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Journal articles on the topic 'Constantinism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Lloyd, Vincent. "Constantinian Toleration." Studies in Christian Ethics 31, no. 3 (2018): 296–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946818770329.

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Recent secular theorists of toleration have turned to Christian thought as a resource to overcome problems faced by secular-liberal accounts of toleration. This review essay examines three such projects, one in the tradition of Thomistic virtue ethics, another in the tradition of Frankfurt School critical theory, and another in political theory. While Christian ethics can learn from the methods and theoretical machinery deployed in these studies, each study assumes that the question of toleration is posed from a position of power and privilege. The essay asks what it might mean to consider toleration from the perspective of a marginalized community—like the early Christians.

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2

HALFTER, P. "Constantinus Novus." Le Muséon 119, no. 3 (2006): 399–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.119.3.2017954.

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3

Barnes, T. D. "Vita Constantini." Classical Review 51, no. 1 (2001): 39–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.1.39.

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4

Skarsaune, Oskar. "The Constantinian Turn." Tidsskrift for Teologi og Kirke 78, no. 03 (2007): 298–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-2952-2007-03-09.

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5

Brotzakis, Pantelis. "Obituary: Constantinos Karaliotas." Hellenic Journal of Surgery 90, no. 2 (2018): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13126-018-0450-6.

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6

CONSTANTINI, JOICE P., TIAGO FERNANDES CARRIJO, VALERIA PALMA-ONETTO, et al. "Tonsuritermes, a new soldierless termite genus and two new species from South America (Blattaria: Isoptera: Termitidae: Apicotermitinae)." Zootaxa 4531, no. 3 (2018): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4531.3.4.

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A new genus, Tonsuritermes Cancello & Constantini gen. nov., is described from South America. The main morphological features of the new genus are a remarkable frontal gland and protibia with two rows of spine-like bristles. Two new species of Tonsuritermes are described: T. tucki Cancello & Constantini sp. nov. and T. mathewsi Cancello & Constantini sp. nov. Comparisons, measurements, a map, histology of the frontal gland, and illustration of all fundamental morphological aspects are provided.

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7

Kelly, Christopher. "In Laudem Constantini." Classical Review 49, no. 2 (1999): 492–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.2.492.

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8

Gascou, Jacques, and Roger Guéry. "Inscriptions du Sud constantinois." Antiquités africaines 25, no. 1 (1989): 135–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antaf.1989.1159.

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9

McEvoy, Meaghan. "Constantia: The Last Constantinian." Antichthon 50 (November 2016): 154–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2016.10.

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AbstractThis article highlights the significant role played by Constantia, posthumous daughter of the emperor Constantius II, in late fourth century dynastic politics and ideology. Though Constantia has generally been neglected in modern studies of the period, close examination of the surviving sources reveals her pivotal position, even from her earliest years, as a coveted link between the Constantinian dynasty and new emperors seeking to establish themselves and their families in the turbulent years of the 360s, 370s and 380s AD. Through investigation of the source material relating to Constantia’s short life, we gain further vital insight into the perennial importance to imperial politics of dynastic loyalty, and specifically loyalty to the Constantinian house, in the late fourth century, as well as emerging new ideas about the complexities of the marriages of imperial women.

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10

Morrison, Keith, and Greetje van der Werf. "Constantinos Papanastasiou (1940--2012)." Educational Research and Evaluation 18, no. 4 (2012): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13803611.2012.689169.

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11

Pavlovic, Jovana. "John Damascene or Jerusalem monk John." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 51 (2014): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1451007p.

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Most of original manuscripts wrongly claim authority of the treatise Adversus Constantinum Caballinum to John of Damascus. We applied the method of detailed linguistic analysis in order to check the hypothesis that Jerusalem monk John, the representative of three eastern patriarchs on the Second Council of Nicaea, wrote this iconophile work. Stylistic resemblance between the speech that John of Jerusalem held on the Second Council of Nicaea and sermon Adversus Constantinum Caballinum could indicate the same person as author.

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12

Woods, David. "Eusebius on Some Constantinian Officials." Irish Theological Quarterly 67, no. 3 (2002): 195–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114000206700301.

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13

Timothy Barnes. "Was There a Constantinian Revolution?" Journal of Late Antiquity 2, no. 2 (2009): 374–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.0.0053.

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14

Mintzberg, Henry. "Response to Constantinos Markide's Commentary." Academy of Management Perspectives 14, no. 3 (2000): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ame.2000.26206672.

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15

Klein, Richard. "Thomas Grünewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 109, no. 1 (1992): 633–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1992.109.1.633.

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16

Bendall, Simon. "A new anonymous Constantinian copper coin." Revue numismatique 6, no. 162 (2006): 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.2006.2810.

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17

Zaamouche, À., Y. Kitouni, A. Lakhal, C. Benlatreche, A. Souheil Aloui, and D. Roula. "Risque cardiométabolique des patients hypertendus constantinois." Diabetes & Metabolism 38 (March 2012): A113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1262-3636(12)71449-0.

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18

GREENWOOD, DAVID NEAL. "Constantinian Influence upon Julian's Pagan Church." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 68, no. 1 (2017): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046916000609.

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Constantine's endorsement of and support for the Church left their marks in certain areas. His nephew Julian reacted against state-supported Christianity and promoted his own unique version of state-supported paganism. Previous scholarship had identified this as a ‘pagan Church’ co-opting features from Christianity, but this view has recently been challenged. This article argues that the traditional understanding of a ‘pagan Church’ is correct, and that it drew specifically upon some features of the Constantinian Church in the areas of theological content, leadership and symbols.

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19

Ferrari, Silvio. "Aux confins du théologico-politique constantinien." Société, droit et religion Numéro6, no. 1 (2016): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sdr.006.0093.

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20

Nicholson, Caroline, and Oliver Nicholson. "Lactantius, Hermes Trismegistus and Constantinian obelisks." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632052.

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In a recent article in this journal (JHS cvii [1987] 51–57) Garth Fowden has argued that the obelisk from Karnak erected by Constantius II in Rome in 357 had been promised to that city by his father Constantine, as Ammianus Marcellinus states, and was not originally intended, as was claimed in the (lost) inscription on its base, for Constantine's new foundation at Constantinople. The interesting suggestion is made that Constantine might have been in touch with Athenian religious experts over the matter, and the project is seen as an earnest of ‘his desire to conciliate the pagan Establishment of Old Rome’. The point of this piece is to enlarge on the possible significance of the obelisk to contemporary Christians that is hinted at by Dr Fowden.Constantine paid three visits to Rome as emperor, in 312, after winning the Battle of the Milvian Bridge, in 315 during the celebration of his Decennalia, and in 326 for his Vicennalia; on at least one of these occasions, he gave offence to non-Christian Romans by declining to perform the customary procession to the Capitol to offer sacrifice.

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21

Ferrarotti, Franco. "Toward the end of constantinian christendom." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 3, no. 4 (1990): 433–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01384971.

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22

Martínez-Téllez, Jaime Javier. "INHERITANCE OF LOW CHILLING CHARACTER ON THREE ALMOND PROGENIES." HortScience 27, no. 6 (1992): 658e—658. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.27.6.658e.

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Almond production is restricted to areas with at least 300 chill units. Selection of plants with lower chilling requirements is a priority in our area. The progenies of two low chilling cvs. `Rané' and `Constantini' and one of medium chilling cv. `Cavaliera' were chosen for this study. The selected trees were open pollinated and 100 seeds of each variety were planted on individual pots after three week stratification. Three groups were formed according to the speed of germination and transplanted to the nursery. The date of blooming of each individual was recorded. A positive correlation was found between time of blooming of the progenitor and that of the progeny regardless of the origin. On the descendence of `Cavaliera', a positive correlation between speed of germination and bloom date was observed. However on `Constantini' and `Rané' progenies, the same correlation had no significance. `Cavaliera' produced a 45% of low chilling requirement descendants, `Rané' had 67% and `Constantini' had the higher ability to transmit the low chilling character with a 78% of the progeny with that trait.

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23

Hollerich, Michael J. "Religion and Politics in the Writings of Eusebius: Reassessing the First ‘Court Theologian’." Church History 59, no. 3 (1990): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167741.

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Ever since Jacob Burckhardt dismissed him as “the first thoroughly dishonest historian of antiquity,” Eusebius has been an inviting target for students of the Constantinian era. At one time or another they have characterized him as a political propagandist, a good courtier, the shrewd and worldly adviser of the Emperor Constantine, the great publicist of the first Christian emperor, the first in a long succession of ecclesiastical politicians, the herald of Byzantinism, a political theologian, a political metaphysician, and a caesaropapist. It is obvious that these are not, in the main, neutral descriptions. Much traditional scholarship, sometimes with barely suppressed disdain, has regarded Eusebius as one who risked his orthodoxy and perhaps his character because of his zeal for the Constantinian establishment.

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24

Barnes, T. D. "Jerome and the "Origo Constantini Imperatoris"." Phoenix 43, no. 2 (1989): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088214.

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25

Elliott, T. G. "Eusebian Frauds in the "Vita Constantini"." Phoenix 45, no. 2 (1991): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088553.

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26

Bralewski, Sławomir. "Constantinian shift – the truth or a myth?" Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3608.

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Zdefiniowanie zjawiska nazwanego przełomem czy rewolucją konstantyńską nie jest łatwe. Wydaje się, że trzeba w nim widzieć epokowy czyn cesarza, który nie tylko uznał i otoczył opieką Kościół, ale związał go z państwem i doprowadził do wielkiego znaczenia, pozyskując w zamian, w swoim głębokim przekonaniu, błogosławieństwo samego Boga dla Imperium Romanum i jego władców. Konsekwencją wydarzeń określanych tym mianem –według wielu badaczy – była epoka czy era konstantyńska, w której Kościół narażony był na dwojakie niebezpieczeństwo. Mógł on bowiem zdominować rządzących i państwo bądź podporządkować się im i stać się instrumentem w ich rękach. W Kościele katolickim zakończyć epokę tę miał dopiero II Sobór Watykański. Konstantyn w swej polityce państwowej był przede wszystkim kontynuatorem tradycji odziedziczonej po przodkach, co było zaprzeczeniem idei przełomu. Zapoczątkował jednak procesy, dzięki którym z czasem dokonało się gruntowne przeobrażenie Cesarstwa Rzymskiego. Niewątpliwie charakter przełomowy miało samo nawrócenie cesarza na chrześcijaństwo, jakkolwiek by je rozumieć i datować, chociaż i ono mogło być postrzegane przez Rzymian jako wybór boskiego patrona, który zapewnia zwycięstwa cesarzowi oraz wychowanie cesarskich dzieci w duchu chrześcijańskim. Jednak oddanie siebie i swego państwa przez Konstantyna w opiekę jedynego Boga samo w sobie miało charakter rewolucyjny. Monoteizm wszak z natury wykluczał inne kulty i choć upłynęło jeszcze kilkadziesiąt lat, nim chrześcijaństwo oficjalnie stało się religią państwową w Imperium Romanum, to było to konsekwencją wyboru dokonanego przez Konstantyna.

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27

Ramelli, Ilaria L. E. "Mark Edwards: Religions of the Constantinian Empire." Gnomon 90, no. 1 (2018): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2018-1-57.

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28

Brendel, Raphael. "Mark Edwards: Religions of the Constantinian Empire." Das Historisch-Politische Buch 66, no. 1 (2018): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.66.1.150.

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29

Lane Fox, Robin. "Mark Edwards, Religions of the Constantinian Empire." Theology 119, no. 5 (2016): 386–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x16647869u.

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30

Clemence, William. "The Pasio Vincentii in Augustine’s Sermones de Sanctis." Mayéutica 46, no. 101 (2020): 111–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2020461015.

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The article makes a brief exposition of the context of the first persecutions against the Christians, particularly highlighting the persecution of Diocletian, to later analyze the effects of the Constantinian peace. The importance that within the context of the Constantinian peace acquired the cult of martyrs, like the first Christian heroes, is exposed. Later the importance of the literature about martyrs of the first centuries is revealed. In a second part of the article, the sermons that Saint Augustine dedicated to Saint Vincent are studied, namely, sermons 4; 274-277 / A; 359 / B. A detailed study is made of each one of them, both at the rhetorical level and mainly in terms of content, to highlight the ideas and Augustine’s theology. The role that the sermons of Saint Augustine played in the transmission of the Passio Vincentii is particularly stressed.

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31

Coertzen, P. "Freedom of religion in South Africa: Then and now 1652 – 2008." Verbum et Ecclesia 29, no. 2 (2008): 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v29i2.19.

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This article is about freedom of religion in South Africa before and after 1994. It is often argued that the relationship between church and state, and the resultant freedom of religion, during 1652-1994 was determined by a theocratic model of the relationship between church and state. In a theocratic model it is religion and its teachings that determine the place and role of religion in society. This article argues that it was, in fact, a Constantinian model of the relationship between state and church which determined the place and role of religion in society between 1652 and 1994. In a Constantinian model it is the governing authority's understanding and application of religion that determines the place and role of religion in society as well as the resulting degree of freedom of religion. Examples from history are used to prove the point. The second part of the article discusses freedom of religion in South Africa after 1994.

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32

Moffitt, John F. "BERNINI'S "CATHEDRA PETRI" AND THE "CONSTITUTUM CONSTANTINI"." Source: Notes in the History of Art 26, no. 2 (2007): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/sou.26.2.23208072.

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33

Greer, Rowan A. "The Transition from Death to Life." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 46, no. 3 (1992): 240–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096439204600303.

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Responding to the complicated conditions produced by both the Constantinian Revolution and the collapse of the Roman Empire in the West, Augustine concerned himself not so much with “earthly transitions” as with the only transition that he believed had final significance: the transition of Christ from death to life.

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34

González Marrero, José Antonio. "Liber Constantini de stomacho. El tratado Sobre el estómago de Constantino el Africano. Estudio, edición crítica y traducción, Enrique Montero Cartelle, Valladolid, Ediciones Universidad de Valladolid, 2016." Minerva. Revista de Filología Clásica, no. 30 (November 12, 2017): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/mrfc.30.2017.375-377.

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Reseña del libro Liber Constantini de stomacho. El tratado Sobre el estómago de Constantino el Africano. Estudio, edición crítica y traducción, Enrique Montero Cartelle, Valladolid, Ediciones Universidad de Valladolid, 2016, 393 pp., ISBN 978-84-8448-886-6

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35

Galand, Lionel. "Inscriptions libyques du Constantinois (Fonds H.-G. Pflaum)." Antiquités africaines 33, no. 1 (1997): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antaf.1997.1264.

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36

Maache, Youcef, and Maître de conférences. "La violence dite par de jeunes écoliers constantinois." Sauvegarde de l'Enfance 58, no. 1-2 (2003): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0036-5041(03)90021-6.

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37

Woods, D. "The Constantinian origin of Justina (Themistius, Or. 3.43b)." Classical Quarterly 54, no. 1 (2004): 325–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/54.1.325.

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38

Gunton, Colin. "Election and Ecclesiology in the Post-Constantinian Church." Scottish Journal of Theology 53, no. 2 (2000): 212–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600050730.

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It is often enough averred that Calvin developed his doctrine of predestination in order to reassure believers of their status before God; it is even more often asserted that the overall effect of his teaching was eventually to subvert that assurance, or at any rate to turn it into a form of self-absorption that has an effect contrary to that for which the gospel frees us. Self-absorption is indeed among the besetting sins of Western Christianity, from Augustine onward. In each era, it takes characteristic form. In our day, it is among the prime dangers of the post-Constantinian Church, which, deprived, apparently, of once secure social and political status and role; diminished, apparendy, in numbers and influence, flounders variously in inaction, activism and political correctness in a sometimes desperate concern not to lose the attention of the—reprobate? In this paper, I propose to bring together the related themes of election and ecclesiology, with particular reference to the beleaguered situation of the Christian Church in a world which, as Robert Jenson has observed, is unique in being the first once apparently believing culture to have abandoned the Christian gospel. That throws into the limelight the problem of the, if not everywhere minority status, at least unique situation for the Church of rejection by the main streams of intellectual and cultural life.

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39

Carotenuto, Erica. "SIX CONSTANTINIAN DOCUMENTS (EUS. H.E. 10, 5-7)." Vigiliae Christianae 56, no. 1 (2002): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720252984837.

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40

Whelan, Robin. "Religions of the Constantinian Empire by Mark Edwards." Journal of Early Christian Studies 26, no. 4 (2018): 663–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2018.0057.

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41

Reis, David M. "Religions of the Constantinian Empire. By Mark Edwards." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 84, no. 3 (2016): 842–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfw058.

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42

Mang, Paul Y. "Strategic innovation: Constantinos Markides on strategy and management." Academy of Management Perspectives 14, no. 3 (2000): 43–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ame.2000.4468064.

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43

Serov, Vadim. "On the Powers of Tiberius Constantinus the Caesar." Античная древность и средние века, no. 43 (2015): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2015.43.005.

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44

Christopher Haas. "Mountain Constantines: The Christianization of Aksum and Iberia." Journal of Late Antiquity 1, no. 1 (2008): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.0.0010.

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45

Athanassopoulou, Ekavi. "Greece, Turkey, Europe: Constantinos Simitis in Premiership Waters." Mediterranean Politics 1, no. 1 (1996): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629399608414571.

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46

Gordon, Scott E. "Sports Endocrinology. Michelle P. Warren , Naama W. Constantini." Quarterly Review of Biology 76, no. 2 (2001): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/393980.

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47

Saidani, Maya. "Les zdjûl ou le membre oublié du répertoire constantinois." Horizons Maghrébins - Le droit à la mémoire 47, no. 1 (2002): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/horma.2002.2057.

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48

Boulebier, Djamel. "L'émergence du sport hippique en Algérie : l'exemple du Constantinois." Outre-mers 95, no. 360 (2008): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.2008.4357.

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49

Salama, Pierre. "Les provinces d'Afrique et les débuts du monogramme constantinien." Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 1998, no. 1 (2002): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bsnaf.2002.10269.

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50

Dalichaouch, S., and N. Abadi. "Obésité et habitudes alimentaires de la population adulte constantinoise." Nutrition Clinique et Métabolisme 30, no. 3 (2016): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.nupar.2016.09.122.

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