Contents
Academic literature on the topic 'Consonne fricative'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Consonne fricative.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Consonne fricative"
1
Jacques, Benoît. "Étude de trois indices acoustiques du voisement des consonnes fricatives en français de Montréal." Revue québécoise de linguistique 19, no. 2 (2009): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/602676ar.
Full textAbstract:
Résumé Le sonagramme d’une consonne fricative sonore comporte d’ordinaire à sa base une barre de voisement souvent surmontée de formants également voisés. Or l’examen de spectres de consonnes fricatives sonores ne comportant aucune barre de voisement nous amène à nous interroger sur le caractère prépondérant de ce paramètre dans la distinction des consonnes fricatives entre sourdes et sonores. Dans cette optique, nous avons analysé un corpus de 1 790 consonnes fricatives dont 940 sourdes et 850 sonores produites par 4 sujets francophones de Montréal. À partir de mesures acoustiques, la durée de la barre de voisement a été mise en relation avec la durée de la consonne et celle de la voyelle précédente, deux paramètres pouvant contribuer à la distinction recherchée. Les résultats montrent que, si la présence d’une barre de voisement est un indice majeur, les autres paramètres ne sont pas non plus sans importance, le poids relatif de chacun de ces indices variant selon la position du segment dans la syllabe et dans la phrase.
2
Whiteside, S. P. "Identification of a Speaker's Sex: A Fricative Study." Perceptual and Motor Skills 86, no. 2 (1998): 587–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1998.86.2.587.
Full textAbstract:
An experiment was carried out to test whether three phonetically naive listeners were able to identify the speaker's sex from brief (30 msec, to 100 msec.) voiceless fricative segments. All speech segments were extracted from sentences spoken by members of a group of 3 women and 3 men with a British General Northern accent. The consonant segments were significantly identified by the listeners with an accuracy of 64.4%. A sample of the fricative segments was chosen to investigate acoustic and phonetic differences related to a speaker's sex, using spectrographic analysis. Analysis showed that on the average the frication of the women's voiceless fricatives was significantly higher in frequency than that of the men.
3
Ikeda, Elissa, and Sigrid Lew. "The case for alveolar fricative rhotics with evidence from Nusu." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 40, no. 1 (2017): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.40.1.01ike.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Cross-linguistically, fricatives are the rarest types of rhotics, found in a few African and European languages (Ladefoged & Maddieson 1996) and as allophones in some Romance languages (Jesus & Shadle 2005; Recasens 2002; Bradley 2006; Colantoni 2006). Acoustic data from Nusu, phonotactic reasoning, and a cognate comparison demonstrate the presence of alveolar fricative rhotics in Tibeto-Burman. The Nusu rhotic appears in syllable-initial position as the first or second consonant and can be realized as alveolar approximants [ɹ] or [ɹʲ], non-sibilant voiced and voiceless fricatives [ɹ̝, ɹ̥], as well as voiced sibilant [ʐ]. In other studies on Nusu, these fricative rhotics have sometimes been reported as retroflex voiced sibilants (Sun & Lu 1986; Fu 1991), but intra-speaker and cross-variety comparison point to classification as rhotics. Evidence from other Tibeto-Burman languages suggests that alveolar fricative rhotics are not limited to Nusu. Together these data challenge the tradition of generally interpreting alveolar fricatives as sibilants.
4
Hedrick, Mark S., та Mary Sue Younger. "Labeling of /s/ and /ʃ/ by Listeners With Normal and Impaired Hearing, Revisited". Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 46, № 3 (2003): 636–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2003/050).
Full textAbstract:
The two aims of this study were (a) to determine the perceptual weight given formant transition and relative amplitude information for labeling fricative place of articulation perception and (b) to determine the extent of integration of relative amplitude and formant transition cues. Seven listeners with normal hearing and 7 listeners with sensorineural hearing loss participated. The listeners were asked to label the fricatives of synthetic consonant-vowel stimuli as either /s/ or /∫/. Across the stimuli, 3 cues were varied: (a) The amplitude of the spectral peak in the 2500- Hz range of the frication relative to the adjacent vowel peak amplitude in the same frequency region, (b)the frication duration, which was either 50 or 140 ms, and (c) the second formant transition onset frequency, which was varied from 1200 to 1800 Hz. An analysis of variance model was used to determine weightings for the relative amplitude and transition cues for the different frication duration conditions. A 30-ms gap of silence was inserted between the frication and vocalic portions of the stimuli, with the intent that a temporal separation of frication and transition information might affect how the cues were integrated. The weighting given transition or relative amplitude differed between the listening groups and depended on frication duration. Use of the transition cue was most affected by insertion of the silent gap. Listeners with hearing loss had smaller interaction terms for the cues than listeners with normal hearing, suggesting less integration of cues.
5
Walker, Rachel, Dani Byrd, and Fidèle Mpiranya. "An articulatory view of Kinyarwanda coronal harmony." Phonology 25, no. 3 (2008): 499–535. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675708001619.
Full textAbstract:
Coronal harmony in Kinyarwanda causes alveolar fricatives to become postalveolar preceding a postalveolar fricative within a stem. Alveolar and postalveolar stops, affricates and palatals block coronal harmony, but the flap and non-coronal consonants are reported to be transparent. Kinematic data on consonant production in Kinyarwanda were collected using electromagnetic articulography. The mean angle for the line defined by receivers placed on the tongue tip and blade was calculated over the consonant intervals. Mean angle reliably distinguished alveolar and postalveolar fricatives, with alveolars showing a lower tip relative to blade. Mean angle during transparent non-coronal consonants showed a higher tip relative to blade than in contexts without harmony, and the mean angle during transparent [m] was not significantly different than during postalveolar fricatives. This is consistent with a model where Kinyarwanda coronal harmony extends a continuous tip-blade gesture, causing it to be present during ‘transparent’ segments, but without perceptible effect.
6
Chen, Helen, and Kenneth N. Stevens. "An Acoustical Study of the Fricative /s/ in the Speech of Individuals With Dysarthria." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 44, no. 6 (2001): 1300–1314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2001/101).
Full textAbstract:
This paper reports on measurements of several acoustic attributes of the fricative consonant /s/ produced in word-initial position by normally speaking adults and by speakers with neuromotor dysfunctions. Several acoustic properties are evaluated: the spectrum shape of the fricative and its amplitude in relation to the following vowel, the presence or absence of voicing, the time variation of the spectrum during the fricative and in the transition to the following vowel, and the presence of inappropriate acoustic patterns preceding the /s/. Some of these properties are based on quantitative measurements of the spectrum of the /s/, and others are based on observations of the time-varying acoustic patterns in spectrograms. For the individuals with dysarthria, deviations of each of these properties from the normal range are interpreted in terms of specific deficits in the control of the speech-production system. For the most part, these parameters are highly correlated with the speakers' overall intelligibility, with the intelligibility of words containing the fricative /s/, and with perceptual ratings of the adequacy of the fricative production. The parameters that show the best correlation with intelligibility and perceptual ratings are (a) measures of deviations from normalcy in the time variation of the acoustic pattern within the consonant and at the consonant-vowel boundary and (b) the spectrum shape of the frication noise. These acoustic parameters are related to deviations in the temporal pattern of control of the articulators in producing fricative-vowel sequences and to lack of fine control of the tongue blade in achieving an appropriate target configuration for the fricative.
7
Henriksen, Nicholas, and Sarah K. Harper. "Investigating lenition patterns in south-central Peninsular Spanish /spstsk/ clusters." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 46, no. 3 (2016): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100316000116.
Full textAbstract:
In this study we report on an instrumental analysis of /spstsk/ clusters in south-central Peninsular Spanish, documenting a three-way system of /s/ realization: speakers tend to produce alveolar fricatives in /st/ clusters, velar fricatives in /sk/ clusters, and glottal fricatives or deletions in /sp/ clusters. An analysis based on the discrete classification of /s/ variants shows that a combination of linguistic factors (following consonant and stress) influences /s/ realization. An analysis based on the phonetic coding of /s/ variants (using measures of fricative duration, relative voicing, and center of gravity) reveals the extent to which velar fricatives display an intermediate status along the phonetic continuum of /s/ lenition variations. Taken together, these analyses shed light on the nature of coda /s/ in Spanish and on the extent to which the attested allophony constitutes a lenition process.
8
Pinget, Anne-France, René Kager, and Hans Van de Velde. "Regional differences in the perception of a consonant change in progress." Journal of Linguistic Geography 4, no. 2 (2016): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlg.2016.13.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims at testing whether there are regional differences in the perception of the labiodental fricative contrast in Dutch. Previous production studies have shown that the devoicing of initial labiodental fricatives is a change in progress in the Dutch language area. We present the results of a speeded identification task in which fricative stimuli were systematically varied for two phonetic cues, voicing and duration. Listeners (n=100) were regionally stratified, and the regions (k=5) reflect different stages of this sound change in progress. Voicing turned out to be the strongest categorization cue in all regions; duration only played a minor role. Regional differences showed up in the perception of the consonantal contrast that matched regional differences in production reported in previous studies. The addition of random slopes in the mixed model regression showed the importance of within-regional variation.
9
Bárkányi, Zsuzsanna, and Zoltán G. Kiss. "Neutralisation and contrast preservation." Linguistic Variation 20, no. 1 (2020): 56–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.16010.bar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This paper studies the contextual variation in the voicing properties of three-consonant clusters (CC#C) in Hungarian. We investigate the velar+alveolar stop clusters /kt/ and /ɡd/, and the alveolar fricative+stop clusters /st/ and /zd/ in potentially voicing-neutralising and assimilating contexts. We show that in these contexts, regressive voicing assimilation in Hungarian is categorical, but partially contrast preserving, and that stops and fricatives are not affected in the same way. Fricatives resist voicing before a voiced obstruent and are devoiced utterance-finally. This is a phonetically unfavourable position, therefore other duration-related cues step up to prevent complete laryngeal neutralisation.
10
Alves, Ubiratã Kickhöfel, Luciene Nassols Brisolara, Leonardo Cláudio Da Rosa, and Ana Carolina Signor Buske. "EFFECTS OF VOICING LENGTH IN THE PRODUCTION OF [Z] BY L1-SPANISH SPEAKERS ON THE PERCEPTUAL IDENTIFICATION OF MINIMAL PAIRS BY BRAZILIAN LISTENERS." Diacrítica 32, no. 2 (2019): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/diacritica.449.
Full textAbstract:
In this study, we aim to investigate the effects of the degree of voicing in the fricative [z] produced by L1 Spanish speakers on the distinction between the categories of ‘voiceless’ and ‘voiced’ consonants by Brazilian judges. Speech data were collected from six L1 Spanish speakers who had been living in Brazil for less than twelve months. From the recordings and manipulations of different degrees of voicing in the fricatives (0%, 25%, 50%, 75% and 100% of the total duration of the fricative), an identification task was built on TP Software (Rauber et al. 2012). Thirty-five Brazilian participants did this task. The results indicate that voicing the consonant all the way through was not a necessary condition for the identification of the fricative as voiced. It was also verified that the pattern with voicing throughout 25% of the fricative proved more difficult to identify. Both the inferential analysis and the verification of the data produced by each individual participant showed that this latter pattern cannot be considered to be voiceless in all cases.