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Shafiei-Nasab, Djafar. "Les mouvements révolutionnaires et la constitution de 1906 en Iran." Lyon 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986LYO20050.
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A la suite de la grève générale d'août 1906, à laquelle participèrent les couches les plus étendues de la société urbaine, dont les commerçants, les marchands et les artisans, Muzaffar-al-Din Shah octroya une constitution. L'établissement de celle-ci résultait d'une longue lutte commencée au milieu du 19e siècle; lutte menée tantôt sous forme d'un mouvement politico-religieux (le mouvement des babis), tantôt sous celle d'un mouvement anticolonialistes et anti-absolutiste (le mouvement contre la Régie des tabacs). A l'organisation de ce combat, mené dans un but précis, prirent part des intellectuels songeant depuis un siècle à changer les structures politiques. Pour réaliser cet objectif, ils engagèrent une lutte d'un demi-siècle dont les modalités furent fonction de la nature des autorités constituées. L'avènement du régime constitutionnel en aout 1906 fut l'aboutissement de ce combat et la concrétisation des objectifs politiques. Mais les revendications principales des couches moyennes de la société urbaine, et plus tard de la société rurale, étant la réalisation d'objectifs sociaux et économiques, le combat politique se poursuivit. En réalité, cet engagement pour l'établissement de la démocratie revêtit parfois le caractère d'une résistance armée. Parallèlement, nous voyons se modifier les rapports de force entre les constitutionnalistes au sein du parlement et hors de celui-ci. La lutte des classes paysanne et ouvrière pour obtenir les garanties économiques nécessaires a l'évolution de la révolution, provoqua le retrait d'une partie des partisans de la constitution (classe bourgeoise féodale) qui ne songeaient qu'à limiter le pouvoir du Shah et à s'assurer des privilèges économiques. Le combat pour la justice sociale suscita la peur de la classe possédante et des puissances colonialistes, conduisant celles-ci à signer l'accord de 1907. Cet accord, en renforçant la condition psychologique des antirévolutionnaires, leur donna les moyens de combattre la révolution. Ainsi nous assistons, en juin 1908, au retour de l'ancien régimeFollowing the general strike in august 1906, in which wide sections of the population, businessmen, traders, and craftsmen included, participated; Muzaffar-al-Din Shah established a constitution. This was the result of a long battle that had started in the middle of the 19th century, a battle which sometimes took the form of a politico-religious movement and at other times that of an anti-colonialist and antiabsolutist movement. The intellectuals who had been dreaming of changing the country's political structures for a century took part in this battle, characterized by its clear goals. In order to reach their goal they instigated a battle that lasted for half a century and the modalities of which reflected the nature of the ruling authorities. In august 1906, this battle ended in the assumption of power by the constitutional regime and in a crystallization of their political goals. But the political struggle towards the realization of the social and economic objectives continued. These objectives were initially included in the main demands of the urban middle class and later in those of the rural middle class. In reality, the efforts to establish a democracy sometimes resembled armed resistance. At the same time a shift in the relations of power among the constitutionalist groups - both inside and outside
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Shafiei-Nasab, Djafar. "Les mouvements révolutionnaires et la constitution de 1906 en Iran /." Berlin : K. Schwarz, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355257443.
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Soltani, Seyed Nasser. "La notion de constitution dans l'oeuvre de l'assemblée constituante iranienne de 1906." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32010/document.
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En 1906 le royaume de Perse connut une révolution constitutionnelle qui lui a donné la première constitution écrite du pays. Durant les années où la révolution se prépare, la société civile ouvre un grand champ d’émergence des concepts modernes du droit public. L’œuvre de l’assemblée constituante de 1906, qui a donné naissance à la constitution et à son complément, en est un exemple par excellence. Dans cette thèse nous allons procéder à l’exploitation de l’œuvre de l’assemblée constituante pour y suivre la genèse et l’évolution des concepts de droit public. Nous allons chercher à travers les concepts principaux du droit public - représentation, égalité civique et égalité devant la loi - la conception qu'avaient les constituants de la Constitution. Nous allons aussi observer la notion de constitution à certains moments décisifs de la révolution, où par exemple les révolutionnaires appelleront le roi au serment pour protéger la constitution. Dans cette thèse nous assisterons aussi à un processus qui par le biais de la redéfinition des anciens concepts de droit public, fait naître les concepts modernes du droit public. Cette thèse en se référant à l’histoire constitutionnelle du pays vise à relever un défi du droit constitutionnel d’aujourd’hui en Iran. Un droit constitutionnel qui, dès sa naissance, ne prend pas au sérieux l’histoire de la discipline. Par cette thèse nous voulons mettre en valeur l’importance et la nécessité des études historiques dans l’enseignement ainsi que dans l’étude du droit constitutionnelIn 1906 the Persian Kingdom witnessed a constitutional revolution which gave it its first written constitution. In the early years of the revolution, civil society opened a great field for the emergence of modern concepts of public law. The work of the Constituent Assembly of 1906, which gave birth to the Constitution and its Supplement, is a unique illustration of this. The present thesis proceeds to explain the work of the Constituent Assembly in order to follow the genesis and evolution of the principles of public law in Iran. Referring to the principal concepts of public law - representation, civic equality and equality before the law - we will attempt to find the particular conception that the constituents of the Constitution had of these concepts. We also explore the notion of constitution at certain key moments of the revolution, where, for example, the revolutionaries called the King to give oath for the safeguard of the Constitution. Further, the thesis explains the process by which modern concepts of public law were given birth through a redefinition of ancient concepts. By referring to constitutional history, the present study aims to expose the challenges to constitutional law in Iran today, a constitutional law which has failed to seriously account for the history of the discipline. The present study therefore aims to show the importance of, and need for, historical studies in the teaching and study of constitutional law in Iran
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Soltanian, Aboutaleb. "Les Causes de l'échec de la révolution constitutionnelle de 1906 en Iran." Strasbourg 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001STR20013.
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Cette recherche, concernant "les causes de l'échec de la révolution constitutionnelle de 1906 en Iran" se divise en deux parties et en dix chapîtres. Dans la première partie, nous avons d'abord montré la faiblesse des fondements de la révolution, puis le rôle de la conduite et des courants politiques dans l'échec de la première constitution (1906-1908). Dans la deuxième partie, nous avons poursuivi le processus de l'échec de la révolution en étudiant les imperfections des lois constitutionnelles. . .This study, concerning "the causes of the failure of the Iranian constitutional revolution of 1906" is divided into two parts and ten chapters. In the first part, we have sought to illustrate the weaknesses in the foundations of the revolution and the role played by the leaders and the political currents in the failure of the first constitution (1906-1908). In the second part, we have followed the process culminating in the failure of the revolution by studying the imperfections of the constitutional lows. .
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Paknia, Mahboubeh. "Contribution à une étude des causes de l' échec de la Révolution constitutionnelle iranienne, 1906-1925." Toulouse 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001TOU10075.
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La Révolution constitutionnelle iranienne de 1906 est toujours centrale dans la vie et la conscience politique des Iraniens. Première manifestation de l' éveil des peuples du Moyen Orient à la démocratie et de leur rejet de ce que l' on a coutume d' appeler en Europe un régime despotique, ce qui en fait un phénomène tout à fait remarquable et demande une explication élaborée, elle s' est terminée sur un échec après des péripéties qui ont duré une vingtaine d' années durant lesquelles l' Iran a connu les interventions et pressions des puissances impérialistes ( Grande-Bretagne et Russie tsariste), la Première Guerre mondiale et l' invasion de plusieurs armées étrangères, le terrorisme, le séparatisme et l' insécurité à l' intérieurIran' s Constitutional Revolution of 1906 plays an important role in the political life and conscience of Iran. One of the first manifestations of democracy among the Middle-Eastern nations, as well as the first oppearence of historical wake up, in Middle-East, after 20 years of adventure (1906-1925), ended with a hard failure. Rejecting what is costumed to be called in Europe, "despotic regime" - which is infact, perfectly a remarkable phenomenon, asking for another elaborated explication - "Perse" has involved in and experienced several crises, such as external interventions and pressures, especially two imperialist superpowers in its neighborhood (Great Britain and Tsarian Russia); World War I and invasion of several foreign armies; terrorism; separatism, as well as internal instability
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Callon, Jean-Éric. "André Philip et la constitution de 1946." Aix-Marseille 3, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996AIX32001.
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Andre philip (1902-1970)- economiste, homme politique, socialiste et protestant - est entre en resistance des le 10 juillet 1940. Fondateur de groupes et reflexions en zone occupee, il part pour londres et juillet 1942 a la demande du general de gaulle afin de diriger le commissariat a l'interieur. Il synthetise alors l'ensemble des nombreux projets constitutionnels de la resistance et met en place les structures necessaires au retablissment de la legalite constitutionnelle, notamment l'assemblee consultative provisoire d'alger, de retour en france, il preside les commissions de la constitution des deux assemblees nationales constituantes elues en octobre 1945 et en juin 1946. Son projet precurseur, tendant, entre autre, a la rationalisation du regime parlementaire et a l'instauration d'un controle de constitutionnalite des lois, n'est que partiellement adopte par la constitution de 1946. Plus que le pere de la constituation de 1946, andre philip est en realite celui de la constitution du 4 octobre 1958Andre philip (1902-1970). French economist, statesman, socialist and protestant, became a resistant as far back as the 10th of july 1940. He founded groups of reflexions in the occupied area and went to london in july 1942, at general de gaulle's request to managed the home minister. Then, he synthetized whole of the constitutional plans of the resistance and established the structures required for the restoriation of the constitutional legality, especially the interim advisory assembly of algiers. When he came back to franc, he presided at the constitutional commissions of the two constitutional national assembly. His precursor plan, tending to the rationalization of the parliamentary government and the setting up of a constitutional control of law, was only partly adopted byu the 1946 constitution. More tha n the father of the 1946 constitution, andre philip was the on who inspired the 1958 constitution
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Antoun, Adib. "Constitution et esprit politique libanais : (constitution de 1926)." Paris 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA010620.
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Constitution et esprit politique libanais - constitution de 1926", thèse ordonnée par mon souci de faire valoir la vérité scientifique y afférant, vérité tenue à l'écart de ce qui est de l'ordre herméneutique et poétique, s'appuyant sur les faits et les hypothèses susceptibles de démonstration rationnelle. L'être de la vérité scientifique qui n'est ni chronique ni utopique est en interaction indéfectible avec l'histoire. Dans ce propos, la vérité scientifique est double: vérité mathématique relative aux sciences dites exactes et vérité philosophique, propre au domaine des sciences humaines, étant donné que la question philosophique est en perpétuel devenir. Des lors, mon option pour le respect de l'identité politique libanaise indépendante, pour l'abrogation de la constitution de 1926 toujours en vigueur et pour la réorganisation de la vie politique au Liban, est l'aboutissement logique et naturel de la nécessite d'observer une harmonie authentique entre la situation réelle et l'aspect légal de l'état. La crise au Liban, alimentée par des incohérences locales, est également ordonnée par des interférences extérieures; j'ajouterai que ce dernier facteur qui a projeté de prime abord l'éclatement des différences libanaises, présuppose comme but à atteindre, l'anéantissement de la valeur humaine que représente le Liban. L'humanité qui, actuellement, ressent la honte des génocides antérieurs, la ressentira ultérieurement du génocide libanais d'aujourd'huiLebanese constitution and its political spirit", thesis planned out in my anxiety to bring forth scientific truth pertaining thereto; truth, discarded from all that belongs to either hermeneutics or poetics, merely supported by facts and hypothesis susceptible of rational, conclusive proofs - within scientific truth that is nei- ther uchronic nor utopist, its essence is indefectibly interacted with history. Double is the meaning of "scientific truth" in connection with this subject : mathematical truth relevant from the so-called exact sciences, and philosophical truth belonging to the social sciences realm, since philosophy is in a constant state of development. So, my option for the recognition of the independant, political lebanese identity, for the abrogation of the 1926 constitution - still in force - and for the re-organi- sation of lebanon political life is, therefore, the logical and normal conclusion surged out of the necessity to accept an authentical harmony between a realistic situation and the legal aspect of the state. - the lebanese crisis, fed by local incoherency is, at the same time, manipulated by foreign interferences. I must add that, from the very start, this foreing handling of lebanese divergences, rapidly brought them to explosion, confirming, doubtlessly, that the annihilation of all of lebanon human value was the very aim to be attained. Humanity who, at present, is so deeply ashamed of past genocides will, later, feel its shame
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Almeida, Rodrigo Moreira de. "O problema da constituição da liberdade em Hannah Arendt." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2012. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/2129.
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This dissertation approaches what is called the problem of the constitution of freedom in Hannah Arendt s political thought. Such problem presents itself in the form of a tension between the concern to think upon, on one hand, the action, power, and political freedom that are coeval, as spontaneous, indeterminate, innovative and possessing an extraordinary dimension; and, on the other hand, the necessary stability and delimitation of a political body based on normative elements, such as laws, institutions, constitutions, and an instance of authority and legitimacy that ensure some continuity to the public sector on the potential arbitrariness and limitlessness that freedom brings with it. This problem is articulated through the definition and specification, in the work of Arendt, of the relationship, apparently paradoxical, between the concepts of power, action and freedom, on the one hand, and on the other, the notions of law, constitution and authority. The issues raised are: 1. How does Arendt reconcile and balance the unpredictability, spontaneous and uncertain character of her concept of action with stabilizing and limiting aspects of the notions of law and constitution? 2. What elements of her theory help to think of normative principles of authority and legitimacy in the secular context? 3. And finally, how is it possible to think on lines of continuity between the constituent/founder dimension of power, which is essentially indeterminate and extraordinary, and constituted power? The hypotheses proposed are: 1 Arendt seeks a republican conception of law, strongly inspired by the Roman lex, which further emphasizes the directive-relational dimensions of the law than the mandatory and coercive idea. The author highlights the importance that the law and institutions are the result of the political and plural action of people, and that they are also linked to it, and that they are not imposed by a superior and autonomous legal rationality. She seeks, therefore, to overcome the traditional dichotomy between law and freedom by indicating a complementarity and interdependence between the constituent and constituted spheres. 2 The author constitutes elements to think on a new concept of authority, without resorting to transcendent and absolute elements as a normative source of legitimacy for secular republics, on one hand, in her theory of promises based on commitments and mutual guarantees that people establish with each other, and, on the other hand, on the complementary notion of immanent principles of action to the constituting act shared by a people, such as freedom, equality, and plurality, which could be incorporated into the constitutional document because they have a normative value sanctioned by people themselves. 3 - Finally, it is noted that Arendt seeks a republican notion of constitution, largely inspired by the American constitutionalism and by the federated republic model, the form of government that most fit to welcome and constitute public liberty.
A presente dissertação aborda o que denominamos o problema da constituição da liberdade no pensamento político de Hannah Arendt. Tal problema apresenta-se sob a forma de uma tensão entre a preocupação de se pensar, por um lado, a ação e o poder e a liberdade política que lhe são coevas como espontânea, indeterminada, inovadora e possuidora de uma dimensão extraordinária, e, por outro, a necessária estabilidade e delimitação de um corpo político baseado em elementos normativos, como leis, instituições, constituições e uma instância de autoridade e legitimidade que garantam alguma continuidade ao âmbito público diante da potencial arbitrariedade e ilimitabilidade que a liberdade traz em si. Articulamos tal problemática a partir da delimitação e especificação, na obra de Arendt, da relação, aparentemente paradoxal, entre os conceitos de poder, ação e liberdade, de um lado, e, de outro, as noções de lei, constituição e autoridade. As questões levantadas são: 1. Como Arendt concilia e equilibra o caráter imprevisível, espontâneo e indeterminado do seu conceito de ação com os aspectos estabilizadores e limitadores das noções de lei e constituição? 2. Que elementos de sua teoria contribuem para pensarmos princípios normativos de autoridade e legitimidade no contexto secular? 3. E, finalmente, como pensar linhas de continuidade entre a dimensão constituinte/fundadora do poder, que é, por essência, extraordinária e indeterminada, e o poder constituído? As hipóteses defendidas são: 1 Arendt busca um conceito republicano de lei, fortemente inspirado na lex romana, que enfatiza mais as dimensões relacional-diretiva da lei do que a ideia imperativa e coerciva. A autora destaca a importância de a lei, e as instituições, ser fruto da ação política plural do povo e continuar vinculada a essa ação plural, e não ser imposta por uma racionalidade jurídica superior e autônoma. Ela busca, assim, superar a tradicional dicotomia entre lei e liberdade, indicando uma complementariedade e uma interdependência entre as esferas constituinte e constituída. 2 A autora vislumbra elementos para pensar um novo conceito de autoridade, sem recorrer a elementos transcendentes e absolutos, como fonte normativa de legitimidade para as repúblicas seculares, por um lado, em sua teoria das promessas, baseada nos compromissos e garantias mútuas que o povo estabelece entre si e, por outro lado, na noção complementar de princípios de ação imanentes ao ato constituinte, compartilhados por um povo, como a liberdade, a igualdade e a pluralidade, que poderiam ser incorporados do documento constitucional por possuir um valor normativo sancionado pelo próprio povo. 3 - Por último, indicamos que Arendt busca numa noção republicana de constituição, amplamente inspirada no constitucionalismo americano e na forma da república federada, a forma de governo mais apta a acolher e a constituir a liberdade pública.
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Ahmed, Yakoob. "The role of the Ottoman Sunni Ulema during the constitutional revolution of 1908-1909/1326-1327 and the Ottoman constitutional debates." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2018. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/30315/.
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Ott, Herta Luise. "La constitution du sujet chez Ingeborg Bachmann et Marguerite Duras." Paris 3, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA03A003.
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Onana, Janvier. "Professionnalisation politique et constitution d'un champ politique : l'émergence d'un champ politique professionnalisé au Cameroun sous administration coloniale française (1946-1956)." Paris 10, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA100013.
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Mon objet est de rendre compte des conditions historiques et des modalites pratiques de l'emergence d'un champ politique professionnalise dans l'etat colonial au cameroun. Dans une perspective weberienne, je fais l'hypothese selon laquelle l'institutionnalisation de l'etat et le travail politique "indigene" ordinaire constituent les creusets au sein desquels s'ebauchent des structures d'action participant de la production de formes autonomes de legitimite. - par civilisation politique coloniale, j'entend rendre compte des transformations sociopolitiques dont est consecutive l'emergence de la politique comme champ d'activite specifique, decroche du "commerce" social ordinaire. Ce proces est apprehende en termes de coproduction, en ce qu'il met en oeuvre des mecanismes complexes d'une inscription coconditionnelle d'acteurs coloniaux et d'agents indigenes dans les memes espaces d'interaction, tantot sous le mode de la collusion, tantot sous celui de la collision : la politisation coloniale emprunte la voie d'une hybridation chaotique, ou archaismes et modernite s'entremelent et se renforcent mutuellement. - l'analyse des arts de faire de la politique "indigenes" a quant a elle en toile de fond l'idee selon laquelle la "dramaturgie politique", de par la specialite des pratiques au travers desquelles elle s'actualise, ainsi que la specificite des enjeux qui s'y negocient comme des ressources qui y sont investies, comporte de facon immanente les principes de sa propre autonomisation. Il s'agit de traquer les formes de la creativite politique "indigene" dans des conjonctures ou, souvent, semble disparaitre le pouvoir de se donner un "langage propre", d'autant que, dans ce contexte d'invention des fondements de l'etat moderne, l'apprentissage politique et l'exercice du metier s'averent difficilement dissociables, parce que participant des memes experiences structurantes : les "indigenes" font de la politique en meme temps qu'ils apprennent a la faire.
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Bekhechi, Mohamed Abdelwahab. "La Constitution algérienne de 1976 et le droit international." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37595795q.
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Bekhechi, Mohamed Abdelwahab. "La Constitution algérienne de 1976 et le droit international." Paris 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA020020.
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Nous nous sommes poses la question de savoir si l'analyse des attitudes de l'algerie envers le droit international ne serait pas une maniere de reveler certaines conceptions et pratiques juridiques qui influencent l'evolution de ce dernier ou qui confortent certains de ses aspects. La constitution algerienne du 22-11-1976 a retenu notre attention car elle contient de tres nombreuses indications sur ce sujet. Elle revele une vision d'ensemble des relations internationales de l'algerie avec toutes les consequences juridiques que cela suppose. Ayant isole les principes de droit international consacres par cette constitution, nous y avons note l'attachement profond et facilement perceptible au principe de souverainete. Toute la premiere partie de notre travail a consiste a montre comment le constituant algerien a defini le principe de souverainete dans son ordre interne et a analyser les consequences juridiques qui vont en decouler au plan international. La deuxieme partie a ete organisee autour de l'analyse de la definition des elements constitutifs de l'etat. Cette definition nous permet de mettre en evidence les conceptions que l'algerie se fait du territoire, de la population et de la puissance publique et nous a permis en consequence de delimiter le contenu que l'algerie donne a ses competences internationales et a la maniere de les exercer. Par ailleurs, l'accent a ete mis sur la recherche des lacunes dans la definition ou conception retenue, mais aussi sur leur originalite par rapport aux conceptions generalement retenues. Le droit international auquel renvoie la constitution doit assurer a toutes les composantes de la communaute internationale la paix et le developpement. Mais tant que subsistent les politiques des blocs et les grands schiismes, l'algerie s'en remettra a un attachement sans faille au principe de souveraineteThis thesis deal with the relationship between the algerian constitution and the international law. The first objective aimed at identifying the constitutionnal norms, principles and rules which are relevant to international law on one hand and on the other hand at commenting them within the frameworkof the algerian practice. The first part of this research work deals, in the first place with the analysis of the principle of sovereignty as ti is defined in both its internal and international aspects. Secondly, it attempts to evaluate the implications of such definition in the international legal order on one hand and on the principles of the algerian foreign policy on the other hand. The second part of the thesis discusses a statement related to the definition of "territory" "population" and "government" with a view to understanding the algerian conception and practice of the international competence and jurisdiction. The conceptions related to the constituting elements of statehood reinforce the adhesion to sovereignty, by providing it a material dimension. . . But it has been possible to underline a certain number of deficiencies in the algerian constitution, and to notice a few contradictions between certain principles and practices : for example the claims for a democratization of international relations and the existence of absolute powersof the head of state in the international decision-making policy. . . On the whole the algerian state adheres to any principle of international law which provides peace and development, provided that it is conformably with the principle of its sovereignty
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Dupéré, Olivier. "Le fédéralisme normatif en droit constitutionnel français : l'alinéa 15 du préambule de la constitution du 27 octobre 1946 : (l'influence de la pensée juridique de Georges Scelle sur les constitutions françaises de 1946 et 1958)." Bordeaux 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010BOR40065.
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Cette thèse vise à démontrer que le droit constitutionnel français, depuis l’entrée en vigueur de la Constitution du 27 octobre 1946, est marqué par la réévaluation fondamentale de l’héritage constitutionnel révolutionnaire que consacre l’alinéa 15 du préambule de cette Constitution. Cette disposition s’avère être une explicitation en droit constitutionnel français d’un principe issu de la théorie juridique de Georges Scelle : celui du fédéralisme normatif, ou plus précisément principe de l’objet substitutif de tout consentement législatif interétatique. Or, ce principe traduit une conception renouvelée du cœur de l’héritage constitutionnel révolutionnaire. Tout d’abord, après avoir longtemps régné sans partage au fondement de la République française, le principe de la souveraineté nationale se trouve désormais considéré comme un simple élément inhérent au principe de la séparation des Pouvoirs nécessaire à la garantie des Droits, c’est-à-dire au principe constitutionnel qu’exprime l’article 16 de la Déclaration de 1789. Ensuite et surtout, ce principe constitutionnel n’est plus considéré comme déterminant le seul univers juridique national, mais aussi tout univers juridique interétatique. « Droit politique » et « droit des gens » ont ainsi un même fondement. L’alinéa 15 du préambule de la Constitution du 27 octobre 1946 a en conséquence généré une restructuration de grande ampleur, marquée d’un point de vue général par la singularité rapidement acquise par trois structures constitutionnelles de base, dont les rapports se conçoivent au sein d’un système « républicain » de « consentement » aux « limitations de souveraineté » dont cette disposition constitue le fondementThis doctoral thesis seeks to demonstrate that since the Constitution of 27th October 1946 has come into force, French Constitutional Law has been affected by the fundamental re-assessment of the Revolutionary Constitutional legacy, to which the 15th paragraph of the preamble of the said Constitution is dedicated. This clause proves to be a constitutional clarification of a principle which stems from the legal theory of George Scelle: Normative Federalism, or more specifically the object of substitution of any form of inter-state legislative consent. Therefore, this principle conveys a renewed understanding of the heart of the Revolutionary Constitutional legacy. Firstly, after having reined solely and at length at the foundation of the French Republic, the principle of national sovereignty henceforth finds itself considered a mere element inherent to the principle of the Separation of Powers necessary for the guarantee of Rights – that is to say to the principle of the Constitution as stated in Article 16 of the Declaration of 1789. Secondly, and above all, this principle of the Constitution is no longer deemed to determine the solely national legal universe, but also any inter-state legal universe. “Political Law” and the “Law of Nations” thereby share a common foundation. The 15th paragraph of the Constitution of 27th October 1946 has therefore given rise to a restructuring on a grand scale, influenced generally speaking by the singularity rapidly acquired by three basic Constitutional structures whose relations are conceived at the heart of a “Republican” system of “consent” with “limits to sovereignty” within which the said clause constitutes the foundation
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Zeren, Baris. "The Formation of Constitutional Rule : the Politics of Ottomanism between de jure and de facto (1908-1913)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0056.
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La présente thèse vise à étudier le fonctionnement et les résultats d'une expérience constitutionnelle orientée pour surmonter "l'ancien régime" et pour former une identité nationale ottomane par les promesses de l’état de droit et du respect des procédures parlementaires. À cet égard, l’étude se concentre sur une série des pratiques administratives et législatives au début de l'époque de Meşrutiyet entre les années 1908 et 1913.La thèse observe les processus de la promulgation et l’application des lois critiques pour créer une unification nationale, notamment la loi martiale et la loi de la conscription militaire des non-musulmanes ottomanes surtout en relation avec les réseaux politiques des Bulgares Macédoniens et Helléniques. En traçant le développement des tensions autour de ces lois à Istanbul et en Roumélie, la thèse expose les déviations dans l’interprétation de Kanun-i Esasi par les représentants des divers factions sociopolitiques, l’hétérogénéité dans les attitudes des acteurs locaux et centraux et le rôle déterminant des rivalités locales dans la formation d’un corpus juridique en particulier et une souveraineté constitutionnelle en généralThe dissertation examines the functioning of Ottoman constitutional rule born in 1908 which aimed at forming a new body politic, an Ottoman nation, on the sociopolitical structure inherited from the "old regime.” As this Ottomanism, which was officially and publicly referred as "the unity of elements" (ittihad-ı anasır), was closely related with the promise of parliamentarianism and the rule of constitutional norms, the dissertation focuses on the legislative and administrative practices starting in Spring 1909 until the outbreak of the Balkan Wars. To this end, the study follows the enactment and application phases of certain critical laws in creating such a national unification — the martial law and the law on the conscription of non-Muslims to the Ottoman army — with specific emphasis on Macedonian-Bulgarian and Hellenist political networks. Tracing the development of tensions and strategies among official and civil political actors in Istanbul and Rumelia evolving around these laws, the dissertation demonstrates deviations in the interpretation of the Kanun-ı Esasi by various representatives of sociopolitical factions, the heterogeneity of attitudes of central and local political actors, and the effective role of local struggles in the development of constitutional sovereignty
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Chadwick, Andrew. "The Left, the Constitution and public discourse in Britain, 1900-1924." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286280.
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Bougrab, Jeannette. "Aux origines de la Constitution de la quatrième République." Paris 1, 2001. https://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://bibliotheque.lefebvre-dalloz.fr/secure/isbn/9782247098620.
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La Constitution de la Quatrième République, "la mal-aimée", délaissée par les études doctrinales se situe en réalité au coeur d'une mutation importante du droit constitutionnel, justifiant qu'elle sorte des zones d'ombres où elle demeure depuis la ratification de la Constitution du 4 octobre 1958. La méthode choisie consiste à étudier les principaux courants constitutionnels européens précédant la réunion de l'Assemblée nationale constituante en 1946. Elle met en évidence des tendances constitutionnelles communes, partagées par différents États témoignant d'une continuité constitutionnelle horizontale ignorant les frontières entre les pays. À la Libération, le constituant français s'inscrit dans ce mouvement. Les députés adaptent néanmoins ces tendances constitutionnelles à leurs cultures juridique et politique héritées de la Troisième République, établissant une continuité constitutionnelle verticale et relativisant le changement de régime. À partir d'un fonds constitutionnel européen émergeant au lendemain de la première guerre mondiale, le constituant en 1946 rédige une nouvelle Constitution ancrée dans une tradition républicaine française. Fruit d'une double continuité, horizontale et verticale, la Quatrième République s'inscrit dans une standardisation des normes constitutionnelles transcendant les ordres juridiques nationaux. Ce mouvement, en raison d'une internationalisation plus poussée, s'accélère. Une étude a priori historique sur les origines de la Constitution de la Quatrième République se révèle être ainsi au centre du débat contemporain sur l'existence d'un modèle constitutionnel européen. Elle souligne parallèlement la richesse de la Quatrième République qui trouve des prolongements dans les dispositions de la Cinquième République: 1958, loin d'être une rupture, est l'expression de cette double continuité.
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Eryilmaz, Omer. "Turkey in the triangle of the 1950-1960 era, the 1960 military coup, and the 1961 Constitution." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/41373.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.Turkey experienced military coups in 1960, 1971, and 1980. On the surface they appeared similar to coups in other countries. However, Turkey's experience differed from others in that contrary to other cases, in which coups were carried out to bring an end to democracy, Turkish military interventions claimed to be saving democracy. Moreover, while in some countries military governments ruled for long periods and in some others successive military interventions occurred, Turkey achieved its transition to democracy in a short period of time. This thesis examines three major events'the years between 1950 and 1960, the 1960 military coup, and the 1961 Constitution'in the history of the Turkish Republic in order to define their effects on the civil-military relations in Turkey. The thesis argues that a non-democratic action, the military coup, brought about creation of Turkey's most democratic constitution: the 1961 Constitution. Once involved in politics, however, the armed forces could not extricate themselves from politics until the beginning of the twenty-first century.
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Celik, Nevzat. "Le nouveau paysage politique turc après la constitution de 1982." Paris 10, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA100086.
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Depuis les années 1960, la Turquie connait exode massif, une urbanisation et une industrialisation incontrôlées. Avec la crise économique du milieu des années 1970, les idéologies politiques se radicalisent. Le terrorisme se développe. L'armée, qui se veut la gardienne des valeurs kémalistes, prend le pouvoir le 12 septembre 1980. Tous les partis politiques sont dissous. L'armée qui détient le pouvoir exécutif et législatif soumet à referendum, le 7 novembre 1982 une nouvelle constitution (91,3% de oui). Les militaires vont très progressivement rétablir la démocratie. Celle-ci n'est que formelle: restriction des libertés fondamentales notamment politiques, bannissement de leaders politiques. Le parti de la mère patrie, dont l'existence n'a pas véritablement été souhaitée par les militaires, domine la vie politique et remporte les élections législatives de 1983. Il prône une économie de marche. Il est encore majoritaire lors des premières élections législatives totalement libres de 1987 mais il est vaincu lors des élections législatives de 1991. Se forme alors pour la première fois en Turquie une coalition entre un parti de droite (parti de la juste voix) et un parti social-démocrate (parti populiste social-démocrate)Since the 60's turkey faces a heavy exodus and an uncontrolled urbanization and industrialization. With the economic crisis in the mid 70's, the political ideologies radicalize. The army, claiming that it is the protector of the Kemalist values, comes to the power. All the political parties are dissolved. The army who holds the executive and the legislative power, refers the question of a new constitution to the people (91,3% yes), on November 7th, 1982. The army progressively restores democracy. This democracy is formal only: restriction of the fundamental rights, particularly the political ones; banishment of the political leaders. The "fatherland party", whose existence was not really accepted by the militaries, dominates the political life and wins the legislative elections in 1983. It advocates the free enterprise economy. They still have the majority at the first and really free legislative elections in 1987, but loose the legislative elections in 1991. Then, for the first time in turkey a coalition between the right side (the fair voice party) and a social democratic party (the populist social democratic party) forms. So that the generals have restored democracy, they have not put an end to the crisis of the Kemalist principles, whose secularism is the key element
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Levaillant, Jacqueline. "La Nouvelle Revue Française et le theâtre (1909-1925) : constitution d'une esthétique." Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040175.
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Dans ce qu'il est d'usage de considérer comme les deux premières périodes de la Nouvelle Revue Française, de 1909 à 1925, nous nous proposons de dégager une esthétique théâtrale, manifestée principalement dans les écrits de ses six fondateurs, André Gide, avec autour de lui Michel Arnauld, Jacques Copeau, Henri Gheon, André Ruyters, Jean Schlumberger, ainsi que de leurs plus intimes collaborateurs, par ordre d'apparition, Jacques Rivière, Gaston Gallimard et Roger Martin du Gard. Notre corpus de base est constitué de tous les articles, chroniques et notes de la revue se rapportant au théâtre. Nous l'avons élargi à des écrits extérieurs, publics ou privés, particulièrement significatifs à nos yeux : ouvrages théoriques, conférences, articles parus dans d'autres périodiques, correspondances et journaux intimes. Les textes sur lesquels s'appuie notre recherche traduisent une orientation commune : une esthétique théâtrale qui est l'expression particulière des conceptions littéraires et artistiques de la revue. On y retrouve notamment le refus du romantisme, du symbolisme, du réalisme, et le souci tout classique du dépouillement et de la construction. S'y ajoute la volonté de restituer dans les interprétations l'esprit et la beauté des oeuvres du passé, et de rénover totalement un théâtre en pleine crise. C'est dans cette perspective qu'est abordée l'expérience du Vieux-Colombier, dont la création en 1913 s'inscrit dans la filiation directe de la revue. Nous examinons tout d'abord les conditions et les perspectives du combat que les hommes de la N. R. F. Ont mené pour le théâtre. Puis nous évoquons les "grands modèles" qui les ont inspirés. Nous dégageons alors l'esthétique théâtrale qui leur est propre, en l'envisageant successivement sous l'angle du texte et sous celui de la représentation. Nous voyons enfin leur contribution au renouvellement du théâtre dans ses formes et dans son rapport au publicFrom the years 1909 to 1925, commonly described as the two initial periods of la Nouvelle Revue Française we intend to draw a theatrical aesthetics such as is displayed in the writings of the six founders of the review, André Gide and, around him, Michel Arnauld, Jacques Copeau, Henri Gheon, Andre Ruyters, Jean Schlumberger, as well as of their closest collaborators, Jacques Rivière, Gaston Gallimard and Roger Martin du Gard (in order of appearance). Our primary corpus consisting of all the papers, chronicles and notes concerning theatre issued by the revue was extended to private and public writings which, although not published in the review, seemed particularly significant : theoretical works, lectures, papers from other periodicals, letters and diaries. All the texts relevant to our enquiry bear witness to a common turning towards a theatrical aesthetics which features in a particular way the literary and artistic conceptions of the revue : a rejection of romanticism, symbolism and realism as well as a distinctively classical concern for plainness and construction. To these they add a will to make interpretations render the spirit and beauty of works from the past and to renew completely the theatre, then deep in a crisis. From this standpoint we consider the Vieux Colombier experiment which, begun in 1913, is a direct offspring of the revue. We first ascertain the conditions and perspectives of the struggle the people from the N. R. F. Waged for theatre. We then turn to the "great models" who inspired these men. From this material their own particular theatrical aesthetics can then be drawn and studied successively from the standpoints of the texts and of the productions. We finally consider their contribution to a renewal of theatre, both in its forms and in its relation to the audience
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Boggs, Jeremy. "We the "White" People: Race, Culture, and the Virginia Constitution of 1902." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9615.
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In 1902, in an effort to reestablish what they saw as whites' natural right to control government rule over blacks, the delegates to Virginia's Constitutional Convention of 1901-1902 declared the new constitution law that they felt reflected "the true opinion of the people of Virginia." This thesis argues that while Virginia's 1902 Constitution increased the political power of whites and decreased that of black Virginians, the reasons why they needed the document in the first place highlights an important aspect regarding the anxiety of many white Virginians in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Specifically, it helps to show how whiteness as a source of political and social power was not concrete or absolute, but rather was a reaction to the increasing presence and assertion of power by black Virginians. I argue that white Virginians, faced with the increasing political and social presence of black Virginians as equals, sought to reestablish their racial superiority through law and constitutional revision. However, by making their whiteness "visible"-- by continually reasserting their claim to legitimate power because they were "white"-- white Virginians revealed how unstable their racial world had become.Master of Arts
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Al-Moqatei, M. A. A. "A study of the Kuwaiti constitutional experience : 1962 - 1986." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.378624.
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Stelluto, Donald Louis. ""A light which reveals its true meaning" state Supreme Courts and the Confederate Constitution /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/1433.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2004.Thesis research directed by: History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Rochon, Sylvie. "L'influence du journalisme dans l'oeuvre d'Albert Camus : constitution d'une éthique de la responsabilité." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/31944.
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Protocole d'entente entre l'Université Laval et l'Université de Sherbrooke339571\u Albert Camus (1913-1960) a produit une œuvre considérable, réfléchissant sur les problèmes de son temps par la voie du journalisme, de l’essai, de la littérature, du théâtre ou de conférences. Bien que toutes ces activités soient connues, le rapport intrinsèque entre les écrits journalistiques et l’œuvre philosophico-littéraire demeure circonscrit à l’examen de quelques thèmes ou d’extraits spécifiques. Or, depuis la parution de la plupart des textes journalistiques de Camus (1938-1956) dans les Œuvres complètes (La Pléiade, 2006-2008), il est possible de questionner les propos tenus par le journaliste, en fonction de l’originalité de leur contenu, mais aussi dans leur rapport à plusieurs de ses autres écrits. C’est ce thème du lien possible entre les articles de journaux et les essais et textes littéraires qui fait l’objet de la présente thèse. Le lien dont il est ici question s’appuie sur une lecture des articles et éditoriaux qui dévoile la structuration d’une pensée qui, partant des faits sur lesquels Albert Camus prenait position, se mettait peu à peu au diapason d’une exigence morale qui s’est non seulement maintenue au cours de ces années, mais qui s’est amplifiée jusqu’à constituer une éthique de la responsabilité. De plus, cette éthique s’est manifestée dans les prises de position philosophiques et littéraires en plusieurs occasions, ce qui permet de questionner l’influence du journalisme sur le processus créatif de Camus. Toutefois, prétendre à cette démonstration exige d’abord de vérifier en quoi Camus était un intellectuel engagé dans la défense de valeurs spécifiques. Il importe de le faire puisque Camus lui-même a, le plus souvent, désavoué tout rapport à l’engagement ou encore à l’humanisme, du moins dans le sens généralement admis de ces notions au cours de la première moitié du vingtième siècle. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc de faire valoir la nature d’un engagement intellectuel réel chez Camus, fondé sur un souci humaniste qui a donné lieu à la création d’une éthique de la responsabilité, par le biais d’une confrontation aux difficultés de la vie humaine et ce, par l’exercice du journalisme. Une éthique si prégnante qu’elle a aussi guidé le travail de philosophe et de romancier, permettant à Camus de donner du relief aux thèmes, aux histoires, ainsi qu’aux types de personnages qui ont donné lieu à plusieurs de ses livres majeurs.
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Bonakdarian, Mansour. "Britain and the Iranian constitutional revolution of 1906-1911 : foreign policy, imperalism, and dissent /." Syracuse : Syracuse university press, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401423014.
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Hashemi, S. Ahmad. "The question of freedom within the horizon of the Iranian Constitutional Movement (1906-1921)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74388230-d9c6-4c17-850b-bdbceaa0848b.
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The present DPhil research attempts to develop an appropriate method for the historiography of ideas by taking into consideration cultural, linguistic and socio-political limitations and obstacles to free thinking in a predominantly closed society like Qajar Iran. By applying such a method the study then investigates the history of the idea of freedom in Iran during one of the most important periods in the evolution of this concept. The research method is grounded in a hermeneutical interpretation of Collingwood's logic of question and answer. It also employs MacCallum's meta-theoretical frame of analysis which states that freedom is always of something (an agent or agents), from something (conditions), to do something (actions). Using this methodological framework, the research shows how most locutions about freedom uttered in the last century of the Qajar period were formed within the horizon of the question of decline and were somehow related to remedy such situations. It then explores how late Qajar interpretations of the three variables of freedom manifest themselves in the socio-political life of early 20th century Iran. During the first constitutional period (August 1906-June 1908), the major concern of the first majlis was to establish the rule of law. In legislating the constitution and its supplement, the majority of the majlis believed that the main obstacle to freedom was arbitrary rule. Therefore, they endeavoured to restrain the government’s illegal and arbitrary interferences in the people's freedom. However, they did not develop a rational criterion for identifying legitimate and justifiable legal interferences. During the second constitutional period (July 1909– February 1921), the main concern of the second majlis was to restrain chaos and to strengthen the central government in order to put an end to domestic insecurity and foreign threats. To rectify such a situation, the majlis empowered the government to interfere even in the freedoms guaranteed by the constitution. As a result, the situation began to turn from chaos towards arbitrary rule. The research also argues that in most of their interpretations of the aim of freedom, constitutionalists considered an action permissible only if it was compatible with public interest as well as the material and spiritual progress of individuals and society. Theoretically, the aim of freedom could not have been the doing of an action that harmed another person or violated his/her freedom. Furthermore, 'the right to be wrong,' even if it harmed no one, was never defended. Nonetheless, in practice, freedom turned into chaos and licence in both the first and in the second constitutional periods. Finally, this study investigates how the Iranian pioneers of the freedom-seeking movement responded to the question of the eligibility of the agent of freedom, and the question of the equality of agents in having freedom. Iranian society was taking its first steps in experiencing the rule of law and had a long way to go to rectify its discriminatory culture and to establish equal rights. In such conditions, accepting a set of equal fundamental rights for all Iranians should be considered a great achievement for the constitutional movement.
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Strand, Per. "Decisions on democracy : the politics of constitution-making in South Africa 1990 - 1996 /." Uppsala : Dept. of Government, Uppsala Univ, 2000. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/322254175.pdf.
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Tsukamoto, Toshiyuki. "La constitution japonaise de 1946 au miroir du système politique japonais de 1955." Paris 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA010265.
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Cette thèse se propose de mettre en lumière l'implantation par la Constitution japonaise du 3 novembre 1946 d'une démocratie pluraliste au Japon. Au fondement de cette Constitution, il y a un pari osé de quelques Américains d'engager le Japon sur la voie de démocratie à l'occidentale. Toute la question était de savoir si cette greffe allait réussir ou non. Or, les Japonais se sont appropriés cette Constitution en fondant le système politique dit " de 1955 ". En effet, le monde politique japonais s'est divisé autour du maintien ou non de cette Constitution" étrangère ". La droite était le parti de révision et la gauche, le parti de la Constitution. Pourtant, jusqu'à son effondrement en 1993, la droite, qui est toujours restée au pouvoir, n'a jamais réussi à réviser cette Constitution. Le poids politique de la gauche ne suffit pas à expliquer cet échec. TI s'agit d'un enracinement des principes démocratiques dans la société japonaise.
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Grothe, Ewald. "Zwischen Geschichte und Recht : deutsche Verfassungsgeschichtsschreibung 1900-1970 /." München : Oldenbourg, 2005. http://books.google.com/books?id=IpiXAAAAMAAJ.
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Brown, Garrett Wallace. "Kantian constitutional jurisprudence and a minimal ethical foundation for a cosmopolitan order." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1902/.
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The purpose of this project is to outline a Kantian form of cosmopolitan theory in relation to the normative requirements necessary for a constitutional global order and to provide a comprehensive defense of cosmopolitan ethics against realist, pluralist and communitarian critiques. The project consists in a theoretical exploration of Kantian cosmopolitanism and the normative requirements consistent with, and necessary to, a Kantian based cosmopolitan constitution. The project addresses such topics as Kantian cosmopolitanism, the principle of cosmopolitan law, cosmopolitan right, the laws of hospitality, the normative principles behind the idea of a federation of states, a cosmopolitan epistemology of culture and a possible normative basis for a Kantian form of global distributive justice. Contrary to many historical conceptions of cosmopolitanism, the project interprets Kantian cosmopolitan thought as a form of international constitutional jurisprudence that requires minimal ethical / legal demands versus the more rigorous demand of establishing a world state or a utopian moral order. By viewing Kantian cosmopolitan theory as a form of international jurisprudence, it has better promise to satisfy communitarian, realist and pluralist concerns without surrendering cosmopolitan principles of human worth and global ethical order. In contrast to an extreme form of cosmopolitanism, this project provides an alternative Kantian version of cosmopolitanism that allows for various ethical perspectives on a culturally local and state level, while providing a minimal global ethical umbrella for international cooperation and cosmopolitan principles. However, this thesis does not represent a strict interpretation of Kant or of his political theory. What this project provides is a Kantian based form of cosmopolitanism, which not only pulls from Kant, but also from contemporary cosmopolitan arguments found throughout political philosophy. In this regard, it provides a more comprehensive understanding of Kantian cosmopolitanism and what normative implications this vision has for contemporary international political theory.
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Babalakin, B. O. "The supreme court and constitutional developments in Nigeria (1960-1985)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383050.
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Chenet, Jean-Baptiste. "Mouvements populaires et Partis politiques (1986-1996) : la restructuration manquée de l’ordre politique agonisant." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030079/document.
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La chute de la dictature duvaliériste, le 7 février 1986, marque un véritable tournant dans l’évolution politique du pays. La situation nouvelle qui en résulte est généralement analysée ou comprise sous l’angle de l’explication découlant du paradigme des transitions. Ce cadre d’analyse s’est révélé en tous points inadapté pour rendre compte des bouleversements enregistrés. Dès lors, la recherche d’une explication alternative vient à se poser. Cette recherche tente d’explorer cette voie. Et elle soulève un questionnement fondamental qui appréhende la crise haïtienne sous l’angle de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique imposé lors de la première occupation américaine pendant la période 1915-1934. Le défi de cette restructuration du champ politique avait sollicité davantage le rôle et l’action de deux nouveaux acteurs qui ont durablement émergé dans la vie politique du pays à partir des années quatre-vingt : les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques. L’interaction qui s’établit entre ces deux acteurs avait acquis à la fois une dimension complexe et problématique. D’une part, ils (les acteurs) n’avaient pas pu développer une claire conscience de leur rôle dans le processus de transformation politique en cours. D’autre part, il s’est établi entre les deux acteurs un radical antagonisme qui a fini par compromettre la possibilité de construction des capacités politiques nationales en vue de favoriser une évolution positive dudit processus. Le retour à la domination directe américaine, avec l’intervention militaire de 1994, consacrera l’impossibilité de trouver une issue à la crise au plan interne. Cette intervention confirmera la réalité de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique de 1934 tout en provoquant des contradictions nouvelles. Elle a notamment contribué à précipiter la suppression de l’armée, tout en procédant de manière quasi-totale à la confiscation de la souveraineté du pays. Pendant la décennie 1986-1996 qui reste charnière dans le processus de changement politique en Haïti, il n’a pas été possible donc d’aboutir à une redéfinition de l’ordre politique agonisant. Mais l’enjeu de son renouvellement reste indispensable. Malgré leurs faiblesses et les controverses à la base de leur relation, les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques demeurent encore les deux principales formes de représentation politique ou d’action collective qui puissent aider d’avancer dans cette direction. La difficulté majeure est d’arriver à définir l’originalité de l’articulation entre ces deux acteurs qui pourrait bien convenir dans le contexte actuel marqué à la fois par le reflux des mouvements et le faible niveau d’enracinement de la forme partisaneThe fall of the dictatorship duvalierist, on February 7, 1986, mark a true turning point in the political evolution of the country. The new situation which results from it is generally analyzed or included/understood under the angle of the explanation rising from the paradigm of the transitions. This framework of analysis appeared in all points misfit to give an account of the recorded upheavals. Consequently, the search for an alternative explanation has been suddenly posed. This research tries to explore this way. And it raises a fundamental questioning which apprehends the Haitian crisis under the angle of the exhaustion of the political order imposed at the time of the first American occupation for the period 1915-1934. The challenge of this reorganization of the political field had more requested the role and the action of two new actors who durably emerged in the political life of the country as from the Eighties: popular movements and political parties. The interaction which is established between these two actors had acquired at the same time a complex and problematic dimension. On the one hand, they (actors) had not been able to develop a clear conscience of their role in the process of political transformation in progress. In addition, it was established between the two actors a radical antagonism which ended up compromising the possibility of construction of the capacities national policies in order to support a positive development of the known as process. The return to the American direct domination, with the military intervention of 1994, will devote impossibility of finding an exit with the crisis with the internal plan. This intervention will confirm the reality of the exhaustion of the political order of 1934 whole while causing new contradictions. It in particular contributed to precipitate the removal of the army, while proceeding in a quasi-total way to the confiscation of the sovereignty of the country. During the decade 1986-1996 which remains hinge in the process of political change in Haiti, it was not possible thus to lead to a redefinition of the political order failing. But the stake of its renewal remains essential. In spite of their weaknesses and the controversies at the base of their relation, the popular movements and the political parties remain still the two principal forms of political representation or class action suit who can help to advance in this direction. The major difficulty is to manage to define the originality of the articulation between these two actors which could be appropriate well in the current context marked at the same time by the backward flow of the movements and the low level of rooting of the form partisane
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Clapié, Michel. "De la consécration des principes politiques, économiques et sociaux particuliérement nécessaires à notre temps : étude de droit public." Montpellier 1, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992MON10038.
Full textAbstract:
Les principes politiques, economiques et sociaux particulierement necessaires a notre temps, proclames dans le preambule de la constitution du 27 octobre 1946 auquel renvoie la constitution de la ve republique, n'ont ete que tres tardivement consacres comme d'authentiques principes juridiques de valeur constitutionnelle. Encore ne l'ont-ils ete que dans des conditions tres discutables. Si, en effet, les conditions de leur consecration ne sont pas pleinement satisfaisantes, c'est que cette consecration se heurte a des resistances qui accreditent la these contestable de l'existence d'une normativite relative en droit constitutionnel. Cette consecration reste par ailleurs tres ambivalente dans la mesure ou le conseil constitutionnel et le conseil d'etat n'ont pas toujours la meme perception de ces principes. Les difficultes alors rencontrees dans la recherche de l'unite d'interpretation conduisent a s'interroger sur l'autorite qui s'attache a la "chose interpretee" par le conseil constitutionnelThe "principes politiques, economiques et sociaux particulierement necessaires a notre temps" (political, economic and social principles particularly, necessary to our time) were proclaimed and laid down in preamble to the french constitution of 27. 10. 1946 which today part of the preamble of the constitution of the vth republic. These principles were established very late as real juridical and constitutional principles, and even then the conditions of their restablishment were questionable. Their establishment comes up against resistance which give substance to the very disputable argument of a relative rule in the french constitutional law. This establishment is still ambivalent insofar as the conseil constitutionnel and the conseil d'etat have not always the same way of understanding the principles. The search of a unity in the interpretation comes up against difficulties which lead to think about the autority of the interpretation given by the conseil constitutionnel in its decisions
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Matykiewicz, Liz. "Constituting modern matron : exploring role, identity and action in an English NHS trust." Thesis, University of York, 2011. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1907/.
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The English National Health Service (NHS) is a contested organisational terrain where what it means to be ‘professional’ is under threat from a dominant ‘new managerialism’ discourse. Sustained organisational change and reform during the past thirty years has impacted on the nature of professional work and role relationships between health care practitioners, managers, patients and the public. Identity is a useful analytic frame for exploring professional role dynamics and has pertinence for studies of health care professionals as they negotiate these changes. This study considers professional identity as constructed through the enactment of a nursing role, Modern Matron, in an English NHS Trust. The role has been introduced into the nursing hierarchy in response to public and political demand for an authoritative clinical leader to take responsibility for managing standards of care within nursing; it is a hybrid management role, performed across professional and managerial boundaries, and across different organisational levels. The research has been conducted within an interpretive paradigm of social constructivism; qualitative data from semi-structured interviews is the primary source from which findings are drawn. The findings illustrate the contradictory nature of the Modern Matron role as performed across occupational and organisational boundaries and within competing discourses of professionalism, managerialism and holistic patient-centred care. The empirical contribution of this research is to suggest that the Modern Matron role is constituted of multiple and different identities which are mediated through ‘syncretic action’ whereby individuals act singularly and collectively upon elements of competing discourses to create uniqueness in role and identity reflective of the specific structural, socio-political and historical circumstances in which Modern Matron is performed; this is epitomised in the collective presentation of Corporate Matron. The concept of syncretic action offers an alternative perspective through which to consider and understand the processes of identification in organisational role reconfiguration within health care; the concept has broader application to identity studies in general.
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Moleli, Thanduxolo. "Application of section 139 of the constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/8397.
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This research investigated the application of section 139 of the Constitution of Republic of Republic of South Africa, 1996. Koukamma, Sundays River Valley and Mnquma Local Municipalities are the case studies for this research as provincial interventions to these municipalities will be analysed. The study was conducted within the legal and legislative framework of local government which clearly defines how municipalities should be governed. Furthermore, it explains the procedural and substantive requirements for intervention should a municipality fail to deliver on its constitutional mandate as stipulated in Section 152 of the Constitution. A descriptive approach was used in the study, with data collection coming from primary and secondary sources such as textbooks, minutes of meetings of the Eastern Cape Department of Local Government and Traditional Affairs, National Council of Provinces and reports by administrators appointed by Member of the Executive Council (MEC) responsible for local government in the respective province. Several recommendations were provided in the final chapter. Should these be implemented properly, it could result in effective local government, and thereby reduce or eliminate the need for the application of section 139 of the Constitution.
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Ponton, Olivier. ""Danser dans les chaînes" : le thème de l'allègement de la vie dans la constitution de la morale de Nietzsche." Nice, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003NICE2019.
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En 1875-1879, Nietzsche abandonne la "métaphysique d'artiste" pour se tourner vers la philosophie de "l'esprit libre" et la "doctrine des choses les plus proches". Il élabore ainsi une morale originale. L'objet de ce travail est d'étudier la constitution de cette nouvelle morale (en examinant notamment le dialogue de Nietzsche avec Wagner, Dühring et Burckhardt), et de montrer que cette morale peut être définie comme une morale de l'affirmation de soi et de l'allègement de la vie - un allègement qui ne consiste pas à rompre avec la pesanteur (se libérer de ses chaînes), mais à la maîtriser et à jouer avec elle ("danser dans les chaînes", selon la formule de Voltaire que Nietzsche reprend dans Le Voyageur et son ombre). L'émergence de cette philosophie de l'allègement s'accompagne d'une transformation profonde des conceptions de Nietzsche relatives à la religion, à l'art et à la connaissance (ainsi que de son interprétation de Schopenhauer et du pessimisme grec).
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Neirynck, Karim. "Constitutional frameworks and democratization in Africa since independence." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003026.
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The subject of this thesis is international studies, specifically a study of constitutional frameworks in Africa in the second half of the 20th century, focussing on a statistical correlation between constitutional frameworks, party systems, electoral systems and the Index of Democracy. The struggle to consolidate new democracies - especially those in Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia - has given rise to a wide-ranging debate about the hard choices concerning democratic political institutions and political markets. According to Stepan and Skach " this literature has produced provocative hypotheses about the effects of institutions on democracy" (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1). It forms part of the' new institutionalism I literature in comparative politics that'holds as a premise that political democracy depends not only on economic and social conditions but also on the design of political institutions (Koelble, 1995 : 231-243). " One fundamental political-institutional question that has only received serious scholarly attention concerns the impact of different constitutional frameworks on democratic consolidation. Although the topic has been increasingly debated and discussed, little systematic cross-regional evidence [especially for our field of research: Africa] has been brought to bear on it " (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1-2). So far, only the book"on regime transitions in Africa written by Bratton and Van De Walle seeks to fill this empirical gap (Bratton and Van De Walle, 1997, preface xiii). In this thesis, we paid particular attention to the dichotomy between (pure) parliamentarism and (pure) presidentialism. Each type has fundamental characteristics, and for the purposes of classification these characteristics are necessary and sufficient. It was not our purpose to weigh the benefits and drawbacks of parliamentarism and presidentialism. Our intention was to report and analyse different sources of data, and we based our case exclusively on statistic correlatiohs between regime type and the record of democratic success and failure. We collected a data set about constitutional frameworks (matrix1), democracy indices (matrix2), party systems (matrix3) and election systems (matrix4). The basis for matrix 1 was the constitutions of the African countries (over time) and relevant literature. The basis for matrix 2 was the annual Freedom House ratings made by Raymond D. Gastil and others. The basis for matrix 3 and 4 was relevant literature. Once these matrices had been composed, we compared them and calculated statistic correlations. This long-dyration model allowed us to estimate whether African constitutional frameworks, party systems and electoral systems exhibit positive or negative correlation with the index of democracy.
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Breslau, Marlène. "La notation et la constitution du dossier du fonctionnaire depuis l'affaire des fiches." Paris 2, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA020059.
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L'affaire des fiches a ete ressentie comme l'un des grands scandales de la troisieme republique. Elle a eclate en 1904. Des l'origine de la republique des republicains, a partie de 1877, l'objectif du parlement fut de parvenir a republicaniser l'administration tantot par des textes legislatifs, tantot par des epurations dissimulees ou des avancements orientes. Le general andre, ministre de la guerre de 1900 a 1904 dans les cabinets de waldeck-rousseau puis de combes, avec l'aide et la complaisance de quelques collaborateurs, mena cette oeuvre dans l'armee en s'appuyant sur la franc-maconnerie. L'affaire des fiches naquit des fiches constituees sur les officiers. En fonction de leurs opinions politique et religieuse, les officiers etaient soit elimines de l'avancement, soit propulses rapidement d'un grade a un autre. C'est la loi du 19 octobre 1946 qui erigea la notation en technique d'avancement des fonctionnaires et mit un frein a tout avancement dissimule. La notation demeure aujourd'hui contestee du fait de ses caracteres scolaire et subjectif. Des reformes en cours et realisees essaient de porter remedes a ces mauxThe affaire des fiches was strongly seen as being the scandal of the 3rd republic. It burst out in 1904. Since the beginning of the republic of republicans 1877, the parliament aimed at republicanized the all french administration either through the legislative ways (laws) or dissemble purgings or oriented promotions of civil servants. During 1900 to 1904 though waldeck-rousseau and combes later were prime minister, general andre (secretary of state of war at this thie) led this politics with the help of some other complaisant cvil servant strongly supported by the freemasonry. This scandal startedbecause of slips kept on lach officie where their religions believes and political opinions were mentioned. According to what was written they were either eliminated of any promotion or propelled to the higher grade. It was the law of october 19 th 1946 on the statute of civil servants which stopped all litigious promotions and erected the notation in technical way of promotion. Notation today remains contestable because of its scholastic complexion and subjective aspects. Reforms have been made to change or improve all its dejects
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Millman, Eric. "Substantive Due Process and the Politicization of the Supreme Court." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1905.
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Substantive due process is one of the most cherished and elusive doctrines in American constitutional jurisprudence. The understanding that the Constitution of the United States protects not only specifically enumerated rights, but also broad concepts such as “liberty,” “property,” and “privacy,” forms the foundation for some of the Supreme Court’s most impactful—and controversial—decisions.
This thesis explores the constitutional merits and politicizing history of natural rights jurisprudence from its application in Dred Scott v. Sandford to its recent evocation in Obergefell v. Hodges. Indeed, from slavery to same-same sex marriage, substantive due process has played a pivotal role in shaping our nation’s laws and destiny: But was it ever intended to?
This paper first examines the legal arguments in favor of substantive due process to determine whether the judiciary was designed to be the “bulwark” of natural as well as clearly scribed law. Then, employing a novel framework to measuring judicial politicization, the thesis tracks the doctrine’s application throughout its most prominent case studies. Often arriving at nuanced conclusions, we observe that the truth is more often painted in some gradation of grey than in black or white.
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Vuillerod, Jean-Baptiste. "L’anti-hégélianisme de la philosophie française des années 1960 : constitution et limites d’un renversement philosophique." Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100105.
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L’objet de cette thèse est l’anti-hégélianisme des années 1960 en France. À travers l’étude des philosophies de Louis Althusser, de Michel Foucault et de Gilles Deleuze, nous cherchons à comprendre les raisons qui ont poussé une partie des philosophes de l’époque à critiquer Hegel de manière virulente, alors même que sa philosophie avait été fortement valorisée en France des années 1930 aux années 1950. Notre analyse de la constitution de l’anti-hégélianisme de la philosophie française des années 1960 révèle en même temps les limites de ce phénomène, dans le but de dépasser l’opposition entre hégélianisme et anti-hégélianisme et de réfléchir à l’actualité, aujourd’hui, de la pensée de Hegel. Une première partie est consacrée à l’évolution de l’œuvre d’Althusser, du mémoire sur Hegel de 1947 jusqu’à Pour Marx et Lire le Capital en 1965 ; une seconde traite de la philosophie de Foucault en cherchant à comprendre pourquoi il est passé d’un mémoire sur Hegel en 1949 à une condamnation radicale de la pensée hégélienne dans les années 1950 et 1960 ; enfin, une troisième partie montre comment Deleuze, qui n’avait rien contre Hegel au départ, a progressivement durci sa pensée jusqu’à produire l’anti-hégélianisme le plus virulent dans Nietzsche et la philosophie (1962) et Différence et répétition (1968). La conclusion cherche à ressaisir ce phénomène collectif en tant qu’il constitue une véritable constellation intellectuelle, mais elle problématise également cet anti-hégélianismeThis thesis is about anti-Hegalianism of French philosophy during the 1960s. Focusing on Louis Althusser, Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze, its aim is to understand why a lot of philosophers, at that time, criticized Hegel even though his philosophy had been very successful in France from 1930s to 1950s. The comprehension of this phenomenon aspires also to show its limits, in order to go beyond the false opposition between anti-Hegelianism and Hegelianism and to think about the relevancy of Hegel’s philosophy today. In a first part, the text analyzes Althusser’s work from the master’s thesis on Hegel (1947) to the very anti-Hegelian books For Marx and Reading Capital (1965) ; then it studies Foucault’s thought to understand why he defended Hegel in 1949 and after became an anti-Hegelian philosopher during the 1950s and the 1960s ; finally, it searches why Deleuze evolved until developping a violent anti-Hegelianism in Nietzsche and Philosophy (1962) and in Difference and Repetition (1968). The conclusion tries to seize this collective phenomenon as an intellectual constellation, but also to problematize it
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Mamman, Tahir. "The law and politics of constitution making in Nigeria, 1900-1989 : issues, interests and compromises." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/108216/.
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This thesis is a study of the constitution making processes in Nigeria from the colonial inception to the 1989 Constitution which is scheduled to usher in a putative third republic. Although apparently covering a wide scope, its boundary is limited by its perspective. Constitution making in any polity is essentially a political process where all the major, relevant and active interests seek to protect and advance themselves. Consequently, the focus of the research is on determining these competing interests, their interactions, compromises, winners and losers, etc. Attempts were made to provide the criteria for class identification in Nigeria to serve as a guide for determining class based action. The value of the work is threefold. First, it makes a modest but important contribution to an ongoing debate on whether or not Nigeria's post independence constitutional processes in particular were grounded in class interest, in the tradition of Charles Beard's interpretation of the constitution of the U.S.A. Second, it disputes and in large measure seeks to contradict some of the earlier widely held assumptions and assertions regarding the making of some of the constitutions, especially the Macpherson Constitution, 1951.Finally, it attempts to provide a complete and realistic account of the constitutional evolution of Nigeria less the military rule, from its inception as a country up to 1989. The method of investigation was largely analytical using official records, official reports, communications of key officials, biographical data, etc. Theoretical guidance was significantly drawn from political economy writings in politics, history and law. Eventually, the analysis revealed the existence and interplay of important interest configurations, reducing class to a subtle rather than an obvious phenomenon in the constitutional process. But overwhelmingly, the entire process was elitist and self serving with the mainstream of the population left in the margin in the composition of the constitutional bodies, the setting of agenda and the institutions and mechanisms established for governing the country. Finally, it found that there was a great deal of continuity of the values and institutions established for colonial ends with little or no will manifested in the constitutional process to break with the past. Rather what transpired was an expansion of institutions and creation of formulae in the constitution to accommodate a new breed of elites who were able to manipulate potential cleavages in the society to serve personal ends.
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Panagiotis, Fourakis. "La constitution de la marine hellénique et la force navale de la Grèce (1900-1913)." Paris, EPHE, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008EPHE4021.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse examine la part des centres de prise de décision helléniques dans la constitution de la force navale hellénique de 1900 à 1913 et le rôle primordial de l'enseigne de vaisseau Periklis Argyropoulos, lequel a élaboré la pensée navale hellénique en développant une réflexion théorique consignée dans son Programme naval, et à la mise en œuvre duquel il a pris part. La these souligne l'implication personnelle d'Argyropoulos dans l'achat, en 1909, du croiseur cuirassé Averof, alors le bâtiment le plus moderne en Méditerranée orientale, qui a dominé dans les batailles navales d'Elli, en décembre 1912, et de Lemnos, en janvier 1913, où se sont opposées les flottes turque et hellénique ; elle démontre aussi l'influence de la pensée navale d'Argyropoulos sur la posture offensive de l'amiral Kountouriotis, chef de la division navale de l'Égée et commandant de l'Averof, lors des deux batailles navales mentionnées ; et enfin, elle souligne le tournant idéologique marqué, par rapport à la thèse d'Argyropoulos, que constitue l'abandon du cuirassé au profit de la torpille, que recommande l'Amirauté britannique pour la flotte de guerre hellénique, dans cinq mémorandums du Bureau de la guerre, rédigés entre décembre 1912 et janvier 1913The thesis aims to reveal the role of the Hellenic decision makers concerning the constitution of the Hellenic Navy and the Hellenic naval power during the 1900-1913 era. It is worth pointing out that an unknown low rank officer of Hellenic Navy, Sub-lieutenant Periklis Argyropoulos, played a crucial part, both theoretical and practical, towards the direction of Hellenic naval power in the Aegean Sea. Especially, by his “Naval Program of Greece (1907)”, he established the strategic doctrines and tactic movements for Admiral Pavlos Koundouriotis, a fundamental hero of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and also contributed the most by using his personal influence to the purchase of the battleship-cruiser “G. Averof” (1910), which proved out to be the predominant factor for the Hellenic naval dominance in the Aegean. However, the thesis focuses also at the strategic thoughts of the Great Powers and especially Great Britain, which estimated quite realistically the Greek triumphs of the Balkan Wars at sea and by a number of secret memorandums in the period between June 1912 and January 1913, revealed her geopolitical desires concerning the future role of Hellenic Navy
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Volait, Mercedes. "Architectes et architectures de l'Egypte moderne (1820-1960) : émergence et constitution d'une expertise technique locale." Aix-Marseille 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993AIX10009.
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Les formes achitecturales et urbaines produites en egypte a partir de la seconde moitie du 19eme siecle ne sont pas seulement dues a des professionnels europeens mais resultent, pour une part importante, de l'activite deployee par une expertise technique locale de qualite, generalement meconnue. L'emergence et l'evolution de cette expertise, caracterisee par sa capacite d'assimilation et d'appropriation de la modernite, dans ses referents europeens, apparaissent etroitement liees au developpement notable, quoique heurte, de la commande publique, dans le domaine de l'architecture et de l'urbanisme, tout au long de la periode etudieeThe architectural forms and urban schemes produced in egypt since the mid-19th century were not only conceived by european professionals but also by local talent of high calibre - if generally unknownthe growth and evolution of this expertise, whose capacity to assimilate modern european technique and know-how was remarkable, seem mainly due to the substantial development of state programs and public policies in the field of architecture and urbanism during the period covered by the study
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Atassi, Karim. "Etude comparée des constitutions syriennes depuis 1918." Thesis, Grenoble, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012GREND013.
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La Syrie est un pays complexe et cela se reflète dans l'histoire de ses constitutions. Avec moins d'un siècle d'existence, la Syrie a connu sept constitutions permanentes, cinq constitutions provisoires, deux constitutions et une charte panarabes, trois arrangements à caractère constitutionnel dont un par référendum et quatre projets de constitutions. Cette multitude de textes à caractère constitutionnel reflète l'intensité de l'histoire politique du pays. Afin de pouvoir les comprendre il faut d'abord en connaître les causes et la finalité. Chacun d'entre eux renvoi à un projet particulier. Les régimes syriens furent très variés (monarchique ou républicains, libéraux ou autoritaires, de droite ou de gauche, militaires ou civils, unioniste ou souverainiste, etc.). Malgré cette diversité, il n'empêche que depuis près de cent ans tous les régimes syriens successifs partagèrent le même Projet National dont les grandes lignes furent tracées par le Pères Fondateurs de la Syrie moderne en 1919, un an après la séparation des provinces arabes de l'Empire ottoman. C'est dans l'optique du Projet National que les premières d'entre elles furent rédigées. Après l'indépendance, le Constituant eut pour souci de réguler les pouvoirs entre l'exécutif et le législatif. L'intervention à répétition de l'armée dans la sphère du politique finit par tourner la page de période de la Syrie libérale et démocratique. Depuis 1963 l'armée et le Baas imposèrent la question sociale et la question nationale dans tous les textes constitutionnels. L'interprétation que firent les régimes baasistes successifs de l'idéologie de leur parti eut un impact sur la politique intérieure et la politique régionale de la SyrieSyria is a complex country and this is reflected in the history of its constitutions. In less than a century, Syria has experienced seven permanent constitutions, five temporary constitutions, two constitutions and one pan-Arab charter, three constitutional arrangements one of them by referendum and four projects of constitution. These multiple constitutional texts reflect the intensity of the history of the country. In order to understand these texts, one has to know their causes and their aim. Each one of them relates to a particular project. Syrian regimes were diverse (monarchy or republicans, liberals or authoritarians, right or left, military or civilians, unionist or sovereignist, etc.). Despite this diversity, all Syrian regimes since almost one hundred years have shared the same National Project whose main characteristics were drawn by the Founding Fathers of modern Syria in 1919, one year after the separation of the Arab provinces from the Ottoman Empire. It is within the framework of the National Project that the first constitutions were drafted. After the independence, the aim of the Constituent was to regulate power between the executive and the legislative. The repetitive intervention of the army in politics ended up with turning the page on the period of democratic and liberal Syria. Since 1963, the army and the Baas have imposed the social question and the national question in all constitutional texts. The interpretation that was made by the successive baasist regimes of the ideology of their party has had an impact on the domestic and regional policies of Syria
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Naja, Nebras. "Système constitutionnel libanais et confessionnalisme." Paris 5, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA05D007.
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Costa, Fernando Manuel Alves Mendonça Pinto da. "Entre o Poder e a Lei. As Constituições Portuguesas de 1933 e 1976." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21613.
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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciência PolíticaO poder é um conceito central em Ciência Política. A sua relação com a lei, nomeadamente com a lei máxima, a constituição, é muito próxima. Não é por acaso que, durante muito tempo, Ciência Política, Direito Constitucional e Direito Político se confundiam. Se alguns autores vêem as constituições como o “estatuto do político”, o importante é entender que elas são construídas por poderes presentes em determinado momento histórico-social-político. Será fundamental percorrer os caminhos que nos levam do poder para a lei, indicando-se a feitura das duas últimas constituições portuguesas, como trilho dessa descoberta. Parte-se do tripé conceitos-contextos-ideias e assim, coletando os conceitos de diversos investigadores e ideias chave, como poder, lei, constituição e outras, é fulcral uma contextualização dos “momentos constitucionais” de um ponto de vista social, geopolítico, económico e, evidentemente, histórico. Apetrechados dos conceitos e enquadrados pelos contextos, chegamos às ideias, que nos podem permitir entender o percurso do poder para a lei e, talvez, desenhar novos conceitos que ilustrem melhor este caminho. Se as constituições manifestam no seu articulado, os poderes presentes na sociedade, elas não o fazem de uma forma direta mas através de um processo bastante complexo. As ideias congeminam os poderes e digladiam-se para se afirmarem, mas as vencedoras são já o resultado como que de uma miscigenação, que irá produzir a lei. É assim que poderemos afirmar que a lei não resulta apenas do poder dominante, mas é decorrente de um cadinho de ideias, vencedoras, vencidas e ainda em maturação. Todos os poderes influenciam a formulação das constituições, leis máximas das sociedades, muitas vezes para além da vontade dos seus redatores. As constituições não constituem uma sociedade, mas, de alguma forma, relatam-na explícita e implicitamente, pela tradução dos diversos poderes.
Power is a central concept in Political Science. Its relationship with the law, namely with the maximum law, the constitution, is very close. It is not by chance that, for a long time, Political Science, Constitutional Right and Political Right were confused. If some authors see constitutions as the “statute of the politician», what is important to understand is that they are built by existing powers in a certain historical-social-political moment. It will be fundamental to walk the paths that lead us from power to the law, pointing the execution of the last two Portuguese constitutions, as a trail of this discovery. Starting with the tripod: concepts-contexts-ideas, collecting the concepts of several researchers, and key ideas such as power, law, constitution, and others, it is crucial to contextualize the “constitutional moments” from a social, geopolitical, economic and, of course, historical point of view. Equipped with concepts and framed by contexts, we come to ideas, which can allow us to understand the path of the power to the law and, perhaps, design new concepts that better illustrate this path. If the constitutions manifest in their articles, the existing powers in society, it is not done in a simple way but through a very complex process. The ideas combine the powers and fight each other to assert themselves, but the winners are already the result of a miscegenation that will produce the law. That is how we can affirm that the law is not just the result of dominant power but is the result of a melting pot of ideas: winning ones, losing others and, still in maturation others. All powers influence the formulation of constitutions, the maximum laws of societies, often beyond the will of their editors. Constitutions do not constitute a society but, somehow, they report it explicitly and implicitly, through the translation of the different powers.
N/A
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Chabert, Claude. "Terre promise et paradis perdu : la faille constitutive chez Thomas Wolfe." Aix-Marseille 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010AIX10027.
Full textAbstract:
En nous appuyant sur les acquis des critiques américaine et française, nous tentons d'ouvrir dans l'oeuvre du romancier américain Thomas Wolfe (1900-1938) quelques pistes nouvelles en soulignant la part de non dit chez un auteur dont l'écriture, malgré l'affirmation récurrente de la perte et de l'aliénation, se fait porteuse d'une promesse. Cette contradiction/complémentarité met à jour une faille constitutive qui se retrouve à de multiples niveaux. Progressant le long de cette faille, nous abordons quatre thèmes principaux. D'abord la problématique du temps : reprenant la division stoïcienne entre Kronos, instant pur, et Aiôn, temps ondulatoire, nous suggérons que la création littéraire a aidé Wolfe à dépasser une vision purement négative du temps. Puis l'univers mythique de l'auteur, les espaces historiques ou géographiques où il a tenté d'incarner son royaume virtuel : à mi-chemin entre réel et imaginaire se dessine une zone hétérotopique qui, toujours hors d'atteinte, le transforme en perpétuel exilé. Ensuite la mélancolie de Wolfe, qui débouche sur un véritable dédoublement de la personnalité, la figure sombre et narcissique du romantique côtoyant celle du prédateur tenté de dévorer l'univers entier. Nous explorons enfin le langage venu peupler cette faille : langage océanique qui se déploie dans le courant de la conscience, mais aussi langage organique et moléculaire qui acquiert une autonomie propre. Dépassé par sa propre création, l'écrivain apparaît alors comme un sorcier primitif qui pratiquerait la stratégie de l'extase. En perpétuel équilibre entre construction et déconstruction, cette écriture libératrice est l'oeuvre d'un anomal emporté sur sa ligne de fuite.
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Hutchens, Neal H. "A comparative legal analysis of state constitutional autonomy provisions for public colleges and universities." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/7743.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Education Policy and Leadership. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Bekink, Bernard. "The Restructuring (Systemization) of Local Government under the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996." Thesis, [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-12042006-163249/.
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Ngcukaitobi, T. "Judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights under the 1996 constitution : realising the vision of social justice." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003204.
Full textAbstract:
Few legal developments in South Africa and elsewhere in the world in recent times have excited such controversy as the legal recognition of social and economic rights. South Africa has created a special place for itself in world affairs for being one of the countries that recognise socio-economic rights in a justiciable Bill of Rights. Partly this is in response to the appalling levels of poverty prevalent in the country which could potentially destabilise the new democracy. Improvement of the quality of life of every citizen is a crucial step in consolidating the constitutional democracy. The question that will face any court in giving effect to socio-economic rights is: how are these rights to be judicially enforced in a given context? The crux of this thesis lies in the resolution of this question. Firstly this thesis traces the philosophical foundations to the legal recognition of socio-economic rights. It is stated that the recognition of these rights in a justiciable bill of rights requires a conceptually sound understanding of the nature of obligations that these rights place on the state. It is emphasised that it is imperative that access to justice be facilitated to poor and vulnerable members of society for the realisation of the constitutional goal of addressing inequality. Particular concern and priority should in this context be given to women, children and the disabled. The study explores various judicial remedies and makes suggestions on new and innovative constitutional mechanisms for judicial enforcement of these rights. It is concluded that there is an important role to be played by civil society in giving meaningful effect to socio-economic rights.