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Journal articles on the topic 'Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 7 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Jones, Bronwen. "The remarkable development and significance of constitutional protection for intellectual property rights in post-Arab Spring constitutions." Queen Mary Journal of Intellectual Property 10, no. 4 (2020): 461–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/qmjip.2020.04.03.

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Prior to the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011, no constitutional protection for intellectual property (IP) existed in the many earlier constitutions of Egypt or Tunisia. It is remarkable and surprising therefore that, in 2014, IP clauses appeared in the post-revolutionary constitutions of both countries. This raises the key question: why add to the existing regulation of IP in this way. Is constitutional protection just another example of the inexorable strengthening of IP rights (IPRs) or could it be a means of constraining them, where necessary, to protect other rights? This article argues that

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2

Umair, Raja, Hafiz Sajid Iqbal Shaikh, and Faryal Umbreen. "Tunisian Political Climate from Aristocracy to Democracy and Presidential Coup: An Emerging Challenge to the Islamic Movements." Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 12, no. 2 (2022): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.122.21.

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The popular uprising brought forth change in Tunisian presidential palace during 2011 as it entered a state of liminality while becoming a consolidated democracy from authoritarianism. However, after a decade of democratic transition, only the democratic success story of the Arab Spring is in danger after the decree of Tunisian President. This article aims to highlight that by using Article 80 of the constitution, President has seized more power; and it narrates how it contradicts the constitution and negatively impact on political scenario. Furthermore, this study provides an analysis that ho

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3

Ewards, Evan. "Tunisia Post-Revolution: What is Preventing its Democracy." Panoply Journal 2 (December 27, 2021): 16–33. https://doi.org/10.71166/3g5xr274.

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Ten years have passed since Tunisians overthrew an authoritarian regime controlled by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Corruption and an oppressive police force led to the self-immolation and death of Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street merchant in 2011, quickly igniting waves of protests and becoming the catalyst for the Arab Spring. These protests which quickly encompassed the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) called for democratic reform within their respective governments, but Tunisia remains the only state to succeed, holding democratic elections from 2011 onward and ratifying a new c

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Arfaoui, Khedija, and Jane Tchaïcha. "GOVERNANCE, WOMEN, AND THE NEW TUNISIA." TERRORISM FROM THE VIEW OF MUSLIMS 8, no. 1 (2014): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0801135a.

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This paper considers the important events and challenges as they per- tain to female governance in the “New Tunisia”, resulting in large part from the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) elections charged with writing a new constitution. The analysis focuses on the role women played in the election process, including women’s participation in the interim government (January 2011-November 9, 2011) and political parties. It continues with an in depth ex- amination of the debates and actions that emergedamong various factions during the first two years following the revolution, which has led to in

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Belhadj, Souhaïl. "De la centralisation autoritaire à la naissance du « pouvoir local » : transition politique et recompositions institutionnelles en Tunisie (2011–2014)." Social Science Information 55, no. 4 (2016): 479–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018416658154.

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The weakening of local power structures in Tunisia, whether linked to the authoritarian centralization of the country or to the erosion of the mechanisms for coopting local elites, strongly contributed to upset the political equilibrium of fallen President Ben Ali’s regime. The weakened position created conditions favorable to an ongoing negotiation over power-sharing among social groups and their access to resources. The adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 attests to this redefinition of power relations between local elites and the central State inasmuch as it established, for the first ti

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Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.

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This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating fact

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Bejeoui, Imed. "La Constitution tunisienne du 27 janvier 2014 et le droit international conventionnel : les controverses alimentées." Revue internationale de droit comparé 71, no. 1 (2019): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ridc.2019.21042.

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The Tunisian Constitution of January 27, 2014 is promulgated in a specific internal and international context. In this context, the new Constitution supposed to embody, through its regulation of the question of conventional international law, the scope of Tunisia openness to international life and should tackled the weakness of the Constitution of June 01, 1959. In some respects, the Constitution clarified subjects already regulated by the 1959 Constitution and on others the Constitution innovated. Nevertheless, the new Constitution has actually only powered debate over many matters relating t

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Saral, Melek. "The Protection of Human Rights in Transitional Tunisia." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 16, no. 1 (2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2019-0005.

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Abstract This article looks at the human rights protection in transitional post-uprising Tunisia, from 2011 to 2017, offering insights into the willingness to both protect human rights and build capacity in Tunisia. It focuses on the establishment of an adequate legal framework in Tunisia, with particular attention being paid to the constitution-making process and, on the establishment, the strengthening of certain institutional capacities, such as the constitutional court and the Truth and Dignity Commission. The article first gives a brief historical overview of the human rights situation in

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9

Saati, Abrak. "Negotiating the Post-Revolution Constitution for Tunisia – Members of the National Constituent Assembly Share Their Experiences." International Law Research 7, no. 1 (2018): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ilr.v7n1p235.

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Though the Tunisian transition to democracy faces challenges seven years following the 2011 revolution and four years following the enactment of the new constitution, the country still constitutes a ‘success story’, especially in comparison to neighbouring states that were also touched by the Arab Uprisings. This paper takes an interest in exploring the Tunisian constitution-making process, and especially the political elite negotiated compromises that took place in the National Constituent Assembly. How were Tunisian religious and secular political forces able to unite and compromise on a con

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SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, and NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. "‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.

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Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights.

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Juliandi, Budi. "Demanding Equal Inheritance Rights For Women: Tension Among Shari’a and Tunisia’s New Constitution 2014." Al-Ahkam Jurnal Ilmu Syari’ah dan Hukum 7, no. 2 (2022): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/alahkam.v7i2.6259.

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President Essebsi (2017) approved the law of gender equality in inheritance in Tunisia. Instead of gaining public appreciation of Islam, this achievement was seen as contrary to sharia. This research seeks to address whether or not there could be a common ground between applying sharia and gender equality through an examination of sharia regarding inheritance, and, finally, an attempt to show the relationship between sharia and the Tunisia’s constitution of 2014 in responding to social change. The paper argues that in spite of the constitution’s progressive language, women still face legal dis

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AKKAŞ, Necmi Enes. "THE REFLECTION OF THE ARAB SPRING TO THE DEMOCRATICATION OF TUNISIA: RASHID AL GANNUSHI AND THE NAHDA MOVEMENT PARTY." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 30 (2022): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.558.

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The Republic of Tunisia, located in North Africa, is an Arab state that gained its independence from France on March 20, 1956 and witnessed the firsts. The official name of Tunisia, which came under the rule of the Turks in 1574, has remained as Tunisia since then. Tunisia, the country of firsts, was the first constitution made under Ahd-ül Aman in 1861 and the first non-governmental organization Tunisian Workers' Union was established in 1924. The first action that ignited the Arab Spring started when 26-year-old computer engineer Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the governor

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Pastor y Camarasa, Alicia. "Demystifying How Constitutions Are Made – External Actors’ Modes of Actions in the 2014 Tunisian Constitution." Michigan Journal of Law & Society, no. 1 (2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.61575/mjls.1.demystifying.

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14

Fliegelman, Oren. "The Question of Education in the 2014 Tunisian Constitution: Article 39 and its Ambiguous Values." Middle East Law and Governance 8, no. 1 (2016): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00801002.

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Despite Tunisia’s remarkable transition from dictatorship to democracy following the Tunisian Revolution, only a few of the hotly debated articles in the country’s new constitution have been analyzed by scholars. This article examines one of those under-analyzed constitutional provisions: Article 39, on education, whose language on religious and national values was repeatedly contested throughout the two-year drafting process. Using internal National Constituent Assembly documents and delegate voting records, the article explains how the education article transformed dramatically throughout dr

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15

Bougatef, Khemaies, Hedia Jaouadi Teraoui, and Amira Kaddour. "Understanding the major causes of Islamic finance under-development in Tunisia." International Journal of Accounting and Financial Reporting 2, no. 1 (2012): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijafr.v2i1.1302.

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The main purpose of this paper is to determine the major causes of the underdevelopment of Islamic finance in Tunisia. Indeed, it’s surprising to note that Zitouna bank established in May 2010 is the first Islamic Tunisian bank although 99% of Tunisians are Muslim and Islam is the religion of the State according to the Constitution.So we rely in our paper on the opinions of number of professors of finance and economics as educated people to prove or reject our hypothesis that the underdevelopment of Islamic finance in Tunisia can be explained by the ignorance of its main principles and advanta

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Jamal, Amal, and Anna Kensicki. "A Theory of Critical Junctures for Democratization: A Comparative Examination of Constitution-Making in Egypt and Tunisia." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 10, no. 1 (2016): 185–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2016-0007.

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Abstract Most studies on constitution-making emphasize how cultural and institutional characteristics independently impact successful democratic transitions. This article proposes a new approach to theorizing this process, positing that the character of institutional and cultural elements and the relationships between them give rise to a unique temporal and political context called a critical juncture, with qualities and characteristics that place some states on trajectories toward success and others toward failure. By analyzing and comparing the events surrounding the Egyptian and Tunisian tr

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El Houssi, Leila. "The Role of Women in Tunisia from Bourguiba to the Promulgation of New Constitution." Oriente Moderno 98, no. 2 (2018): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340196.

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Abstract The question of women became one of those fundamental issues used by North African nations in order to demonstrate to Western countries just how “democratic” they were. In this regard, the legislation in favour of women’s emancipation in Tunisia undoubtedly reveals an important peculiarity. In 1956 Tunisia underwent an important modernisation following the independence obtained from France. This produced a social emancipation not found in other Islamic countries, resulting in the acquisition of women’s rights, for example, the abolition of polygamy. Since the 1970s, women have felt as

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18

Hanau Santini, Ruth, and Giulia Cimini. "Intended and Unintended Consequences of Security Assistance in Post-2011 Tunisia." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 1 (2019): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.121006.

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In Tunisia, the notion and understanding of security, while no longer focused on regime security, remains a top-down, state-security understanding, rather than a societal one. Further, while the 2014 democratic Constitution devised significant checks and balances between the branches of government, even in the security field, external security assistance facilitated the centralization of security decision-making in the hands of the President of the Republic.

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19

Abdmouleh, Maher. "Le territoire tunisien à travers la Constitution de 2014." Maghreb - Machrek 226, no. 4 (2015): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/machr.226.0097.

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20

Solovyev, Andrey Aleksandrovich. "Legal basis of the Supreme Council of Magistracy of the Tunisian Republic and its evolution." Юридические исследования, no. 1 (January 2023): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7136.2023.1.38537.

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The subject of this work is the study of the legal foundations of the activities of the Supreme Council of Magistracy of the Tunisian Republic, which is the highest body of the judicial community of the country. The author dwells on the key normative legal acts regulating the foundations of the legal status of the Supreme Council of Magistracy as a constitutional body, examines its structure, composition and competence. Special attention is paid to the place of the Supreme Council of Magistracy in the political system and the evolution of this body in connection with the crisis of 2010-2011 (t

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Ruiz Ruiz, Juan José. "El derecho al agua en las nuevas Constituciones de Marruecos (2011) y Túnez (2014) // The right to water in the new Constitutions of Morocco (2011) and Tunisia (2014)." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 98 (2017): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.98.2017.18651.

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22

Kashina, Anna. "Gender Issue in Tunisia: from Politics to Practice." Asia and Africa Today, no. 2 (2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015833-8.

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On the problem of gender equality, Tunisia remains a model for other Arab countries. Although since 2011 the issue of women&apos;s place has once again been on the agenda considering the dominance in the political scene of moderate Islamists of the Ennahda movement, heated debates between modernists and Islamists over new constitution and legislation framework brought Tunisia closer to world standards of gender equality. After the Revolution for Dignity and Freedom in Tunisia the feminist movement, which was born in the late 1930s, became more active and began declaring its activities as d

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Perez, Déborah. "Becoming a Decision-maker in the Assembly of Post-revolutionary Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 8, no. 2-3 (2016): 228–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00802006.

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Deborah Perez offers a detailed analysis of the daily interactions among deputies of the Constituent National Assembly (2011–2014) in order to challenge micro-analyses that argue that the constitution was merely the outcome of a pact among party leaders. She emphasizes the importance of contingency and improvisation that granted deputies a margin of autonomy towards the party leaderships.

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Muhammad Asad Latif. "Islamic Movements Face an Emerging Threat and Tunisian Political Environment: Presidential Coup, Democracy, and Aristocracy." Al-Arfa: Journal of Sharia, Islamic Economics and Law 2, no. 1 (2024): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.61166/arfa.v2i1.46.

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In 2011, the popular revolt brought about change in the Tunisian presidential palace as it transitioned from authoritarianism to a condition of liminality. However, following the Tunisian President's proclamation, only the democratic success story of the Arab Spring is under jeopardy after ten years of democratic transition. This article seeks to show how the President has increased his authority by invoking Article 80 of the Constitution. It also explains how this action violates the constitution and has a detrimental effect on the political environment. As a result, Tunisia's Islamic movemen

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Ryzhkova, E. A. "FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS FINANCIAL LAW OF TUNISIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 173–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-173-179.

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Переворот 14 января 2011 г. приводит к серьёзным изменениям в тунисском обществе, результатом которых стало принятие «Малой конституции». Данный акт был призван урегулировать политические отношения в стране, непосредственно же финансовые вопросы он практически не затрагивал. Поэтому в октябре 2011 г. созывается Учредительное собрание, работа которого завершилась принятием 26 января 2014 г. новой Конституции Туниса и закреплением в ней основных идей «арабской весны». Главным достижением данного Основного закона следует считать существенное расширение прав и свобод тунисских граждан. Кроме того,

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Nachi, Mohamed. "The construction of religion as a ‘public problem’: The emergence of Islam in the public space during Tunisia’s transition to democracy (2011–14)." Social Science Information 55, no. 4 (2016): 495–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018416658152.

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The object of the present study is to analyze how, over the transition period of 2011–14, Islam became a ‘public problem’, to understand how it came to pervade the public space. I will investigate the place of religion in the public space both before and after the 2011 elections, and to do so will start with a few ‘affairs’ and controversies surrounding Islam and its place in the new Constitution as well as in the broader framework of Tunisian society.

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Neifar, Bassem. "L’émergence de nouveaux acteurs de développement : Vers une relecture de l’aménagement du territoire en Tunisie post-révolution." Lucrările Seminarului Geografic "Dimitrie Cantemir" 47, no. 2 (2019): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.15551/lsgdc.v47i2.02.

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Le 14 janvier 2011, la Tunisie, un pays en ébullition a obligé l’ex-président à quitter le territoire national. Tout est remis à plat : le système politique, la gouvernance, l’administration locale, la centralisation du pouvoir. La nouvelle constitution approuvée en 2014, tente de marquer une rupture avec la première république, centralisée, discriminante, inégalitaire. Elle donne une importance au fait local, aux acteurs dans les différentes régions. Dans son chapitre VII, la nouvelle constitution accorde une place importante à la gouvernance locale et à la décentralisation. Elle prévoit même

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Prasad, Rajendra, and Anjani Kumar. "Democracy in Tunisia: An Uncertain Path." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 09, no. 11 (2024): 5643–51. https://doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2024.v09i11.044.

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This paper examines Tunisia's turbulent journey toward democracy, focusing on the factors that have shaped its political trajectory since 1987. Beginning with Ben Ali's authoritarian rule, which marginalized religious factions despite economic liberalization, Tunisia's struggle for inclusive development led to the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, uniting various political groups to overthrow him. Although a new constitution was adopted in 2014 and elections were held, Tunisia continued to face economic challenges, with political polarization deepening between secular and religious factions. The rise o

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Sahari, Khoufi, Pouilly Nicolas, Muños Stéphane, et al. "Genetic Diversity and Core Collection Constitution for Subsequent Creation of New Sunflower Varieties in Tunisia." Helia 39, no. 64 (2016): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/helia-2016-0002.

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AbstractSunflower (Helianthus annuus L.) is used as “seed snacks”, so called “pipas”, in the Mediterranean countries which may offer an interesting opportunity for agricultural diversification of this crop. The morpho-phenological variability already demonstrated in the Tunisian local populations can be a basis for the creation of new varieties well adapted to climate and soil conditions in that region. The molecular characterization of 59 accessions and reference lines generated 194 alleles from 30 SSR loci (3–10 alleles per locus) and 54 haplotypes, built from 117 SNP detected by NGS sequenc

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Rashid, Mohamad. "THE MILITARY'S ROLE DURING CRISES (2011-2022) EGYPT AND SYRIA AS A MODEL." Akademik Tarih ve Araştırmalar Dergisi 8, no. 12 (2025): 8–37. https://doi.org/10.56448/ataddergi.1652294.

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The concept of the military establishment that we know today goes back to the beginning of the sixteenth century when the European federations were established, such as the French Union during Louis XI in 1483, the British Union led by Henry VII in 1485, the authority of the Catholic Kings in Spain in 1469, and the beginning of the formation of local authorities that required institutions to serve the king and the armies to protect These states or empires. The contemporary form of the military institution, the duties stipulated in the era of the state and modern constitutions, and the relation

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Mesmi, Sena. "La traduction juridique: entre diversité géographique et pluralité linguistique Cas de la traduction française de la constitution algérienne, marocaine et tunisienne." مجلة قضايا لغوية | Linguistic Issues Journal 3, no. 1 (2022): 128–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.61850/lij.v3i1.90.

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The impact of geographical diversity on general and specialized language has contributed to increasing the complexity of the translator's work and highlighted the importance of linguistic studies aimed at studying geographical linguistic problems. In fact, legal terminology is closely linked to linguistic boundaries of geographical maps and therefore the same signifier may in same cases bears different translations in the same language. This study aims to highlight the importance of translation and the role of computer translation programs in minimizing terminological differences within the sa

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Booley, Ashraf. "The effect of the 2011 Arab uprising in the Middle East and North Africa (Mena region): Morocco's quest for constitutional reform and the 20 February Movement." Law, Democracy and Development 25, spe (2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2077-4907/2020/ldd.v25.spe10.

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Historically, Morocco experienced widespread political repression during the 1970s through to the early 1990s. Through its exploitations, the monarchy regime repressed any claims aimed at challenging its authoritarian form of public space and debate. Encouraged by the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, and the Arab Spring, young Moroccans began to organise extensive demonstrations across the country demanding that a more substantive democracy, social justice and an anti-corruption mechanism be put in place. The 20 February movement, named after the first demonstration held on that date in 2011, i

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Ben Yakoub, Joachim. "Turning a City Inside-Out." Manazir Journal 4 (October 24, 2022): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/manazir.2022.4.4.

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Abstract The spatial dynamics were difficult to overlook during the 2011 movements of revolt in Tunisia, pushing the damned in the center of public attention in the concerted effort of turning prevailing authoritarian politics inside–out. Venturing in the spatial contestation central in these revolts, the mesmerizing occupation and re-appropriation of symbolic places, such as the Kasbah Square or Bourguiba Avenue takes center stage. These movements of occupation and re-appropriation of spatial power produced momentous heuristic enclaves of another order, projecting dreams of a renewed inclusiv

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Esber, Paul Maurice, and Jan Claudius Völkel. "Introduction: On the Relevance of Arab Parliaments." Middle East Law and Governance 13, no. 3 (2021): 235–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13031235.

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Abstract This introduction leads into the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” Parliaments in the Arab world have hardly been considered to be relevant institutions during the decades of authoritarianism in the post-independence era. If at all, they were of importance as a strategic element in the power-saving strategies of regimes. The “Arab Spring” ten years ago, with its loud calls for a more democratic and socially just political sphere, opened a new window of potentiality for the legislative chambers in the countries concerned, yet to

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Kamel Jomaah Alkhalidy, Marwan, and Zalina Binti Abdul Halim. "REGULATORY APPROACHES OF THE RIGHT TO INFORMATION ACCESS IN THE ARAB STATES." Law, State and Telecommunications Review 13, no. 1 (2021): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/lstr.v13i1.36619.

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Purpose – However, the Right to Access to Information (RTI)[1] is guaranteed by article 91 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and more than 120 have adopted such a right, fewer Arab countries; mainly in Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco and Algeria, whose constitutions included the right of people to access information. Hence, the purpose of this research is to assess and provide an in-depth study of the status quo of the right to access to public information in the Arab region as well as to highlight whether the adopted laws have met people need of information. Methodology/Approach/Design – I

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Sadika, Rjiba, Moez Soltani, and Saloua Benammou. "Comparative study on textual data set using fuzzy clustering algorithms." Kybernetes 45, no. 8 (2016): 1232–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/k-11-2015-0301.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to apply the Takagi-Sugeno (T-S) fuzzy model techniques in order to treat and classify textual data sets with and without noise. A comparative study is done in order to select the most accurate T-S algorithm in the textual data sets. Design/methodology/approach From a survey about what has been termed the “Tunisian Revolution,” the authors collect a textual data set from a questionnaire targeted at students. Five clustering algorithms are mainly applied: the Gath-Geva (G-G) algorithm, the modified G-G algorithm, the fuzzy c-means algorithm and the kernel fu

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Chadli, S., H. Khibri, W. Ammouri, M. Maamar, H. Harmouche, and Z. Tazi Mezalek. "AB0632 Intracardiac thrombosis and vascular involvement in Behçet's disease : two sides of the same coin ?" Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 81, Suppl 1 (2022): 1443.1–1443. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2022-eular.3621.

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BackgroundBehçet’s disease (BD) is a relapsing vasculitis that can affect vessels of all sizes and kinds. Intracardiac thrombosis (ICT) is a serious complication of the disease, which usually presents associated to vascular lesions. However, its mechanism of constitution in BD remains unclear and the link between these manifestations has yet not been fully clarified.ObjectivesOur first objective is to describe the clinical characteristics, imaging features, therapeutic management and outcome of these patients. And secondly, to shed some light on the relation between this rare condition and the

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Ugur, Etga. "Islamism between Moderation and Hegemony: Politics of Constitution Making in Tunisia, Egypt, and Turkey (2011–2013)." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights, June 23, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2025-0003.

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Abstract Despite assuming lead roles during the critical constitution making stage of power transitions, Islamist parties in Turkey, Tunisia, and Egypt adopted very different strategies in the process, which produced very different outcomes. Using insights from regime transition literature, this article undertakes an empirical analysis of the observed behavior of Islamist political parties in these countries to address the question of Islam, human rights, and constitution-making. In doing so, the article treats constitution-making as a key stage of democratization and challenges the commonly h

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Nouini, Elhafad. "Impact of Covid-19 on Freedom of Expression in Morocco and Tunisia." Rowaq Arabi - رواق عربي 25, no. 4 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.53833/rrkp9970.

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With the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, many countries declared a state of emergency to cope with the crisis, including countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. This paper explores the state of emergency’s impact on the practice of rights and freedoms in the region, with a focus on freedom of opinion and expression in two North African countries, Morocco and Tunisia. In these two countries, constitutional and rights-related developments have unfolded over the last few years, especially with the 2011 Constitution in Morocco and the 2014 Constitution in Tunisia. Constitution

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Tamburini, Francesco. "‘How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Autocracy’: Kais Saied’s “Constitutional Self-Coup” in Tunisia." Journal of Asian and African Studies, February 17, 2022, 002190962210793. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096221079322.

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The president of Tunisia, Kais Saied, recurred to Article 80 of the constitution on 25 July 2021 to proclaim the “state of exception,” freezing parliamentary activities, removing the representatives’ immunity, and dissolving the government headed by Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi. The following presidential decree 2021-117 on 22 September granted him legislative powers by decree, dismantling the constitution of 2014, which was the cornerstone of the result of the “Jasmine Revolution” of 2011. This article will analyze the constitutionality of the presidential decrees and shed light on the juri

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"The Failure of the Democratic Transition in Tunisia (2010- 2021): The Reasons and the Expected Scenarios." Journal of the Faculties of Arts 19, no. 2 (2022): 555–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.51405/19.2.10.

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The study aims to highlight the theoretical rooting of the concept of democratic transition, and to study the reasons for the failure of the Tunisian experience after ten years of the democratic transition process in light of the escalation of the political and constitutional crisis and the conflict between the three presidencies (President of the Republic, Head of Government, Speaker of the Assembly of People’s Representatives). The paper also aims to study the justifications that prompted the President of the Republic to issue exceptional decisions (7/25/2021) to freeze the democratic proces

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Wolf, Anne. "Bringing the state back in: Ruling parties and regime collapse during the Arab Uprisings." Politics, April 25, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02633957241245896.

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Scholars have mostly investigated the fall of dictatorships during the Arab Uprisings through the lens of contentious politics, uncovering new information about the protest dynamics and how they spread both within countries and throughout the wider region. However, the longer structural vulnerabilities within regimes have received little attention; yet such factors internal to states and their regimes proved paramount to the social revolutions investigated by Theda Skocpol. Focusing on the case of Tunisia, the author shows how the economic downturn and a succession crisis contributed to the de

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Abdessadek, Taoufik. "The Reality and Future of Reforms in Morocco 2011-2021: The Question of Authority." Rowaq Arabi - رواق عربي 26, no. 1 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.53833/rkvr4626.

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The following paper is a study of Morocco’s political experience, which was often described as smooth and reformist in comparison to other more radical and deep-rooted national experiences in the context of the Arab Spring uprisings, be they from the first wave beginning in 2011 (especially Tunisia, Egypt, Syria, and Yemen) or be they from the second wave in 2019 (most notably Sudan and Algeria). Seeking to deconstruct the process of constitutional and political reform in Morocco during the decade-long period between 2011 and the current year 2021, the analysis is centred upon the question of

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Zaier, Nejiba. "La protection de l’environnement tunisien au lendemain de la révolution." elni Review, May 2012, 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46850/elni.2012.006.

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This article discusses environmental law in Tunisia with a special focus on the recent developments relating to the abolition of Tunisian dictatorship in January 2011. In addition to discussion of recent activities which followed the revolution, the author provides a brief overview of the sectoral laws on air, water, waste, as well as cultural goods and archaeological and historical heritage, and traditional arts, stating regulatory aims, legal sanction tools and shortcomings under the former regime. Since the dissolution of Tunisian dictatorship, a considerable number of lawsuits have been br

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Pilati, Katia, Giuseppe Acconcia, David Leone Suber, and Henda Chennaoui. "Protest Demobilization In Post-Revolutionary Settings: Trajectories To Counter-Revolution And To Democratic Transition." Political Studies, August 25, 2021, 003232172110340. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323217211034050.

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This article examines two outcomes of demobilization in post-revolutionary contexts, democratic transition and counter-revolution. Complementing elite-driven approaches, we argue that the way demobilization ends is conditional upon the capacity of challengers to promote enduring alliances. Following a paired controlled comparison, we analyse two cases, Egypt and Tunisia and processes of alliance building and fragmentation preceding the 2013 coup d’Etat in Egypt, and the adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 in Tunisia. Data from semi-structured and in-depth interviews were collected through f

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Nasrawin, Laith K. "Towards the Establishment of an International Constitutional Court." ICL Journal 10, no. 4 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2016-0403.

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AbstractThis article comprehensively examines the 1999 recommendation of the Tunisian government to create an International Constitutional Court that is designed to enhance the principles of democracy and human rights and to strengthen the constitutional doctrine which states that the people are the source of authority in a given country. This proposal, which was strongly advocated by former Tunisian President Mohamed Moncef Marzouki during his term in office, aims to underscore the importance of establishing an international judicial entity and analysing its bylaws with respect to its terms a

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Mölle, Dorothee. "Between traps and tolerations: Tunisia’s chance of democracy under the aspects of benevolent secularism." Zeitschrift für Religion, Gesellschaft und Politik, May 8, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1007/s41682-025-00217-7.

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Abstract In the aftermath of the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, Tunisia emerged as the last survivor of the Arab Spring. However, in recent years, this progress has been significantly reversed under President Kais Saied, who has consolidated power in recent years, seemingly dismantling Tunisia’s hard-earned democratic institutions. This paper seeks to propose that the factors that have led Tunisia toward authoritarianism can be traced back to the exclusion of parties that centre around values of Islam, like the Ennahda party. This is done using the concept of Benevolent Secularism which posits that

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Tamburini, Francesco. "The State of Emergency and Exception in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia: The ‘License to Kill’ the Rule of Law?" Journal of Asian and African Studies, September 28, 2020, 002190962096253. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620962530.

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This paper shows how the constitutional provisions related to the state of emergency and exception, although they are contained within democratic traditions, were set to operate in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia as a mechanism of basic control and maintenance of liberal autocracies. The state of emergency model was used for the survival of regimes in times of instability and social unrest, leading in some cases to the suspension of human rights for many years. Nevertheless, these provisions were modified or lifted when the regime had to show a more convincing stake to the democratic process in 2

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Sonneveld, Nadia. "Introduction: Shariʿa in Revolution? A Comparative Overview of Pre- and Post- Revolutionary Developments in Shariʿa-Based Family Law Legislation in Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, and Tunisia". New Middle Eastern Studies 5 (19 травня 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/nmes.v5i0.2665.

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In 2011, the world witnessed how massive civil resistance by men andwomen alike led to the forced departure of long-serving authoritarian leaders in the Arabworld. In the present transitional period in which constitutions have been suspended and newdefinitions of citizenship are being debated, women’s rights and family law have neverthelessemerged as contentious areas in the Arab World. These have been portrayed as symbols ofthe old regime and as deviating from the principles of shariʿa. Calls to amend women’srights abound. By comparing both pre- and post-revolutionary family law developments

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Annicchino, Pasquale. "The Fragmentation of Human Rights. Case Studies from a Post-Arab Spring Context." Italian Review of International and Comparative Law, July 19, 2022, 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725650-02010015.

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Abstract The Middle East and North Africa region is diverse and large, and it is therefore difficult to make broad arguments and generalizations on the impact of the Arab Spring on human rights protection. In this context, Egypt and Tunisia are important case studies for the assessment of constitutional transitions and human rights protection in a post-Arab Spring context. After the 2011 uprisings and the fall of the ruling authoritarian regimes, activists, scholars, and civil society organizations raised hopes about improvements in the protection of human rights. However, many forces (securit

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