Academic literature on the topic 'Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-'

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Journal articles on the topic "Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-"

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Jones, Bronwen. "The remarkable development and significance of constitutional protection for intellectual property rights in post-Arab Spring constitutions." Queen Mary Journal of Intellectual Property 10, no. 4 (2020): 461–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/qmjip.2020.04.03.

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Prior to the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011, no constitutional protection for intellectual property (IP) existed in the many earlier constitutions of Egypt or Tunisia. It is remarkable and surprising therefore that, in 2014, IP clauses appeared in the post-revolutionary constitutions of both countries. This raises the key question: why add to the existing regulation of IP in this way. Is constitutional protection just another example of the inexorable strengthening of IP rights (IPRs) or could it be a means of constraining them, where necessary, to protect other rights? This article argues that
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Umair, Raja, Hafiz Sajid Iqbal Shaikh, and Faryal Umbreen. "Tunisian Political Climate from Aristocracy to Democracy and Presidential Coup: An Emerging Challenge to the Islamic Movements." Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 12, no. 2 (2022): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.122.21.

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The popular uprising brought forth change in Tunisian presidential palace during 2011 as it entered a state of liminality while becoming a consolidated democracy from authoritarianism. However, after a decade of democratic transition, only the democratic success story of the Arab Spring is in danger after the decree of Tunisian President. This article aims to highlight that by using Article 80 of the constitution, President has seized more power; and it narrates how it contradicts the constitution and negatively impact on political scenario. Furthermore, this study provides an analysis that ho
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Ewards, Evan. "Tunisia Post-Revolution: What is Preventing its Democracy." Panoply Journal 2 (December 27, 2021): 16–33. https://doi.org/10.71166/3g5xr274.

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Ten years have passed since Tunisians overthrew an authoritarian regime controlled by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Corruption and an oppressive police force led to the self-immolation and death of Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street merchant in 2011, quickly igniting waves of protests and becoming the catalyst for the Arab Spring. These protests which quickly encompassed the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) called for democratic reform within their respective governments, but Tunisia remains the only state to succeed, holding democratic elections from 2011 onward and ratifying a new c
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Arfaoui, Khedija, and Jane Tchaïcha. "GOVERNANCE, WOMEN, AND THE NEW TUNISIA." TERRORISM FROM THE VIEW OF MUSLIMS 8, no. 1 (2014): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0801135a.

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This paper considers the important events and challenges as they per- tain to female governance in the “New Tunisia”, resulting in large part from the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) elections charged with writing a new constitution. The analysis focuses on the role women played in the election process, including women’s participation in the interim government (January 2011-November 9, 2011) and political parties. It continues with an in depth ex- amination of the debates and actions that emergedamong various factions during the first two years following the revolution, which has led to in
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Belhadj, Souhaïl. "De la centralisation autoritaire à la naissance du « pouvoir local » : transition politique et recompositions institutionnelles en Tunisie (2011–2014)." Social Science Information 55, no. 4 (2016): 479–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018416658154.

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The weakening of local power structures in Tunisia, whether linked to the authoritarian centralization of the country or to the erosion of the mechanisms for coopting local elites, strongly contributed to upset the political equilibrium of fallen President Ben Ali’s regime. The weakened position created conditions favorable to an ongoing negotiation over power-sharing among social groups and their access to resources. The adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 attests to this redefinition of power relations between local elites and the central State inasmuch as it established, for the first ti
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Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.

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This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating fact
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Bejeoui, Imed. "La Constitution tunisienne du 27 janvier 2014 et le droit international conventionnel : les controverses alimentées." Revue internationale de droit comparé 71, no. 1 (2019): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ridc.2019.21042.

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The Tunisian Constitution of January 27, 2014 is promulgated in a specific internal and international context. In this context, the new Constitution supposed to embody, through its regulation of the question of conventional international law, the scope of Tunisia openness to international life and should tackled the weakness of the Constitution of June 01, 1959. In some respects, the Constitution clarified subjects already regulated by the 1959 Constitution and on others the Constitution innovated. Nevertheless, the new Constitution has actually only powered debate over many matters relating t
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Saral, Melek. "The Protection of Human Rights in Transitional Tunisia." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 16, no. 1 (2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2019-0005.

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Abstract This article looks at the human rights protection in transitional post-uprising Tunisia, from 2011 to 2017, offering insights into the willingness to both protect human rights and build capacity in Tunisia. It focuses on the establishment of an adequate legal framework in Tunisia, with particular attention being paid to the constitution-making process and, on the establishment, the strengthening of certain institutional capacities, such as the constitutional court and the Truth and Dignity Commission. The article first gives a brief historical overview of the human rights situation in
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Saati, Abrak. "Negotiating the Post-Revolution Constitution for Tunisia – Members of the National Constituent Assembly Share Their Experiences." International Law Research 7, no. 1 (2018): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ilr.v7n1p235.

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Though the Tunisian transition to democracy faces challenges seven years following the 2011 revolution and four years following the enactment of the new constitution, the country still constitutes a ‘success story’, especially in comparison to neighbouring states that were also touched by the Arab Uprisings. This paper takes an interest in exploring the Tunisian constitution-making process, and especially the political elite negotiated compromises that took place in the National Constituent Assembly. How were Tunisian religious and secular political forces able to unite and compromise on a con
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SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, and NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. "‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.

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Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-"

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Chamsi, Mohamed Zied. "Consensus et démocratie en Tunisie." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Côte d'Azur, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023COAZ0028.

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Au sein du paysage dévasté de ce que l'on a rapidement qualifié de "Printemps arabe", marqué par le rétablissement de l'autoritarisme en Égypte ainsi que par les guerres civiles en Libye, au Yémen et en Syrie, qui ont ravivé les groupes djihadistes et réveillé les conflits tribaux, ethniques et confessionnels, la Tunisie demeure une exception. Cette nation a certes traversé une transition politique longue et fragile, mais elle a réussi à préserver ses institutions républicaines, à élaborer une nouvelle Constitution saluée par de nombreux observateurs comme étant la plus progressiste du monde a
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Zouaghi, Sabrina. "L'influence du salafisme dans le processus de rédaction de la nouvelle constitution tunisienne." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/32535.

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Le présent mémoire tente d’apporter un éclairage nouveau sur le phénomène du salafisme et son implication au coeur du processus de constitution-making de la transition tunisienne en répondant à la question de recherche suivante : « les salafistes tunisiens, de par leur idéologie qui ne privilégie que la légitimité de leurs propres revendications et de par leurs actions qui ne favorisent pas la négociation, le compromis et la coexistence de différentes factions sociétales, ont-ils influencé le processus de rédaction de la nouvelle constitution tunisienne, et si oui, de quelle(s) manière(s) et q
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Petkanas, Zoe. "Politics of parity : gendering the Tunisian Second Republic, 2011-2014." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/276957.

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This dissertation explores the role of female political actors in the gendered rebuilding of Tunisia’s post-Ben Ali political infrastructure and how gender both informed and featured in the early stages of the democratic transition. Drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork and over 300 hours of interviews, it narrates a yet untold story of the transformation of female political actors from object to subject of the state. In the post-revolutionary political terrain, gender and women’s rights were imbued with broader discursive significance, becoming a vehicle through which to distinguish two bro
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Hafsaoui, Imen Amandine. "La confection de la constitution tunisienne dans un contexte "post-révolutionnaire", 2011-2014 : construction des nouvelles règles du jeu politique par les "élites" de l'assemblée nationale constituante." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0118.

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La Tunisie a longtemps été un laboratoire de recherches pour les sociologues occidentaux sur l'apport des sciences sociales dans un pays du Maghreb. Toutefois ces études sociologiques restent encore centrées sur une période très précise qui dénotait l'existence d'un pouvoir autoritaire et les abus du gouvernement. Le débat occidental s'est alors cristallisé sur la forme du régime et les contestations protestataires en Tunisie. Il a fallu attendre le 13 Janvier 2011 lors du discours au palais de Carthage, pour que la question de la remise en question se pose sans équivoque. Le président Ben Ali
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Cherif, Melloulli Siwar. "Les principes de bonne gouvernance financière publique à la lumière de la constitution tunisienne du 27 janvier 2014." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0546.

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La constitutionnalisation de la gouvernance financière publique est une esquisse de réforme de l’État tunisien, qui cherche à démocratiser ses institutions en refondant l’action publique sur deux éléments essentiels, un élément démocratique centré sur la transparence publique et un axe gestionnaire, purement technique cherchant à réussir la performance des opérations budgétaires. À défaut, la gouvernance est vidée de son sens, et, la non-gouvernance conduit à l’expansion de la corruption. Ainsi, l’établissement d’un système d’évaluation et le renforcement des instances de contrôle administrati
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Books on the topic "Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-"

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Muṭayr, Maḥmūd. Dustūr al-Jumhūrīyah al-Tūnisīyah li-sanat, 2014: Bayna al-muḥāfaẓah wa-al-ḥadāthah. Dār Ṣāmid lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2017.

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Houki, Chaker. Islam et constitution en Tunisie. Centre de publication universitaire, 2015.

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Mʼrad, Hatem. Tunisie: De la révolution à la constitution. Editions Nirvana, 2014.

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Erdogan, Ayfer. Arab Spring-Arab Fall. The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2021. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781666984132.

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The popular protests in early 2011 were once seen as a turning point in the history of the Arab world, raising hopes for democracy, freedom, and justice in the Middle East. A decade after the uprisings, these hopes are largely dashed in each country swept by popular protests with the exception of Tunisia. Tunisia became the only democracy in the entire region while Egypt saw its first freely elected president and government thrown out by the army in a bloody coup which resulted in a regime that is no less authoritarian than Mubarak’s. This book provides a detailed analysis of the political, ec
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Houlihan, Erin C. Gender and Rules of Procedure in Constituent Processes: A Comparative Discussion in Support of the Chilean Constitutional Convention. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.89.

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On 6 August 2021 International IDEA, in partnership with the Law Faculty of UniversidadAdolfo Ibáñez, Corporación Humanas and ComunidadMujer, held a virtual seminar on gender and rules of procedure in constituent processes. Its objective was to share comparative information about designing rules of procedure (regulations) for constituent processes from a gender-equality perspective with members of the newly constituted Chilean Constitutional Convention, Chilean civil society, academics and legal practitioners. The open-invitation online event brought together a panel of women constitution-make
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al-Tanẓīm al-intiqālī lil-sulṭah fī Tūnis: Min baʻd al-rābiʻ ʻashar min Jānfī 2011 ilá intikhāb al-majlis al-waṭanī al-taʼsīsī. Dār al-Ṭāʼir lil-Nashr, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-"

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Virgili, Tommaso. "Compromises and ambiguities in the 2014 Tunisian Constitution." In Islam, Constitutional Law and Human Rights. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429259418-6.

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Boutros, Andrew. "Tunisia." In From Baksheesh to Bribery. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190232399.003.0015.

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At the forefront of the “Jasmine Revolution” in 2011, Tunisia ousted an autocrat and expressly provided for the prevention of corruption in its new constitution. While its stated commitment to anti-corruption in the aftermath of the Arab Spring is laudatory, Tunisia is still inching incrementally toward laws and policies that uphold transparency and accountability. This chapter examines Tunisia’s legal and regulatory anti-corruption regime, including but not limited to criminal and civil codes and treaty obligations, under its new constitution. It concludes that while Article 10 of the Tunisia
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Van de Peer, Stefanie. "Selma Baccar: Non-fiction in Tunisia, the Land of Fictions." In Negotiating Dissidence. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748696062.003.0004.

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This chapter discusses a controversial icon of women in Tunisia, Selma Baccar, Tunisia’s first lady of filmmaking, an instigator and a fiercely independent woman still celebrated for her films and politics. Her first film Fatma 75 (1975) carried an intricately political statement of feminist defiance. The film looks at the time of independence and the subsequent struggle for women to gain their rights under the first president, Habib Bourguiba. Tunisia was a land of fictions, and even though Baccar roots her films in the reality of everyday life, most of them are essay films, due to restrictio
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El Shakry, Hoda. "Carnivals of Heterodoxy in Abdelwahab Meddeb’s Talismano." In The Literary Qur'an. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823286362.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 analyzes Tunisian writer and critic Abdelwahab Meddeb’s (1946–2014) wildly experimental 1979 novel Talismano. The labyrinthine text takes the reader on a hallucinatory journey through Tunisia’s topography—historical and contemporary, imagined and mythical—through a multitude of languages, temporalities, and religious discourses. The story presciently traces the evolution of a popular rebellion as it winds its way through the cityscape of Tunis’s medina bearing a retinue of prophets, artisans, sorceresses, alchemists, and prostitutes. The chapter examines Meddeb’s polemical attack on
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Wolf, Anne. "The Rebellion." In Ben Ali's Tunisia. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192868503.003.0006.

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Abstract Chapter 5 shows that, during the 2010–2011 Tunisian uprisings, internecine contention erupted publicly, becoming a key factor behind the regime’s collapse. Instead of organizing rallies in support of Ben Ali, party activists became agents of contention: some joined the mass protests, especially at the grassroots level, whereas others pursued passive forms of resistance. Most Constitutional Democratic Rally followers sought political reforms, calling on Ben Ali to strengthen the party and desist from nepotism; they did not seek the total overhaul of the regime or the dissolution of the
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Zarrugh, Amina. "“Women Are Complete, Not Complements”." In Women Rising, edited by Mounira M. Charrad, Rita Stephan, and Mounira M. Charrad. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479846641.003.0010.

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In this chapter, Mounira M. Charrad and Amina Zarrugh discuss women’s reactions to a draft of a controversial article in the new Tunisian Constitution following the “Jasmine Revolution” and the fall of the oppressive regime in 2011. Specifically, they consider the debates between Islamists and secularists about the inclusion of the term “complementary” to refer to women in the new constitution. Highlighting the significance of terminology, they show how the draft ignited public protests under the leadership of advocates for women’s rights, which in turn led to the promulgation of one of the mo
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Ghannouchi, Rached, and Andrew F. March. "From Islamic Democracy to Muslim Democracy." In On Muslim Democracy. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197666876.003.0001.

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Abstract This introduction begins with the current political crisis in Tunisia since the suspension of parliament and assumption of autocratic powers by President Kais Saied on July 25, 2021. It then introduces the Tunisian democratic transition, with a particular focus on the role of the Islamist Ennahda Party in helping to author a constitution for a pluralist, democratic order with no special status for the Islamic shariʿa in the legal system. This paved the way for the 2016 declaration that Ennahda had “left political Islam” and adopted the ideology of “Muslim democracy.” The chapter provi
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Borrillo, Sara. "Women’s Movements and the Recognition of Gender Equality in the Constitution-Making Process in Morocco and Tunisia (2011–2014)." In Women as Constitution-Makers. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108686358.002.

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Nugent, Elizabeth R. "Polarization during Democratic Transitions." In After Repression. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691203058.003.0008.

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This chapter reviews the literature on polarization during democratic transitions to highlight how polarization prevents the compromise and cooperation that is vital to successful transitions. It then discusses the timeline of events between 2011 and 2014 in Egypt and Tunisia to chart how these transitions progressed, and documents where affective and preference polarization contributed to the divergence. The chapter focuses on the debates and decisions related to drafting and approving a new constitution, holding the first elections, and creating a transitional justice initiative. High levels
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Strzelecka, Ewa K., and María Angustias Parejo. "Constitutional reform processes." In Political Change in the Middle East and North Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0006.

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This chapter analyses the constitutional reform processes that have taken place in the MENA countries since the social uprisings in 2011. The purpose of this study is to examine and compare the constitutional reform processes in order to offer key insights into these processes and to propose a typology of the dynamics of constitutional reform, and its scope in the MENA region. The aspects for analysis include procedures, consensus and dissent during the course of the constitutional process, and the content of the constitutional reforms. The emphasis is placed on the most important elements of
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