Relevant bibliographies by topics / Consociational democracy

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Consociational democracy'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Consociational democracy"

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Stojanović, Nenad. "Democracy, ethnoicracy and consociational demoicracy." International Political Science Review 41, no. 1 (October 24, 2019): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119881730.

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This article questions the notion of ‘consociational democracy’. It argues that it rests on shaky ground, empirically and conceptually. As an empirical matter, a consociation is inherently unstable because it tends either to collapse into ethnoicracy (where the power is shared by the main ethnic groups so that citizens who do not belong to them are politically marginalized) or to become a non-consociational, liberal democracy. At the conceptual level ‘consociational democracy’ is an impossibility because a polity cannot be both consociational and democratic. This article argues that consociations can be at best demoicracies – that is, polities composed not of a single demos but of multiple demoi. Yet the problem of stability remains. The article concludes with the suggestion that the stability problem can be addressed by adopting a weak form of demoicracy – the ‘demoi-within-demos’ constellation – where a thin demos coexists with multiple demoi.
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Andeweg, Rudy B. "Consociational Democracy." Annual Review of Political Science 3, no. 1 (June 2000): 509–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.509.

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Lijphart, Arend. "The Puzzle of Indian Democracy: A Consociational Interpretation." American Political Science Review 90, no. 2 (June 1996): 258–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082883.

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India has been the one major deviant case for consociational (power-sharing) theory, and its sheer size makes the exception especially damaging. A deeply divided society with, supposedly, a mainly majoritarian type of democracy, India nevertheless has been able to maintain its democratic system. Careful examination reveals, however, that Indian democracy has displayed all four crucial elements of power-sharing theory. In fact, it was a perfectly and thoroughly consociational system during its first two decades. From the late 1960s on, although India has remained basically consociational, some of its power-sharing elements have weakened under the pressure of greater mass mobilization. Concomitantly, in accordance with consociational theory, intergroup hostility and violence have increased. Therefore, India is not a deviant case for consociational theory but, instead, an impressive confirming case.
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du Toit, Pierre. "Consociational Democracy and Bargaining Power." Comparative Politics 19, no. 4 (July 1987): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421815.

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Kerimov, Arseny A. "Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: Modern Challenges and Development Prospects." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 364–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-3-364-378.

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This article explores some key problems of the organization and operation of the Lebanese confessional political system. The study is carried out within the framework of the comparative approach and, in essence, is a comparison of the Lebanese realities with the ideal type of consociational democracy in order to identify country specific features and find ways to overcome the growing instability. Arend Lijpharts consociational theory is used as the main analytical tool. Based on the analysis of the formation and development of the Lebanese consociational system, the study identifies its historical roots, as well as its strengths and weaknesses. The article examines the internal and external causes of the Lebanese political crises and assesses the possible ways of evolution of the countrys political regime, including the prospects for the transformation of consociational democracy into a civil one. When applied to Lebanon, the terms consociationalism and political confessionalism are used as synonyms.
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Lehmbruch, Gerhard. "Consociational Democracy and Corporatism in Switzerland." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330858.

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Beljinac, Nikola. "Consociational democracy in post conflict societies." Politea 2, no. 3 (2012): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pol1203199b.

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Lijphart, Arend. "South African democracy: Majoritarian or consociational?" Democratization 5, no. 4 (December 1998): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349808403588.

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BERG-SCHLOSSER, DIRK. "Elements of Consociational Democracy in Kenya." European Journal of Political Research 13, no. 1 (March 1985): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1985.tb00111.x.

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Halpern, Sue M. "The disorderly universe of consociational democracy." West European Politics 9, no. 2 (April 1986): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388608424573.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Consociational democracy"

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Teuteberg, Salome Marjanne. "The endurance of Lebanese consociational democracy." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6577.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The small Middle Eastern country of Lebanon was once recognised as the exemplar of power-sharing democracy, upholding a system that promoted peace and coexistence between Christians and Muslims. Power was divided proportionally amongst confessional groups, granting each sect power according to their demographic proportion. This division of power was aimed at promoting national unity, but changes in the Lebanese demography made the division undemocratic, and the constitution no longer accurately represented Lebanese society. The 1926 constitution, supplemented by the National Pact in 1943, which had upheld this division of power, baulked under the pressure of a 15-year civil war, to the surprise of many scholars who had praised the Lebanese system. While many place the blame on the outside influences, it has been determined that the problem lay within the system. The static characteristic of the system did not sufficiently provide for changing demographics, or a change in interest groups. The problem lay in the fixed nature of the proportionality of the consociational system. The prolonged civil war, sometimes referred to as a proxy war between Israel and Syria, came to an end with the signing of the Taif Accord in 1990. Though none were satisfied with its provision, the Accord brought an end to the escalating violence. The Accord paved the way for the rebuilding of state institutions, enabling parliamentary elections in 1992 and 1996; general municipal elections in 1998; the peaceful transfer of power between presidents; as well as the reconstruction of the Lebanese economy. The main objective of this study of Lebanon is to determine whether the amended Lebanese constitution of 1990 adheres to the principles provided in the theoretical framework regarding constitutional endurance. This study is in the form of a qualitative case study. It aims to describe, at length, and to form an in-depth understanding of the actors and events leading up to the Taif Accord, as well as the formation and implementation thereof. The research questions include: What factors relating to flexibility, specificity and inclusion contributed to the breakdown of the 1943 National Pact?; What steps were taken leading to the Taif Accord?; and Have the changes made in the Lebanese constitution by means of the 1990 Taif Accord facilitated the endurance of the constitution? The study aims to contribute through its application of the theoretical framework to a particular case study, namely that of Lebanon. By 'testing' this theoretical framework, this study also provides an in-depth analysis of the happenings in Lebanon over the past 80 years. It remains in question whether the Taif Accord‟s amendments to the constitution have sufficiently provided for the resilience of thereof. Twenty years of relative peace have not convinced Lebanese citizens of the legitimacy and efficacy of the Accord. While the over-centralisation of power within the system was curbed by shifting power away from the president to a cabinet equally divided between Christian and Muslims, the Accord failed to effectively deal with the preset nature of the proportionality within the system. 20 years of relative peace may be enough to ensure the endurance of the constitution, but regional factors as well as the presence of radicalised groups play an important role in destabilising the fragile balance within the country. Should the Lebanese state continue to be inclusive and flexible in the wake of a constantly changing environment, it may endure. However, the tumultuous nature of the region in which Lebanon finds itself may eventually provide external shocks that the Lebanese system fails to weather. The hope is that the system builds on sound, systemic foundations in order to be able to endure regional conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die klein Midde-Oosterse land Lebanon, was vroeër 'n voorbeeld van 'n magsdelende demokrasie wat 'n stelsel gehandhaaf het wat vrede en naasbestaan tussen Christene en Moslems bevorder het. Mag is proporsioneel onder geloofsgroepe verdeel volgens hul demografiese verhouding tot die ander groepe. Hierdie verdeling van mag was gemik op die bevordering van nasionale eenheid, maar veranderinge in die Lebanese demografie het veroorsaak dat die grondwet nie meer verteenwoordigend was van die Lebanese samelewing nie. Die Lebanese Grondwet van 1926, tesame met die Nasionale Verdrag van 1943, wat hierdie verdeling gehandhaaf het, het onder die druk van 'n 15-jare Burgeroorlog inmekaar gestort, ten spyte van die vertroue wat in die stelsel was. Alhoewel die skuld soms op eksterne invloede geplaas is, is dit egter bepaal dat die probleem in die Lebanese stelsel self lê. Die statiese kenmerk van die stelsel het nie voldoende voorsiening gemaak vir 'n verandering in die demografie of belangegroepe nie. Die probleem lê in die statiese en onwrikbare aard van die konsosiatiewe stelsel. Die uitgerekte Burgeroorlog, soms gesien as 'n oorlog tussen Israel en Sirië op Lebanese grond, is tot 'n einde gebring met die ondertekening van die Taif Verdrag in 1990. Alhoewel geen betrokke party ten volle tevrede was met die bepalinge van die Verdrag nie, het dit 'n einde gebring aan die toenemende geweld. Die Verdrag het die weg gebaan vir die heropbou van staatsinstellings; parlementêre verkiesings in 1992 en 1996; algemene munisipale verkiesings in 1998; die vreedsame oordrag van mag tussen presidente; sowel as die heropbou van die Lebanese ekonomie. Die hoof doel van hierdie studie van Lebanon is om te bepaal of die gewysigde grondwet van 1990 voldoen aan die beginsels van die teoretiese raamwerk rakende grondwetlike uithouvermoë. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe gevallestudie. Dit het ten doel om te beskryf en 'n in-diepte begrip van die akteurs en die gebeure wat gelei het tot die Taif Accord, asook die vorming en implementering daarvan te vorm. Die navorsing vrae sluit in: Watter faktore met betrekking tot buigsaamheid, spesifisiteit en insluiting het bygedra tot die verval van die 1943 National Pact?; Watter stappe is geneem wat gelei tot die Taif Verdrag?; en Het die veranderinge in die Lebanese grondwet deur middel van die 1990 Taif Verdrag die langdurigheid van die grandwet gefasiliteer? studie het ten doel om by te dra deur middel van sy toepassing van die teoretiese raamwerk om 'n bepaalde gevallestudie, naamlik dat van die Lebanon. Hierdie studie verskaf ook 'n in-diepte analise van die gebeure in Lebanon oor die afgelope 80 jaar. Die vraag bly staan of die Taif Verdrag se wysigings aan die grondwet voldoende voorsiening gemaak het vir die oorlewing van die grondwet. Twintig jaar van relatiewe vrede het nog nie Lebanese burgers oortuig van die legitimiteit en doeltreffendheid van die Verdrag nie. Alhoewel die oor-sentralisering van mag binne die stelsel ingeperk is deur die verskuiwing van mag weg van die President, na 'n kabinet wat gelykop tussen Christene en Moslems verdeel is, het die Verdrag versuim om effektief met die proporsionele aard van die grondwet te handel. Dit is egter belangrik om op die uniekheid van die Lebanese geval te let, ten spyte van die vele faktore rondom die saak. Hoewel 20 jaar van vrede genoegsaam kan wees om die langdurigheid van 'n grondwet te verseker, speel streeksfaktore, sowel as die teenwoordigheid van radikale groepe 'n belangrike rol in die destabilisering van die fyn balans wat in die land voorkom. Indien die Lebanese staat voortgaan om inklusief en buigsaam te wees in die nasleep van 'n voortdurende, veranderende omgewing, sal dit kan voortleef. Maar die onstuimige aard van die streek waarin Lebanon homself bevind mag eksterne negatiewe faktore na vore bring wat die Lebanese stelsel nie kan hanteer nie. Die hoop is dat hierdie stelsel sal voortbou op sterk, sistemiese fondasies om in staat te wees om eksterne, sowel as interne, konflik te hanteer.
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Williams, John Hunter Porter. "Continuity and change: Consociational democracy in the Benelux countries." W&M ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625069.

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Ghattas, Micheline Germanos. "The Consolidation of the Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: The Challenges to Democracy in Lebanon." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1415.

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This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are: 1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon? 2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon? The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.
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Cobb, Shane Kent. "Consociational democracy : the model and its relevance to conflict regulation in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15831.

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Bibliography: pages 180-190.
The purpose of this paper is to survey the literature of consociational theory, assess its validity as a conceptual model, and to analyse both its relevance and utility as a potential framework of conflict regulation in South Africa. The paper is divided into five chapters: an overview of consociational theory as it is presented by its leading exponents; a critique of the theory's methodology and major suppositions; a modified model of consociational democracy in light of the theoretical criticisms; an application and evaluation of the modified model to South Africa; and, finally, some observations about consociational democracy's possible viability as a transitory mechanism between the present system and black majority-rule in a unitary system. The objective is to illustrate that consociational government is, normatively, an inadequate constitutional system for South Africa and, more broadly, for polities characterised by extreme ethnic or economic conflict.
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Marei, Fouad Mohamed Gehad Moham. "Consociational democracy and peripheral capitalism in late-modernising societies : a political economy of Lebanon." Thesis, Durham University, 2012. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3472/.

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Following the assassination of Prime Minister Hariri in 2005, Lebanon witnessed vigorous debate over the nature of its political system raising the question of whether it is based on consociation between confessions or consensus and balance of power between political factions. Lebanon has traditionally alternated between several extremes: from ‘the happy phenomenon’, a liberal example of self-perpetuating prosperity and ‘the only Arab democracy’ to a haven for warlords and the scene for recurring political impasses and violence. Underpinning these extremes, however, is the national myth that Lebanon is the ‘Switzerland of the East’. Whether this refers to its mountainous geography, freewheeling capitalism, salience of the tertiary sector or the politico-cultural cantonisation of the country is the subject matter of this research. This study explores political economy and political culture in Lebanon by locating the confessional subcultures within the theoretical framework of ‘hybrid modernities’. The research presented in this study, hence, aims to make sense of the perennial cycles of conflict and political impasses which have scarred modern Lebanese history. This is done by critically examining the intersections between consociationalism as a political superstructure, peripheral capitalism as a political economy and confessionalism as a political paradigm. The theory of ‘hybrid modernities’ is utilised in an attempt to redefine ‘modernity’ as an inclusionary and dynamic process whereby multiple socio-cultural projects are continually constructed and reconstructed through negotiation and conflict, hence, producing a hybrid order. Conflict is, therefore, interpreted as a mechanism of redistribution and negotiation between multiple subnational centres as opposed to a modality of state-society relations. Accordingly, the vulnerabilities of modernity and the unintelligibility of its constellations are mitigated not through bureaucratic universalism and the logics of the market, but through asymmetric relations of power between zu‘ama (patrons) and their ’atbā‘ (clients). The pervasiveness of political patronage, therefore, is not a relic of pre-modernity but a ‘modern’ and adaptive response to the disarticulations of Lebanese capitalism. Patron-client dyads capitalise on and reinforce social relations within vertical segments, hence, modernising and instrumentalising ‘the confession’. Social change, therefore, emanates from the subnational periphery (the confession) and targets the subnational and, eventually, the national centre. In responding to the aims and objectives of this study, ethnographic research was conducted to explore the intersections between the disarticulations of late developmentalism in Lebanon and the social construction of ‘imagined communities’. Focusing on the triangulation of consociationalism, peripheral capitalism and confessionalism as the political modus operandi in Lebanon and the Shi‘a as a subnational ‘imagined community’, this research explores the intersections between political economy and political culture in the production of multiple hybrid modernities within the multicentred Lebanese system. This is achieved by examining the political economy dynamics of the social construction of ‘the Shi‘a’ as well as the ontological worldviews and modus vivendi which underpin its socio-cultural project. In this context, Hezbollah is conceptualised as the ‘cohesive core’ of a social movement which articulates its own authenticated modernity and produces social change through a dynamic and bidirectional process facilitated by the party’s monolithic non-state welfare sector, civil society, media and the ulema.
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Lönn, Gabriel. "Consociationalism in the post-colonial world : A comparative study of Fiji and Mauritius." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431734.

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Saeed, Nawshirwan Hussen. "Governance in post-2003 Kirkuk : power-sharing in a divided society and prospects for consociational democracy." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3347.

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This thesis explores how the problem of governance should be solved in the divided city of Kirkuk. As a microcosm of Iraq, Kirkuk has invariably refracted the overall climate of the country. Accordingly, one of the main problems of Kirkuk is its unresolved governance model that, if solved, could positively affect the political stability in the city. To solve this problem, this research suggests the adoption of a specific form of a consociational power-sharing arrangement. In the literature, a contrast is often drawn between ‘corporate’ and ‘liberal’ forms of consociations. However, this study argues that the adoption of a combination of both the corporate and the liberal forms of consociational power-sharing is crucial to addressing the demands of each ethnic group in the city and for maintaining political stability and diversity. But it also argues that building a lasting peace in Kirkuk cannot be achieved only by focusing on a top-down elite-level solution, rather bottom-up initiatives through creating bridging social capital at the grassroots level are necessary. In other words, it argues that the problem of governance can be solved in Kirkuk by taking advantage of the elements of two main theories of conflict management, accommodation (consociationalism) and integration (bridging social capital). This conclusion is based on two sources of evidence. First, the Iraqi legal documents such as the constitution and the laws issued by the Iraqi Council of Representatives, and secondly, empirical evidence collected from the political elites of Kirkuk, the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad.
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Salahaddin, Narav. "Kurdistan, på vägen mot demokrati? : En fallstudie av demokrati i irakiska Kurdistan." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-2543.

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The aim of this bachelor thesis is to make a theoretical analysis of the democratic development in the Iraqi Kurdistan and to distinguish its democratic character. It has occurred a radical change in the political structure after the Kurdish uprising in the northern region of Iraq in relation with the Kuwaiti war in 1991. The situation in the Kurdish region became more and more acute when they where exposed of international sanctions mandated under UN and economic embargo by the Baghdad regime. This political vacuum led ironically to the establishment of the political institutions in the region. The theoretical framework is constructed thru the democratic theory presented in Robert Dahls discussion of polyarki and Arend Lijpharts theory of consociational democracy. Thus my method of this thesis is a qualitative case-study research. The empirical sources contain one interview and the rest is different types of documents. The result of the study shows that the Kurdish democracy contains elements of polyarki and consociational democracy, but it fails on the fundamental democratic principle: freedom of speech. Even though there are insufficiencies in the freedom of speech, the Kurdish democracy can be classified as a developing democracy.

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Gardner, Peter Robert. "Ethnicising Ulster's Protestants : tolerance, peoplehood, and class in Ulster-Scots ethnopedagogy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/269845.

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Toward the end of the Troubles, the notion of an Ulster-Scots ethnicity, culture, and language began to be pursued by certain unionists and loyalists more desirous of ‘something more racy of the soil’ (Dowling 2007:54). Peace-building in Northern Ireland had undergone something of a cultural turn: the armed struggle over constitutional and civil rights questions began in the eighties to be ‘ethnically framed’ (Brubaker 2004:166). With cultural identity politically potent, the conception of an Ulster-Scots ethnic group began to gain traction with a tiny but influential subsection of unionists and loyalists. Since the nineties, this movement has gained considerable ground. This thesis represents an intersectional investigation of the inclusion of Ulster-Scots education into schools in Northern Ireland. I contend that Ulster-Scots studies represents an ethnicisation of the conception of a discrete Protestant politico-religious “community” within Northern Ireland, holding considerable potential for the deepening of senses of intercommunal differentiation. Rather than presenting the potential for the deconstruction of ideas of difference, such a pedagogy of reifies, perpetuates, (re)constructs and even deepens such ideas of difference by grounding notions of difference in ethno-cultural and genealogical bases. Ulster-Scots is often described as a means of waging cultural war in post-conflict Northern Ireland (Mac Póilin 1999). Contrariwise, I contend that it represents neither the uncritical, sectarian, loyalist pedagogy of its critics nor the pragmatic and innocuous solution to a problem of durable collective identities of its protagonists. Rather, Ulster-Scots education is embedded in the politics of consociational peace. The logic of consociationalism explicitly entails the maintenance of stark boundaries of ethnic difference. This research does not merely critique of Ulster-Scots pedagogy, but calls into question the whole consociational logic in which it, and the Northern Irish peace process in general, has been embedded.
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Musah, Halidu. "Democratic Governance and Conflict Resistance in Conflict-prone Societies : A Consociational Analysis of the Experiences of Ghana in West Africa (1992-2016)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0411.

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Résumé Les conflits font partie intégrante de toutes les activités de la société. Ces conflits, cependant, deviennent indésirables lorsqu'ils parcourent la ligne de destruction élargie des biens et des personnes. La démocratie est un mécanisme visant à réglementer les opinions dissidentes et à harmoniser les intérêts multigrades pour une coexistence réussie et un développement national. La littérature suggère que la démocratisation est très difficile, sinon impossible, dans les sociétés pluralistes ou à clivage multiple. Pour surmonter cette difficulté, le consociationalisme a été suggéré comme une panacée qui permet un partage équitable formel du pouvoir et des ressources publiques parmi les facettes reconnues de la société plurielle. Sans cela, on suppose que toute tentative de démocratie est susceptible de s'effondrer et d'échouer. Le Ghana est un pays multiethnique avec au moins 92 groupes ethniques différents qui défie apparemment le raisonnement fondamental de la démocratisation consociative, parce qu'il a pratiqué la démocratie avec succès depuis plus de 25 ans sans nécessairement adopter des modèles consociatifs formels. Cette thèse situe le Ghana dans ce contexte théorique et examine les raisons de son succès malgré l'écart théorique par rapport au consociationalisme. L'approche de la méthode mixte a été adoptée dans l'étude, et 542 répondants ont été choisis à dessein pour l'observation. Les données recueillies par l'administration des questionnaires des entrevues ont révélé que le Ghana n'a pas connu de conflits violents à l'échelle nationale malgré les conflits ponctués à travers le pays en raison de la nature même de ses conflits internes; donc circonscrits par les circonstances géographiques, les causes des conflits, et les l'acteurs impliqués. Deuxièmement, l'étude révèle que, malgré l'existence de multiples clivages sociaux au Ghana, l'interaction sociale entre les personnes met plus d’accent sur les liens transversaux qui existent parmi les individus que sur les clivages qui les divisent, même s’il existe une prise de conscience du clivage élevée dans la société ghanéenne. En outre, la disposition constitutionnelle pour la démocratisation au Ghana englobe préalablement l'intérêt national au-dessus des intérêts de clivage. Elle interdit aussi les organisations politiques basées sur les clivages sociales. L'étude recommande qu'une plus grande attention soit accordée à l'éducation à la paix dans tout le pays, en impliquant formellement dans ce processus les pertinentes institutions traditionnelles et modernes, toutes formelles qu’informelles, au niveau de base de la société. Il est également impératif d'aborder d'urgence les causes profondes de la myriade de conflits qui couvrent la longueur et l'étendue du pays pour leur résolution durable afin d'améliorer la démocratisation pacifique. Les politiciens devraient éviter de s'immiscer dans les conflits locaux et permettre aux dispositions institutionnelles établies par le système démocratique ghanéen de traiter de manière décisive avec les questions de conflit
Abstract Conflicts are part and parcel of every societal endeavour. These conflicts however, become undesirable when they travel along the widening line of destruction of property and persons. Democracy is one mechanism aimed at regulating dissenting views and harmonising multi-group interests for successful, peaceful coexistence and national development. There is growing establishment in the literature that democratisation is very difficult, if not impossible, in pluralistic or multi-cleavage societies. To surmount this difficulty, consociationalism has been suggested as a panacea which allows formal equitable sharing of power and public resources among recognised facets of the plural society. Without this, it is assumed any attempt at democracy is most likely to crumble and fail. Ghana is a multi-ethnic country with at least 92 different ethnic groups which is seemingly defying the basic reasoning of consociational democratisation because it has successfully practised democracy for over 25 years without necessarily adopting formal consociational models. This thesis situated Ghana within this theoretical context and examined the reasons behind Ghana’s democratic success despite the theoretical deviation from consociationalism. Mixed-method approach was adopted in the study, and 542 respondents were purposefully selected for observation. Data gathered through interview and questionnaire administration revealed that Ghana has not experienced nation-wide violent conflicts in spite of the dotted conflicts across the country due to the very nature of its internal conflicts; thus circumscribed by the geographical, issue, and actor-based circumstances. Second, the study found that despite the existence of multiple social cleavages in Ghana, social interaction among the people places emphasis on crosscutting ties that exist among them, than on the cleavages that divide them even if cleavage awareness is high in Ghanaian society. In addition, constitutional framework for democratisation in Ghana formerly enshrines national interest above cleavage interests and prohibits political organisations based on cleavages. The study recommends that more attention be paid to peace education across the country by formally involving both relevant formal and informal traditional and modern institutions at the basic level of society in this peace education process. It is also imperative to address as a matter of urgency the root causes of the myriad of conflicts that span the length and breadth of the country for their sustainable resolution to enhance peaceful democratisation. Politicians should avoid meddling in local conflicts and allow the institutional frameworks established by the Ghanaian democratic system to deal decisively with conflict issues
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Books on the topic "Consociational democracy"

1

Daalder, Hans. The Netherlands: Still a consociational democracy? Vienna: Institut für Höhere Studien/Institute for Advanced Studies, 1996.

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Case, William. Elites and regimes in Malaysia: Revisiting a consociational democracy. Clayton, VIC, Australia: Monash Asia Institute, 1996.

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Anam-Ndu, Ekeng A. Consociational democracy in Nigeria: Agenda for the 1990s and beyond. Lagos: Geo-Ken Associates, 1990.

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Chryssochoou, Dimitris N. The consociational dimension of European integration: Limits and possibilities of transnational democracy. Athens: Institute of International Relations, Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, 1994.

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Parteipolitik und "Sprachenstreit" in Belgien: Die Auswirkungen der Gegensätze zwischen der niederländischen und der französischen Sprachgemeinschaft in Belgien auf die traditionellen Regierungsparteien des Landes : eine Untersuchung zur Entwicklung einer gesellschaftlichen Konfliktlinie in der belgischen "consociational democracy" und zum Versuch ihrer politischen Institutionalisierung. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1989.

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Carlson-Thies, Stanley Warren. Democracy in the Netherlands: consociational or pluriform?. 1993.

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1956-, Luther Kurt Richard, and Deschouwer Kris, eds. Party elites in divided societies: Political parties in consociational democracy. London: Routledge, 1999.

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Bogaards, M. Democracy and Social Peace in Divided Societies: Exploring Consociational Parties. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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Merdzanovic, Adis. Democracy by Decree: Prospects and Limits of Imposed Consociational Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. ibidem-Verlag, 2015.

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Merdzanovic, Adis. Democracy by Decree: Prospects and Limits of Imposed Consociational Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. ibidem-Verlag, 2015.

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Book chapters on the topic "Consociational democracy"

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Vandeginste, Stef, and Luc Huyse. "Consociational Democracy for Rwanda?" In The Political Economy of the Great Lakes Region in Africa, 101–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523890_5.

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Bogaards, Matthijs. "The Consociational Party." In Democracy and Social Peace in Divided Societies, 1–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137433176_1.

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Bogaards, Matthijs. "Non-democratic Consociational Parties." In Democracy and Social Peace in Divided Societies, 64–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137433176_4.

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Linder, Wolf, and Sean Mueller. "Consensus Democracy: The Swiss System of Power-Sharing." In Swiss Democracy, 167–207. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_5.

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AbstractThis chapter unpacks the notion of power-sharing and explains its centrality for political Switzerland. While direct democracy has played an important part in its evolution, law-making in Switzerland has become impossible without the participation of various interest groups at early stages of drafting already. The chapter details the functioning of Switzerland’s broad-based political pluralism, its structure of consociational democracy, the representation of the most important political parties and interest groups, and the ensuing processes of negotiation and mutual adjustment. It also discusses challenges and pitfalls of power-sharing.
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Lehmbruch, Gerhard. "Consociational Democracy, Class Conflict, and the New Corporatism." In Verhandlungsdemokratie, 59–67. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80515-7_3.

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Bogaards, Matthijs. "Militant Consociational Democracy: The Political Exclusion of the Extreme Right in Belgium." In Compromises in Democracy, 175–200. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-40802-2_8.

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Bogaards, Matthijs. "The Origins and Institutional Environment of Consociational Parties." In Democracy and Social Peace in Divided Societies, 98–121. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137433176_6.

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Mühlbacher, Tamirace Fakhoury. "Review and Critique of the Literature on Consociational Democracy." In Democracy and Power-Sharing in Stormy Weather, 35–76. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-91769-6_2.

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Smiley, Donald V. "8. French-English Relations in Canada and Consociational Democracy." In Ethnic Conflict in the Western World, edited by Milton J. Esman, 179–203. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501734281-011.

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Berg-Schlosser, Dirk. "Direct-democratic procedures as corrective mechanisms in consociational systems or for clientelistic structures—some brief remarks." In Direct Democracy in Europe, 30–34. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-90579-2_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Consociational democracy"

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Kadriu, Flora. "Non-institutional conditions of effective consociational democracy." In University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo: University for Business and Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2018.402.

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Reports on the topic "Consociational democracy"

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Ghattas, Micheline. The Consolidation of the Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: The Challenges to Democracy in Lebanon. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1414.

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