement to their own internal bodily states and signals (e.g., physiological arousal, pain, and respiration). We conducted two studies testing the hypothesis that greater interoceptive sensitivity would be associate

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Hoover, Dennis R., and Kevin R. den Dulk. "Christian Conservatives Go to Court:Religion and Legal Mobilization in the united States and Canada." International Political Science Review 25, no. 1 (2004): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512104038165.

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Burton, Caitlin M., Jason E. Plaks, and Jordan B. Peterson. "Why Do Conservatives Report Being Happier Than Liberals? The Contribution of Neuroticism." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 3, no. 1 (2015): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v3i1.117.

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Previous studies suggest that conservatives in the United States are happier than liberals. This difference has been attributed to factors including differences in socioeconomic status, group memberships, and system-justifying beliefs. We suggest that differences between liberals and conservatives in personality traits may provide an additional account for the "happiness gap". Specifically, we investigated the role of neuroticism (or conversely, emotional stability) in explaining the conservative-liberal happiness gap. In Study 1 (N = 619), we assessed the correlation between political orienta

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Holbrook, Colin, Lucía López-Rodríguez, Daniel M. T. Fessler, Alexandra Vázquez, and Ángel Gómez. "Gulliver’s Politics." Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, no. 6 (2016): 670–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550616679238.

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Political conservatives have been widely documented to regard out-group members as hostile, perceive individuals of ambiguous intent as malevolent, and favor aggressive solutions to intergroup conflict. A growing literature indicates that potential violent adversaries are represented using the dimensions of envisioned physical size/strength to summarize opponents’ fighting capacities relative to the self or in-group. Integrating these programs, we hypothesized that, compared to liberals, conservatives would envision an ambiguous out-group target as more likely to pose a threat, yet as vanquish

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Busch, Andrew E. "Russian Influence in the United States." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 16 (June 30, 2025): 59–71. https://doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2025.16.59-71.

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In the proposed article, the author examines the sources and political consequences of American susceptibility to Putin's extensive propaganda, deployed in particular in the USA. It is emphasized that information campaigns in the media, in political organizations and in conservative religious circles have a certain influence on public opinion. More interesting, in the researcher's opinion, is the question of why many Americans have become susceptible to the topics of Russian propaganda in recent years. Аttention is paid to the most effective anti-Ukrainian topics, which in particular influence

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MERTON, JOE. "RETHINKING THE POLITICS OF WHITE ETHNICITY IN 1970s AMERICA." Historical Journal 55, no. 3 (2012): 731–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1200026x.

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ABSTRACTHistorians have tended to characterize the ‘white ethnic’ identity politics of the 1970s in the United States as a significant feature of the conservative counterrevolution, especially the rise of populist racial conservatism and its splintering of the Democratic New Deal coalition. Seeking to provide a broader, more representative portrait of white ethnic mobilization, activism, and institutionalization in government, with particular focus on the work of Rev. Geno Baroni, the National Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs, and the Carter administration's Office of Ethnic Affairs, this artic

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Lutsenko, N. "MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD ACTIVITY IN EGYPT (20th – EARLY 21st CENTURIES)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.9.

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The article examines the origins of political Islam in the Middle East and the terminological aspect of the problem. The stages of the formation of the Egyptian Islamic organization Muslim Brotherhood were clarified and its key ideological tenets were established. The political and socio-economic circumstances in which the organization was formed are outlined. Attention is drawn to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the military and economic presence in Egypt of the United Kingdom, which consolidated political Islamic parties. The process of transforming the Muslim Brotherhood from a "group o

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Blanchard, Margaret A. "Free Expression and Wartime: Lessons from the Past, Hopes for the Future." Journalism Quarterly 69, no. 1 (1992): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909206900102.

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The recent Persian Gulf War raised once again issues of censorship, news manipulation by government sources, unwillingness to tolerate dissent at home, and the conviction that only political conservatives combine to limit First Amendment rights during wartime. An examination of eighteenth and nineteenth century wars shows that the problems are as old as the United States itself. An understanding of the background of such such controversies may be useful in preparing a defense for First Amendment rights in future conflicts.

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