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Lyszkiewicz, Bartosz. "The construction of national identity in post-1918 Poland." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/3374.
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This thesis analyses the construction of the modern national identity in Poland following the state’s creation in 1918. Its central aim is to argue that although much of Poland’s national identity was, in fact, the product of the revolutionary eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in the twentieth century, ethnocultural foundations proved essential in the process of nation building. In order to offer a novel approach to this issue this thesis will evaluate the programmes of the émigré organizations and political parties to demonstrate the role of the two national currents: ethnic/organic and civic/territorial, which developed during the nineteenth century and shaped competing definitions of Polish nation. Furthermore, this study will analyse the role of the pre-modern and early modern symbols in shaping the political currents in modern Poland. Locating and examining elements central to the definition of the nation will allow demonstration of how the distinctive national programmes were defined under successive administrations. This research argues that the rise of competing national identities in East-Central Europe, at the turn of the century, accelerated the dissolution of the common trait or national identity, shared by the elites across the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Deprived of legitimacy the authorities were unable to maintain the democratic system, gradually introducing authoritarianism, and by the late 1930s replacing the inclusive state model with the organic definition of the nation. This exclusive programme resurfaced following the Second World War and became a justification for the construction of an ethnically homogenous Poland. The Communist regime aimed to eradicate the pillars of national identity and to diminish the role of society in the state’s functioning; however, the nucleus of civil society which survived the period of persecution continued to grow in strength outside of the official channels. Effectively, this created a popular definition of the Polish nation in opposition to that of the regime. The competition between the ethnocultural and political definition of the nation remained a central issue over more than two decades following the collapse of the Communist regime.
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Aifa, Chahrazed. "L'Etat-nation et la construction européenne." Nice, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012NICE0038.
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La théorie de l’Etat-nation est apparue au 15ème siècle en Europe et a été consacrée par la révolution française et l’Europe du 19ème siècle. Le concept moderne d’Etat-nation constitue la base des relations internationales. L’Union européenne est, de son côté, une construction inédite et sa spécificité est évidente dans l’histoire des relations internationales. C’est une union composée d’Etats souverains et de peuples qui ont leur propre histoire. La discussion sur l’intégration européenne et ses perspectives politiques mène automatiquement à s’interroger sur la place laissée aux Etats-nations qui composent l’Union européenne. Dès les débuts de la construction européenne, les pères fondateurs envisageaient de construire une fédération européenne. Cette hypothèse ressurgit à chaque fois dans les discussions contemporaines. Elle interroge la pérennité des Etats-nations face à un tel dispositif politique. C’est exactement le même questionnement que soulève la question de rédiger un document constitutionnel pour l’Union européenne. Malgré les évolutions que l’Union européenne a connu, les Etats membres restent très attachés à leur souveraineté nationale ce qui constitue un obstacle à celle-ci. La transposition de la souveraineté à un niveau plus élevé est souvent vécue par les Etats comme une attaque contre leur souveraineté. La question de la citoyenneté européenne soulève la même problématique. Néanmoins, le concept du citoyen n’est plus uniquement liée à l’Etat-nation. La citoyenneté européenne ne remplace pas la citoyenneté nationale mais elle joue un rôle important concernant la participation politique et la formation de l’identité européenne. Tout au long de son histoire d’intégration, l’Union européenne a introduit un nombre important d’éléments fédératifs dans sa structure et son fonctionnement, tout en préservant et en respectant les réalités nationales de ses Etats membres. Vu ses structures, ses institutions et son fonctionnement, l’Union européenne constitue aujourd’hui une construction spécifique et originaleThe theory of nation-state appeared in Europe in the 15th century and was consecrated by the French Revolution and 19th century Europe. The modern concept of nation-state constitutes the basis of international relations. As far as it's concerned, the European Union is a new construction and its specificity is clearly identified in the history of international relations. This union is composed of sovereign states and of peoples with their own history. As a matter of course, the debate around the European integration and its political prospects leads us to question ourselves about the place left to the nation-states that compose the European Union. From the very beginning of the European building, the founding fathers have planned to build a European federation. This hypothesis always tends to resurface in today's debates. It questions the sustainability of the nation-state faced with such a political system. It's exactly the problem that is raised by the question to know if a constitutional document should be written or not. Despite the changes in the European Union, its state members are very attached to their national sovereignty, which constitutes an obstacle to it. The transposition of their sovereignty to a higher level is often felt by its states as an attack against this very sovereignty! As far as the European citizenship is concerned, the same issue is at stake. Yet the concept of citizen is not just linked to the Nation-state. The European citizenship does not replace the national one but it plays an important role in the political involvement and the formation of the European identity. Throughout its long history of integration, the European Union has introduced a large number of federative elements in its structure and its working, while preserving and respecting the national realities of its member states. If we consider its structures, institutions and how it works, the European Union constitutes today a specific and original construction
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Yong, Benjamin. "Becoming national : contextualising the construction of the New Zealand nation-state." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2185/.
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Much legal literature on constitutional change in New Zealand presumes that the NZ state has been transformed from a dependent British colony into an independent, liberal nation-state. However, this nationalist narrative is a recent development, and is only one of three narratives of constitutional change, the other two being a 'Britannic' (or pan-British) narrative and a Maori narrative. All three suggest and justify a particular form of the NZ state. All three give an incomplete picture of NZ's constitutional history, separating 'law' from its various contexts. This thesis focuses mostly on the nationalist narrative, how it emerged and how the liberal nation-state became the only acceptable form for the NZ state to take. It attempts to provide a more nuanced approach to constitutional history. This is done by a broad examination of a number of subject areas: constitutional historiography, the economy, citizenship, NZ's relationship with the Privy Council, the Crown, and various constitutional developments (in particular, proposals for bills of rights) in the periods 1950-1970 and 1970-2005, and placing legal signposts in economic, historical and political context. Greater contextualisation suggests that asserting that the NZ nation-state is inevitable is a response to the fragility of NZ's present, brought on by the collapse of empire, the emergence of a community of nation-states, and domestic change. The emergence of the liberal constitutional nation-state in NZ is better seen as the contingent product of both various structures (international, British and domestic) and choices made by New Zealanders themselves. To treat this transformation as inevitable ignores that there were other alternatives possible. Moreover, it is wrong to see changes in NZ's constitutional arrangements as a shift from dependency to liberty: rather, there has been a reconfiguration of constraints and enablements.
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Mavroidis, Constantin. "La construction de la nation grecque (1780-1922)." Montpellier 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997MON10013.
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Etude sur la construction de la nation grecque entre 1780 et 1922 : l'étude se propose de faire le point du processus de l'émergence et de la formation de l'idée moderne de nation, d'abord parmi les Grecs de la diaspora et ensuite dans le milieu helladique héritier de l'occupation ottomane et dans le levant. Partant de l'affirmation que c'est le nationalisme et l'état moderne qui produisent la nation, on essaye d'aborder la diffusion de l'idée nationale à travers les métamorphoses du nationalisme érudit ainsi qu'à travers les stratégies du nouvel état helladique. Si la nation est une communauté imaginée politique, ses éléments constitutifs doivent être recherchés dans les travaux des intellectuels qui sont les membres les plus imaginatifs de cette communauté. Or, l'émergence de l'état moderne est le facteur par excellence qui transforme les débats culturels et les idéaux séculaires du nationalisme en idéologie et stratégies de pouvoir. Cette tentative aussi d'aborder l'attitude des agents politiques traditionnels vis-à-vis de cette idéologie ainsi que vis-à-vis des stratégies du nouveau pouvoir politique.
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Nuñez, camacho Vladimir. "Langage, nation et identité : la construction de la nation en Colombie au XIXe siècle." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013MON30006.
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Le présent travail est consacré à l’étude de la construction de la nation en Colombie au XIXe siècle, sujet qui a été traditionnellement étudiée par des historiens et dont le thème de la langue nationale est complètement négligé. Cette problématique est liée au fait que les scientifiques du langage en Colombie n’ont jamais traité le problème de la langue et sa relation avec la nation c’est pourquoi cette nécessité s’impose. Une deuxième préoccupation concerne le rôle des grammairiens-politiciens dans la conformation de la nation. L’élite éclairée qui a participé à l’indépendance et celle d’après qui a fondé la nation ont choisi le modèle de nation européen, et en même temps ont développé une stratégie où le mécanisme administratif colonial espagnol est remplacé par d’autres mécanismes de colonisation interne, que j’appelle d’endo-colonisation. La période d’étude de cette recherche commence en 1770 par l’édit royal du 10 mai qui interdit l’usage des langues autochtones dans tout le royaume espagnol, en passant par la création de l’Académie Colombienne de la Langue Espagnole en 1871, première Académie correspondante de l’Académie Royale Espagnole dans le monde jusqu’à 1886 année de la promulgation de la Constitution nationale qui a dominé le panorama politique Colombien au XXe siècle. L’étude de cette longue période implique l’élaboration d’une méthode d’analyse basée sur la combinaison de la méthode archéologique, généalogique et l’analyse du discours. Elle implique aussi une réflexion sur les rapports pouvoir-savoir et sur la production de subjectivités, qui interrogent notre passé à partir du présentThis work is devoted to the construction of the nation in Colombia in the nineteenth century. This subject has been traditionally studied by historians who had neglected the national language theme related to the fact that language scientists in Colombia have never studied the relationship between nation and language. That’s why the need arises.A second concern is the role of grammarians-politicians in the conformation of the nation. The enlightened elite who participated in the independency and that who succeeded founding the nation chose the European nation model and at the same time developed a strategy where the Spanish colonial administrative mechanism is replaced by other internal colonization mechanisms that I call endo-colonization. This study examines the period between 1770 when the royal decree of May 10th prohibits the use of natives languages throughout the Spanish kingdom; going through the creation of the Colombian Academy of the Spanish Language in 1871 corresponding the Royal Spanish Academy, until the 1886 Constitution, which dominated the Colombian political landscape of the twentieth century. This study of this period involves the development of an analytical method based on the combination of archaeological, genealogical and discourse analysis method. It also involves a reflection about the relation power-knowledge and the production of subjectivities that interrogates our past from the present
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Gonzales, Rey Carlo Tan. "Filipino martial arts and the construction of Filipino national identity." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/filipino-martial-arts-and-the-construction-of-filipino-national-identity(62dc3e99-ad1a-46ea-936f-9a0c4bf196c0).html.
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This dissertation explores the construction of Filipino national identity by examining the Philippine national government’s appropriation of Filipino Martial Arts (FMA) between 1975 and 2010. FMA’s nationalization offers a window into the larger dynamics of nation-building in the Philippines. Having been colonized for nearly four centuries (1565-1946), the Philippine national government reified the Filipino nation by appropriating older symbols as national ones, and with the purpose of articulating a unique Filipino national identity. The nationalization of FMA is analyzed using Benedict Anderson’s constructivist interpretation of nations as ‘imagined communities’. The dissertation argues that in order to understand the logic behind the national government’s nation-building project using FMA, Filipino postcolonial anxieties over national identity (or their perceived lack of) must be taken into consideration. In this regard, FMA’s nationalization is engaged with Anthony Smith’s concept of the ethnie (ethnic community). Studying the history of how decentralized indigenous martial arts practice became institutionalized in FMA clubs, the dissertation finds that FMA as an ethnographic concept was formulated mainly since the 1970s in consonance with its commercialization, increasing popularity and nationalization. By looking at how national identity is represented in FMA films and in reconstructions of the national hero Lapulapu, the dissertation argues that FMA practitioners seek to highlight their localized identities by inserting their own symbols and interpretations into the national identity being articulated. This process, termed the ‘reverse appropriation’ of nationalism, was a way for FMA clubs to preserve their local institutions and identities from being totally consumed by the nationalization and nation-building project.
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Ros, Adela. "Being Andalusian in Catalonia : a challenge to nation-state construction /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3029639.
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Wang, Yue. "Cultural nation versus political state : media construction of national identity : the case of China Daily." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2006. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/785.
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Marton, Silvia <1976>. "La construction politique de la nation. La nation dans les débats du Parlement de la Roumanie: 1866-1871." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2007. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/448/.
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Garralda, Ortega Ángel. "The social construction of the Spanish nation : a discourse-based approach." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4989/.
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This thesis analyses Spanish nation-building from a social-constructionist perspective assuming that nations are historically evolving social constructs and that nationhood is a largely modern phenomenon with pre-modern antecedents. A theoretical model for studying nationhood is proposed based on a critique of nationalism theories, Giddens’s social structuration model (Giddens 1984) refined by Sewell (2005); modernisation theories and discourse analytical approaches. A discourse-oriented methodology is proposed: Spanish nation-building, conceptualised as semiotically-mediated social action situated across time-space, is analysed nomothetically and ideographically, both in its broad historical context and in connection with recent narratives extracted from a large purpose-built corpus of newspaper articles. Several factors behind Spain’s problematic nation-building are identified in the socio-historical analysis: an unyielding geography inhibiting communications, a long history of political and cultural fragmentation, a late and uneven modernisation and the lack of hegemonic national narratives in the context of a long history of confrontation between different identities. The corpus-based discourse analytical approach employed in the latter part of the analysis illustrates the potential offered by corpus-assisted discourse studies in social research, revealing that a widely-accepted Spanish identity discourse from the centre’s perspective has not yet emerged.
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Dubois, Claire. "Allégories de la nation et construction d'une Irlande moderne 1750-1870." Lille 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006LIL30028.
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En 1750, l'Irlande est dominée par une élite protestante très minoritaire fidèle au gouvernement britannique. Sa population autochtone est considérée comme barbare et arriérée par les commentateurs étrangers depuis des siècles. En 1870, l'Irlande est perçue comme un pays catholique qui aspire à l'indépendance. Par ailleurs, l'intérêt de son histoire a été reconnu grâce aux efforts d'archéologues passionnés. Entre ces deux dates, la vie culturelle irlandaise est marquée par un sentiment grandissant d'identité nationale et d'appartenance. Cette prise de conscience touche progressivement une grande partie de la population et elle est liée au passé celtique. Les élites protestantes s'investissent dans la recherche des origines celtiques de l'Irlande et construisent un âge d'or mythique qu'elles utilisent comme allégorie pour tenter de rassembler la population irlandaise autour d'une histoire commune et non sectaire. L'histoire devient une force vive par laquelle la nation se trouve définie. Les artistes irlandais mettent en mots ou en peinture cette irlandité nouvelle. Leurs représentations créent un mythe, et le rêve d'une nation irlandaise indépendante et originale trouve un écho dans de nombreuses couches de la société. Cette étude, fondée sur l'analyse d'ouvrages historiques et d'œuvres artistiques, cherche à montrer comment la diffusion de cette expérience historique commune est censée favoriser le rapprochement des communautés irlandaises malgré les divisions religieuses et socialesIn 1750, Ireland was controlled by a minority Protestant Ascendancy which was faithful to the British government. Its native population had been looked upon as barbarous and backward by foreign commentators for centuries. In 870, Ireland was seen as a catholic country longing for independence. Moreover, the interest of its history was recognised thanks to the efforts of passionnate archaeologits. In the meantime, Irish cultural life was defined by a growing national awareness and a feeling of belonging to a territory which gradually touched the majority of the population and was linked to the Celtic past. Protestant elites got involved in the rediscovery of Ireland's Celtic past and built up a mythical golden age that they used as an allegory to bring the Irish population together around a common and non sectarian history. History became a force which defined the nation. Irish artists translated this new Irishness in words and images. Their representations created a myth, and the dream of an independant and original Irish nation found echoes at all levels of the society. This study, based on the analysis of the writing of history and works of art, tries to demonstrate how the allegorical transcription of this shared history should encourage the reconciliation of all Irish communities in spite of religious and social divisions
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Fournier-Finocchiaro, Laura. "Giosuè Carducci, 1835-1907, et la construction de la nation italienne." Caen, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003CAEN1379.
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Le poète Giosuè Carducci, contemporain de la formation de l'État italien unitaire, a joué un rôle déterminant dans l'histoire et la culture de son temps. Carducci s'impose comme le vates de la Troisième Italie et est au centre des débats littéraires et politiques, notamment pour la révolution poétique apportée par ses odes barbares, et les nombreuses polémiques suscitées par son revirement politique de la république à la monarchie. Dans cette thèse, nous avons voulu proposer une interprétation de ses œuvres dans la perspective nationale, en menant une investigation sur le contexte historique de l'Italie post-unitaire, en étudiant les rapports du poète avec les principales figures politiques de son époque et en examinant le rôle qu'il a joué. Nous avons mis en évidence l'étroit lien entre ses choix littéraires et politiques et le besoin de la jeune nation italienne de se donner une identité, et montré l'influence de Carducci dans la construction symbolique de la nation italienne. L'analyse nous révèle la réponse donnée par Carducci sur le sentiment d'appartenance à une même nation qui unit les Italiens, sur leurs mémoires communes et sur les valeurs qu'ils partagent. Tout au long de sa carrière, le poète a défendu les mêmes idéaux : le primat de la nation italienne, la nécessité de bâtir et de sauvegarder une unité et une concorde nationale solides, la promotion d'une image forte de l'Italie comme puissance européenne. La force et le rayonnement de l'identité nationale issue du Risorgimento chantée par Carducci ont permis de donner une consistance à l'idée d'Italie auprès d'une large frange de la classe moyenne, avant que la vague nationaliste n'inonde la vie politique de la péninsule.
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Danero, Iglesias Julien. "La Construction discursive de la Nation République de Moldavie, 2001-2009." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209802.
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Le nationalisme peut-il être envisagé comme un simple instrument de légitimation ?Cette thèse répond à cette question en se penchant sur un nationalisme particulier à une époque donnée, celui du moldovénisme du Parti des Communistes de République de Moldavie au pouvoir dans ce pays entre 2001 et 2009.Sur base d’un cadre théorique mettant en avant les théories de Hermet, Greenfeld, Brass, Breuilly, Hobsbawm, Calhoun et Brubaker, le nationalisme est envisagé comme un discours et la réponse à la question centrale de recherche a été donnée suivant une méthode influencée par l’Analyse critique de Discours, telle qu’élaborée notamment par Wodak. Après une mise en contexte problématisée, reprenant les divers projets nationaux ayant été historiquement mis en place en Moldavie, une recherche empirique a été effectuée :la construction discursive de la nation a été étudiée, premièrement, dans les discours des présidents de la république, Vladimir Voronine entre 2001 et 2009 et Mihai Ghimpu entre 2009 et 2010 ;deuxièmement, dans les discours des partis politiques à l’occasion d’une campagne électorale en 2009 ;et troisièmement, dans les articles de presse qui traitent de la participation du pays au Concours Eurovision de la Chanson entre 2004 et 2010.
Cette recherche montre empiriquement que le nationalisme est principalement une affaire de « politique », selon l’expression de Breuilly, qu’il est utilisé par les acteurs en fonction d’un intérêt de préserver ou de conquérir le pouvoir. Les acteurs créent une nation ad hoc et en usent en fonction du contexte dans lequel leur lutte s’inscrit et en fonction de l’électorat à convaincre. Néanmoins, cet usage politique de la nation n’est pas le fait de l’ensemble des acteurs étudiés :les journalistes, même proches des acteurs politiques étudiés, esquissent une conception « primordiale » de la nation. Par ailleurs, la recherche montre empiriquement que le moldovénisme, comme tout nationalisme, est forcément exclusif, le « nous » se construisant implicitement et explicitement contre un « autre ».
Can nationalism be seen as a mere instrument of legitimation? The dissertation addresses this issue by focusing on a particular nationalism in a given period, the ‘Moldovanism’ of the Party of the Communists of the Republic of Moldova in power in this country between 2001 and 2009.
The theoretical framework of the research takes into account the theories of Hermet, Greenfeld, Brass, Breuilly, Hobsbawm, Calhoun, and Brubaker. Following these authors, nationalism is considered as a discourse, and the answer to the main research question has been given by using a methodology inspired by the Vienna School of Critical Discourse Analysis. Before proceeding to the empirical research, the dissertation shows the various national projects that have historically been implemented in Moldova. On this basis, the discursive construction of nationhood has been studied among three different sources :first, the speeches of two presidents of the republic, Vladimir Voronin between 2001 and 2009 and Mihai Ghimpu between 2009 and 2010 ;second, the speeches of political parties during an election campaign in 2009 ;and third, press articles dealing with the country's participation to the Eurovision Song Contest between 2004 and 2010.
The dissertation shows empirically that nationalism is primarily a matter of ‘politics’, to quote Breuilly. Nationalism is used by actors trying to preserve or gain power. These actors create an ad hoc nation and make use of it depending on the context in which they struggle and depending on the need to convince an electorate. Nevertheless, all the actors taken into consideration in the research do not exhibit this political use of the nation: the journalists, even close to the political actors who were studied, prove a ‘primordial’ conception of the nation. Moreover, the research shows empirically that Moldovanism, like any other nationalism, is necessarily exclusive. ‘We’ is indeed implicitly and explicitly constructed against an ‘other’.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Pholsena, Vatthana. "Minorities and the construction of a nation in post-socialist Laos." Thesis, University of Hull, 2001. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6009.
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In the Introduction [Chapter 1] I first introduce the concept of 'nation' by stressing its 'fuzziness', and by reviewing Western and non-western interpretations of its definition. I then briefly review some pertinent events in Laos' recent history. I next explain the reasons for my choice of a certain terminology. In a third section, I introduce and justify my methodology. In Chapter Two, I introduce and discuss the theoretical framework and studies on Lao nationalism. I first look at the theories of nationalism put forward by Gellner, Anderson and Smith, three of the most influential thinkers on the subject, and note the limits of their theories with respect to my study. I then extend my discussion to theories of nationalism and ethnicity, and I argue that these propose a framework that is too constrained to explain the complexity of my research. I therefore suggest some other conceptual notions that may encompass the multiple outcomes of my study. Finally, I discuss studies that have dealt with the concepts of nation, nationalism and ethnicity in modern Laos, and show how my work may contribute to the fostering of research in this field. In Chapter Three, I review the historical relationships between the non-ethnic Lao people and the political authorities from the pre-modern period up to the proclamation of the Lao PDR in 1975. I focus in particular on three historical periods: pre-modern Laos (until the French colonisation), French rule (1893-1954) and the French and American Wars (1945-1974). Each period corresponds with a specific pattern of relationships between the non-ethnic Lao people and the political authority. Above all, I insist that the French and American Wars changed the role of the non-ethnic Lao populations socially, politically and historically. From the periphery where they were symbolically and administratively confined, the participation of some of their members in the wars exposed these individuals to socialisation and politicisation processes. From that point onwards, the nationalist discourse would have to include multi-ethnicity in its rhetoric. In Chapter Four, I analyse ethnic classifications in contemporary Laos, with a brief review of previous policies. I first look at the ideologies that have influenced the Lao ethnic classification, namely, those of the former Soviet Union, China and Vietnam. Through an analysis of the construction of the latest official census (August 2000), I suggest a close relationship between ethnic categorisation and the nationalist discourse. I conclude with a study of Kaysone Phomvihane's guidelines on the concept of the nation in Laos. In Chapter Five, I question the Majority's ethnicity. I first argue that the constitution of a national identity in post-socialist Laos is being conducted through a dual process of exclusion and inclusion, involving a politics of Minority/Majority representation and a dichotomy between Tradition and Modernity. I extend my discussion to the nationalist discourse's search for particularism, through a politics of cultural discipline and a new approach to the narrative of the national history. At the same time, I suggest that the new form of nation, more centred on a spiritual principle, i.e. Buddhism, also originates in popular will, namely, the ethnic Lao population's. In Chapter Six, I reverse the perspective and disclose the voices of those being represented. I focus my analysis on a few members of ethnic minorities who hold, or have held, a position of authority. More precisely, I analyse their interpretations of the past through their narratives. I point out their pattern, logic and coherence, but also their discontinuities, omissions and exaggerations. All these characteristics are constitutive of these individuals' identity. Experience, however, is never monolithic. Experience structures narratives, which, in turn, structure experience, while all interpretations and expressions are historically, politically and institutionally situated. I therefore show that narratives also can change under new historical and political conditions. In Chapter Seven, I reflect on the issues of ethnicity and identity. I first study the ambiguities of the ethnicities of the individuals discussed in Chapter Six, caught in between the official categorisation, the Majority's ethnicity and their own perception of their ethnic identity. I then analyse what I call the crisis of identity induced by social, economic, political and institutional changes during the post-socialist era. The social and political identity of these educated members of ethnic minority groups is being challenged. Finally, I conclude with a specific case of instrumentalist ethnicity, which might prefigure the awakening of new identities in post-socialist Laos.
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Ahmed, Nazneen. "Imaginations : Literacy construction of nation under postcolonial occupation in east Pakistan/Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530012.
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Bellinetti, Maria Caterina. "Building a nation : the construction of modern China through CCP's propaganda images." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30913/.
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To date, the study of Chinese propaganda photography has been limited. While some research has been made on post-1949 photography, the photographic production of the pre-1949 period has not been sufficiently explored. Focusing on the years of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-45), this thesis aims at addressing this gap in the literature and at providing an analysis of how the Chinese Communist Party exploited photography for propaganda purposes during the war. Through the images taken by Party-affiliated photographers and printed on the Jin Cha Ji Pictorial, the first Communist photographic propaganda magazine, this study aims to show how this type of visual propaganda aimed not only at narrating the events of the war against Japan, but also at creating a new idea of the Chinese nation. This thesis is divided into four chapters. The first, The Jin Cha Ji Pictorial: A Brief History presents the history of the magazine and the work of the CCP affiliated photographers who contributed to its creation and popularity. Chapter two, The Geography of a Revolution, explores how a new cultural landscape was visually constructed to create the basis of the political legitimation that the CCP needed during wartime. Chapter three, Becoming Modern Women, investigates the symbolic and ideological value of the spinning wheel in 1943 in relation to women’s contribution to the war effort and the thorny issue of women empowerment. Lastly, chapter four, Moulding the Future looks at the visual representation of childhood and discusses the issue of militarisation and masculinisation of childhood during wartime. This study ends with few considerations on the propagandistic, historical and artistic value of Communist propaganda photography during the Second Sino-Japanese War as well as a reflection on how the symbolic and ideological significance of some of the photographs presented here are still recognisable in contemporary Chinese propaganda.
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Aboulkacem, El Khater. "Nationalisme et construction culturelle de la nation au Maroc : Processus et réactions." Paris, EHESS, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005EHES0252.
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Cette thèse est une tentative de contribution à l'étude des processus de construction nationale et ses effets sur l'émergence des courants de contestation qui occupent aujourd'hui la scène politique dans ce pays. Au début, elle brosse le paysage social, politique et culturel de l'empire précolonial afin de saisir comment une catégorie sociale détentrice d'une culture particulière va pouvoir s'investir dans le projet nationaliste. Ensuite, elle aborde le passage de l'empire à un Etat de type nationaliste. Les modalités juridiques produites par le contact entre l'Empire et les puissances européennes ainsi que la mise en route du Protectorat français ont été décrites pour comprendre le contexte favorable à l'émergence de l'idée de "nation" et comment les producteurs légitimes du discours nationaliste ont été conduits à adopter la nationalité "arabe" et l'investir dans la production de la norme légitime. Enfin, elle analyse les conditions dans lesquelles le processus d'élaboration culturelle de la "nation" est engagé, ses limites et les réactions qu'elle engendre dans l'actualité la plus immédiate avec les deux mouvements contestataires, islamiste et amazigh (berbère)This thesis is an attempt to contribute to the examination of the process of constructing the nation and the emergence of the currents of anti-establishment activity in this country. The first part gives a rough outline of the social and cultural landscape of the pre-colonial empire in order to understand how a social class were going to be able to invest in the nationalist project. The second part concerns the move from an empire to a nationalist-type State. The judicial modalities, a product of the contact between the Empire and the European powers and of the starting-up of the Protectorat, have been described in order to understand how the changes that had been brought about had created a context favourable to the emergence of the idea of "the nation". Furthermore, the development of this idea and the context for the realisation of nationalism have been apprehended to understand why and how the legitimate producers of nationalist discourse were persuaded to adopt "Arab" nationality. The third part analyses the conditions in which the development process of the nation's cultural landscape began, its limits and the reactions to which it is giving rise at the present time with the emergence of the two anti-establishment movements, islamist and Amazigh (Berber)
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Demian, Angela. "La nation impossible ? : identité collective et construction nationale en République de Moldova." Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0089.
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Ce travail analyse la construction nationale en R. De Moldova (1991-), partant du décalage entre la formation de l'État et les difficultés à consolider une collectivité historique majoritaire et une société des citoyens. J'étudie ce processus au regard de quelques théories sur la nation : les idéaltypes de la convergence servent à en appréhender les limites, selon la thèse de la double non congruence entre ethnicité et culture ainsi qu'entre diversités et objéctif d'unité politique, alors que les modèles de la dissociation le situent dans le contexte de la « crise » de l'État-nation. En m'appuyant sur une enquête qualitative, je typifie les idiomes ethno-nationaux pour révéler les antinomies de leurs référents. Ce modèle d'analyse permet de vérifier l'hypothèse sur l'indépendance entre les versants prépolitique et constructiviste de l'édification nationale, le travail concluent à la pertinence de la réflexion sur les fondements d'un ordre politique légitime qui concilie les particularismesThis study analyses the nation-building process in the R. Of Moldova (1991-), in particular, the difficulties to consolidate the majority community and the political society of citizens. I examine this process in the light of recent theories about the nation : the ideal types of convergence help to reveal its limits, analysed as a double non congruence situation between ethnicity and culture as well as between social diversity and the objective of political unity, while the dissociation models situate it in the context of the nation-state "crisis". Using qualitative methodology, I typify national idioms in order to point out the antinomies of their referents. This model of analysis allows me to confirm the interdependence between pre-political and constructivist sides of the nation-building project, my study concluding that the reflection about the foundations of a legitimate political order - permitting to reconcile particular identities and interests - is still of a high importance
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Cook, Danielle N. "Public space and nation| Constructing national culture after independence." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1527908.
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In this thesis, I use the cities of Yamoussoukro, Cote d'Ivoire; Phnom Penh, Cambodia; and Montreal, Canada as case studies to analyze the connection between architecture, nationalism, and the influence of colonialism. Each of these cities was directly influenced by French urban development as these cities were reshaped in order to change the people, history, or culture of specific geographies. As these countries gained independence from France they used architecture as a way to express national identity to local populations in order to collectivize them, as well as a way to express this "unified" identity to the international community. This is rooted in the urban policies of the European colonizers which focused on teaching indigenous populations European morality, aesthetics, and rational use of space, but also in the creation of maps, drawings, and other material to express the colonial identity of these territories.
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Vlach, Vânia. "La formation d'un grand Etat et la construction de l'unité nationale du Brésil." Paris 8, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA081252.
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Notre travail analyse la formation territoriale dub resil, et la construction de son unite nationale. Si nous prenons en compte que le bresil est, actuellement, le cinquieme etat du monde par sa superficie et sa population, le maintien de cette unite, nonobstant les violents contrastes entre ses formations sociales, est un phenomene geopolitique de premiere importance. A partir d'une comparaison entre la constitution des empires coloniaux iberiques en amerique, leur desagregation territoriale, et l'apparition d'etats independants dans les trois premieres decennies du xixe siecle, qui se structurerent, a l'exception du bresil, sous la forme de republiques, nous expliquons ce que nous appelons aujourd'hui la "specificite bresilienne" en amerique latine. Ses ressemblances avec les etats-unis du point de vue de l'expansion territoriale, des formations sociales, du maintien du travail des esclaves apres l'independance, sont aussi prises en compte. Nous attirons l'attention sur le fait que l'etat bresilien eut toujours l'ambition politique d'exercer une hegemonie en amerique latine, une espece de "tremplin" pour etre reconnu comme un grand etat, et, ainsi, avoir un role de choix dans le monde. Pour ceci, ses elites dirigeantes definirent recemment un nouveau projet geopolitique : la reconstruction de l'appareil d'etat, dont l'objectif est de consolider un grand etat, suffisamment democratique et puissant pour accroitre la legitimite politique face a la nation bresilienne, et sa credibilite sur la scene internationale au debut du xxie siecleThis work analyses brazil's territorial shaping and the organization of its national unity. If we take into account that currently brazil is the fifth bigger and most populated state in the world, the maintenance of this unity - despite the deep contrasts found among its social strata - becomes a geopolitical event of the first magnitude. Comparing the constitution of iberian colonial empires in americas, their disaggregation and the emergence of independent states along the three first decades of the 19th century - which, except for brazil, were been structured as republics - we can explain what is called the "brazilian uniqueness" in latin america. The similarities between brazil and the united states are also considered: the expansion of the territory, the social strata, and the persistence of slave labor after independence. We emphasize that brazil has always had the ambition of exercising hegemony over latin america countries, a "spring board" that would allow its recognition as a great state, one entitled to play a significant role in the world. To accomplish this, brazilian political leaders have recently defined a new geopolitical project: to restore the government apparatus and consolidate such a prominent state, one which is democratic and powerful enough to increase a political legitimacy before its citizens and the credibility at the international scene in the threshold of the 21th century
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Henrikson, Marina Helena. "Nation-building in times of conflict : the discursive construction of Russian national identity through the Russo-Georgian War." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/nationbuilding-in-times-of-conflict-the-discursive-construction-of-russian-national-identity-through-the-russogeorgian-war(effdcae1-69b8-40a5-a990-311d5f404dc5).html.
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This thesis examines the discursive construction of Russian national identity through the 2008 war in Georgia with a focus on how this process was influenced by the Russian leadership’s desire to gain the support of both the domestic and international audiences for its actions outside its borders. These actions involved forceful military intervention, the recognition of the independence of the two Georgian break-away republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and the decision to place Russian military troops in the two republics during the aftermath of war. The study critically examines the official Russian discourse, with a focus on particular visions of national identity that this discourse utilized. The study demonstrates how the official discourse in the context of the 2008 war contributed to the construction of Russian national identity and thereby seeks to highlight the performative power of language. By placing considerable focus on the internal dimension of the Russian leadership’s conduct in the international arena, i.e. the consolidation of the national community in the event of war, the thesis contributes to an oft overlooked element of Russian foreign policy initiatives. Consequently, it seeks to challenge the tendency to explain Russian actions with regard to the war as a natural result of a neo-imperialistic identity – a tendency that fails to take into account how national identity can be constructed in its more immediate context. By making use of Rogers Brubaker's concept of nationalism as an event, the study discusses the increased force of nationalism during war and demonstrates how this was clearly the case during the 2008 war in Georgia. The analysis concentrates on three main identity visions within the official Russian discourse. Firstly, it examines how contemporary Russia was constructed as a great power, partly as a response to the claims that it was an imperialist state. Secondly, it discusses the role of certain historical concepts, i.e. the Cold War and the Soviet Union, within the discourse and elaborates upon the act of politicising history. Thirdly, the study analyses the Russian leadership’s protection narrative that emphasised the responsibility to protect Russian citizens and compatriots in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It is demonstrated how these different identity visions were intertwined, resulting in a rather contradictory official discourse that speaks to many different audiences simultaneously, while foregrounding the first of the above-mentioned identity visions, namely of Russia as a great power.
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Copsey, Dickon. "Race, gender and nation : the cultural construction of identity within 1990s German cinema." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2004. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1927/.
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This study offers a cultural studies reading of race, gender and nation as represented in three thematic sub-genres of contemporary German film production. The aim of this study is to demonstrate that each of these thematic sub-genres offers a unique insight into the cultural construction of a distinct, yet problematic and porous umbrella identity enjoying a particular cultural currency in post-Wall Germany. It should be noted that, in this respect, this study represents a move away from these traditional diachronic analyses of German film, which attempt a snapshot of an entire history filmic production, towards a more clearly delineated, synchronic analysis of a single contemporary moment – namely, the 1990s. The first of these thematic sub-genres concerns the ambiguous romantic narratives of the sexually autonomous yet avowedly post-feminist New German Comedy women. As a significant sub-genre of the popular New German Comedy film of the early 1990s, these films embody a clear structural reliance on the narrative norms of a classic, mainstream cinema. In contrast, the cinematic representations East(ern) Germany, past and present, incorporate a myriad of generic forms and registers in their explorations of the meaning of reunification for eastern German populations, from up-beat comic road movies to psycho-allegorical tales of internal disquiet. The third area of this study concerns itself with the representation of Turkish-German populations in 1990s German cinema. As eclectic as the cinematic representations of the East, the work of these Turkish-German filmmakers appears to offer a troubling cinematic trajectory from abused and exploited first generation Gastarbeiter to self-assured and recalcitrant street-tough Kanaksta.
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Schull, Kent Fielding. "Penal institutions, nation-state construction, and modernity in the late Ottoman Empire, 1908-1919." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1481660611&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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SANTOS, RENATA SOARES DA COSTA. "PROJECT TO THE NATION ON PAGES CINEARTE: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE PICTURE BOOK LIGHT." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=16765@1.
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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICOO presente trabalho versa sobre o debate acerca do desenvolvimento do projeto de cinema educativo brasileiro a partir de sua difusão na revista Cinearte entre os anos de 1926 e 1932. O tema e objeto são estudados no contexto de renovação da idéias pedagógicas na Primeira República, fruto do movimento da Escola Nova e do Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação e é sustentado pelo pilar das características peculiares à modernidade, fio que permeia todo o escrito, desenhando um panorama das sensibilidades e novas experiências vigentes na sociedade. Ao folhear sete anos de publicação semanal da revista averiguamos que, além de inventariar a história do cinema e da educação, Cinearte responde uma das principais questões que permeou nossa pesquisa, ou seja, a hipótese de que o projeto de cinema educativo encontrou na Revista Cinearte um importante fórum de discussão, o que ajudou no fortalecimento de sua elaboração e difusão no Brasil. Observamos a contribuição de Cinearte para a propagação das idéias que circundavam as discussões pedagógicas de sua época, facilitando o diálogo entre os intelectuais e o poder político. Buscamos compreender as estreitas relações estabelecidas entre aqueles que escreviam em Cinearte, os demais intelectuais da época que debatiam o tema cinema educativo e os integrantes do governo. Acreditamos que, a convergência dessas relações, moveu a implantação de políticas que favoreciam o cinema educativo com uma legislação voltada para o tema.
This paper deals with the debate about the development of the Brazilian educational film project from its diffusion in the magazine Cinearte between the years 1926 and 1932. The subject and object are studied in the context of renewal of the pedagogical ideas in the First Republic, the fruit of the New School movement and the Manifesto of the Pioneers of Education and supported by the pillar of the characteristics peculiar to modernity, thread that permeates all the writing, drawing a picture sensitivities of existing and new experiences in society. Leafing through seven years of weekly publication of the magazine We checked that, in addition to record the history of cinema and education, Cinearte answers one of the main issues that has permeated our research, namely the hypothesis that the design of educational cinema found in the Journal Cinearte an important forum for discussion, which helped strengthen its elaboration and diffusion in Brazil. We note the contribution of Cinearte for propagation of ideas that surrounded the pedagogical discussions of his time, facilitating the dialogue between intellectuals and political power. We seek to understand the close relations established between those who wrote in Cinearte, other intellectuals of the time debating the issue educational cinema and members of government. We believe that the convergence of these relations, he moved the implementation of policies that favored the educational film with a law-oriented theme.
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Diaz, Soto Carlos Alonso. "Art et nationalisme au Chili : invention visuelle et construction symbolique d'une nation : 1810-1910." Bordeaux 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010BOR30005.
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Au XIXe siècle, le Chili adopte le régime républicain sous l'égide de l'État-nation. Quel rôle ont joué les arts dans la consolidation de ce modèle politique ? Comment les modèles esthétiques européens, notamment français, eux-mêmes conçus comme une légitimation de l'État et de ses élites, ont-ils été adaptés aux conditions locales ? Pour ce travail de recherche, notre hypothèse consiste à supposer que toute nation politique est aussi une construction culturelle et que son élaboration se manifeste à travers diverses formes d'expression artistique et littéraire dès lors que celles-ci sont particulièrement contrôlées par l'État. Dans le cas du Chili, on observe par exemple, que la présence relativement hégémonique d'un style religieux traditionnel proche du baroque s'est conjuguée avec le développement d'un imaginaire laïque, séculaire, voire nationaliste. Notre hypothèse établit alors un fil fédérateur dans l'analyse des arts visuels, et leur mise à disposition des institutions de l'État en vue de la consolidation du nouveau régime politique. Cette hypothèse signale que, si toute nation est une construction culturelle, le processus de sa construction a dû se manifester dans le maillage des différentes formes artistiques, notamment celles les plus surveillées et contrôlées par l'État. Alors, si la suprématie d'une conception mystique du monde dans l'imaginaire culturel de la période coloniale (XVIe-XIXe siècles) s'est reflétée dans l'hégémonie de la peinture hagiographique et de la sculpture sur bois, la prépondérance d'un imaginaire laïque, séculaire de type nationaliste, devrait avoir laissé son empreinte en se façonnant au service de la propagation d'une iconographie d'ordre nationaliste qui serait principalement de type historiciste et commémorative, appuyée d'abord par les formes du néo-classicisme, puis articulée sur les fondements de l'académie. L'analyse historique qualitative, appuyée sur une série temporaire de variantes, en employant une méthode de comparaison et de fréquence quantitative des flux iconographiques issus des projets officiels politiques (les commandes d'État aux artistes arrivés au Chili dès 1822, la fondation de l'Académie Nationale des Beaux-Arts en 1849, l'inauguration de l'École Nationale de Sculpture et d'Arts et Métiers en 1852 ainsi que la mise en place des Salons en 1884), devrait permettre la reconstruction du processus d'édification d'un imaginaire de type national au Chili. De même, ses caractéristiques les plus significatives permettraient, à leur tour, de détecter les conceptions formulées en tant qu'expérience artistique. À travers la presse, au Chili comme dans les autres pays du continent, les classes dirigeantes ont éveillé le peuple à la poésie, et par l'exaltation des traditions folkloriques propres à la nation, à une conscience du passé historique de la patrie. Comme il était nécessaire de développer un sentiment d'unité et d'identité à l'intérieur du territoire, ces mêmes dirigeants ont cherché à légitimer leur statut en prenant une part active dans le mécénat et le contrôle de la production artistique. La création d'une iconographie nationale a été le point de départ d'une grande campagne idéologique visant à transformer les intérêts de la collectivité bureaucratique en traditions d'ordre politique et culturel. Les portraits de l'élite se sont articulés comme des images intermédiaires entre les dirigeantes et la classe populaire. Ils ont associé l'exaltation de la patrie à travers l'identification de ces personnages qui en même temps constituaient une allégorie des nouvelles valeurs civiques. A travers ces effigies, le peuple devait s'identifier lui-même puis identifier les valeurs suprêmes de l'identité qui lui appartenait. Ces personnages (les pères de la Patrie) se sont installés comme les authentiques héritiers d'un passé commun ouvert au futur à partir d'une chilennité sur laquelle reposait le culte républicain. De même, le paysage devait accomplir la fonction d'enregistrer et de documenter les territoires et les habitants de la nouvelle nation. La problématique soulevée par cette hypothèse laisse ouverte une série d'interrogations nécessaires pour comprendre l'impact du discours politique sur le panorama de la vie artistique et culturelle du pays : d'où provient le mythe national ? Comment est-il né et comment se transforme t-il en justification du nationalisme ? Comment le paysage culturel et intellectuel chilien a-t-il été affecté par ces évolutions ? Dans quelle mesure y a t-il eu au Chili une tradition artistique, du moins au sens européen du terme ? À quel point l'iconologie, dite républicaine, est-elle permanente (ou perméable) dans le destin des arts visuels ? Nous voulons ici que le terme de nationalisme ne s'emploie pas dans un sens strictement idéologique mais davantage sur une idée plus large, plus proche du sentiment ou du mythe. Cette thèse vise à étudier plus précisément un type d'élément qui dessine un espace parallèlement à ses frontières : les réseaux qui construisent l'espace de l'État et les routes symboliques qui le traversent, permettant de créer une culture commune. Le XIXe siècle au Chili, étroitement lié à l’idéologie issue du siècle des Lumières, codifie un mythe moderne à partir de trois axes fondamentaux : a) L'esprit fondateur, socle sur lequel la République s’est consolidée, à partir de la culture politique des élites dirigeantes. Il faut rappeler qu'à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, le Chili ne possédait ni unité sociale ni unité culturelle et que la notion même de « Chili » en tant que pays n'était comprise que comme une simple désignation géographique faisant allusion à Santiago. B) L’établissement d’une « religion civile » (près de ses mythes, de ses héros et de ses pères fondateurs), en opposition à l’idée inaccomplie du rite, le concept d'identité étant encore diffus et instable. Nous parlons d'un État séculier et par conséquent, d'un projet civilisateur fondé sur les valeurs de la laïcité, d'un discours élaboré par rapport au pouvoir central, et en même temps appuyé sur la religion catholique. Si malgré la Révolution de 1789, pour certains, la France continuait d'être la fille ainée de l'église, le Chili, à travers son culte marial, s'est discrètement identifié comme la République bien-aimée de Notre-Dame du Mont-Carmel. C) La recherche de la légitimité, non seulement celle de la terre, mais aussi celle d’autres formes intermédiaires de contraintes et de dominations, recherche qui tente de marquer la transition d'un chaos primitif à un ordre fondateur. Par là-même, doit se tisser le discours d’une « tradition commune » qui aurait ses racines au-dessus du pacte colonial, ou au contraire, qui mettrait en question les réseaux du pacte néo-colonial dans lequel le symptôme de l’impérialisme et la nécessité des marchés pour la croissance industrielle sont un exemple de la manière avec laquelle naît un pays, malgré le contexte mais aussi grâce à lui. Privilégiant une méthode de classement générationnel (analyse des qualités formelles, symboles et motifs, histoire de leur création, aspects biographiques,. . . ), les histoires de l'art du Chili républicain ont été conçues à partir des biographies d'artistes locaux et aussi étrangers, ayant participé à la construction d'un imaginaire proprement chilien. Cet imaginaire était principalement inspiré par la devise du naturalisme scientifique et le positivisme, puis par le romantisme et le sentiment du national. Le fonctionnement d'un critère identitaire, élaboré sur la notion de race (critère de spiritualité ou d'expression d'une « conscience » chilienne) et ses compléments iconographiques, est pressenti comme la base de la grande entreprise apologiste du discours de l'art instrumentalisé au service d'une cause nationale. À l'intérieur de la problématique de l'art national existent plusieurs conjonctures qui doivent être abordées pour élargir le domaine de réflexion sur l'identité et les engagements de l'art à partir d'une vision ethnique. Nous croyons que la richesse de cette réflexion se trouverait dans le dialogue avec l'altérité de la production plastique chilienne, c'est à dire, que l'examen de l'histoire de l'art ne doit pas rester coincé sous une interprétation exclusivement plastique (où les artistes deviennent des héros et leurs biographies des récits fondateurs de l'histoire de l'art locale), ni écrit sur le formalisme pur et exclusif d'un inventaire ou d'un catalogue. Cet examen doit plutôt se répandre dans un sens large qui permettrait de soulever de nombreux problèmes relatifs à son identité propre et à celle de l'autre, ainsi qu'au devenir. La fondation de l'Académie Nationale de Peinture (1849) apparaît tel un résultat cohérent du projet civilisateur de la nation, s'installant comme moment fondateur et comme la matrice discursive d'un art chilien. Sa synchronie esthétique et spirituelle avec la culture européenne ne devrait pas se situer ici à l'image de l'expurgation d'une reprochable mimesis ou comme un acte privatif de l'élite chilienne. La mise en place de cette organisation découle d'un projet majeur qui s'achève avec la création du musée des Beaux-Arts, inauguré à Santiago le 18 septembre 1880. C'est ainsi qu'au Chili se sont structurées les principales institutions qui ont légitimé la production artistique : l'académie, le musée et les salons. Le concept du musée fonctionnera ici en analogie à l'idéal républicain du Louvre : il devient l'espace propre de l'État où s'enregistre l'histoire républicaine qui permet également la démocratisation des arts, c'est à dire, qui donne à la citoyenneté le droit moral de participer à l'appréciation du patrimoine artistique, même si ce patrimoine est souvent incompréhensible avec ses codes inconnus, trop loin du quotidien de la grande majorité de la population.
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Dewel, Serge. "ADDIS ABÄBA (Éthiopie) 1886-1966. Construction d'une nouvelle capitale pour une ancienne nation souveraine." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCF021/document.
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Dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, l’Éthiopie luttait farouchement pour conserver son indépendance, tout en agrandissant considérablement son territoire. Une région de montagnes et de prairies, jusqu’alors aux marges méridionales de l’espace national, se retrouva au centre du pays défini par de nouvelles frontières. C’est là qu’est née Addis Abäba vers 1886, d’abord simple "kätäma" (camp royal) et base logistique pour les conquêtes militaires, avant de devenir un « carrefour du monde ».L’objectif de cette thèse est une mise en lumière du rôle moteur, exercé par la volonté de reconnaissance de la souveraineté nationale, dans le processus particulier de fondation et de pérennisation de la capitale éthiopienne, ainsi que dans son développement au cours du XXe siècle. Les grandes phases de croissance d’Addis Abäba ne peuvent être comprises qu’à l’aune du contexte international, alors que la souveraineté et l’indépendance éthiopiennes étaient menacées. Dans ces moments particuliers, le pouvoir a mis la ville en scène, en la développant et en la dotant d’un patrimoine architectural et monumental. Pour cela, il puisa dans le temps long de l’histoire éthiopienne, dans l’attachement à la chrétienté éthiopienne — la religion "Täwahǝdo" — et dans le mythe national du "Kǝbrä Nägäst". Les règnes et régimes successifs ont adopté une même rhétorique urbaine et bâtisseuse, jusqu’au XXIe siècleWhile fiercely struggling for its independence during the second half of the 19th century, Ethiopia extended considerably its territory. A region of meadows and mountains, at the southern march, became the centre of the country in its new borders. There, in 1886, what was first founded as a garrison camp for its strategic position became Addis Abäba, soon the new capital at the crossroads of the world.This thesis aims to highlight the part played by the national sovereignty and its recognition in the particular process of the Ethiopian capital foundation and its perpetuation, as well as its development during the 20th century. The main growing phases of Addis Abäba might only be understood in terms of its international context whilst Ethiopian sovereignty and independence were jeopardized. During those particular times, the rulers used Addis Abäba as a stage for its performance, expanding the city and provided it with architectural and monumental heritage. For this, they drew in the country’s long-time history, in the strong commitment to the Ethiopian Christianity – the "Täwahǝdo" – and into the "Kǝbrä Nägäst" the national myth. The successive systems and reigns until the 21st century have adopted the same urban and building response
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Isaza, Velasquez Alejandra. "The musical construction of the nation : music, politics and state in Colombia 1848-1910." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-musical-construction-of-the-nation-music-politics-and-state-in-colombia-1848--1910(41f7f18a-7413-4b88-ba56-ce8c30857a6b).html.
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In this thesis I explain how Western art music gained a political, social and cultural role in Colombia during the decades that spanned from 1848 to 1910. This analysis engages the different attributes that Colombian political and cultural leaders of the time ascribed to art music in order to integrate it as part of their projects of Nation and confronts them with what is known about traditional music practices. In doing so, I explain discourses and social practices that developed around and because of the integration of art music to urban life in Colombia during the period of research. The purpose of this analysis is to elucidate the processes and contradictions that characterized the social practice of art music in Colombia as well as the limitations of the implementation of art music as an inclusive practice during the second half of the nineteenth century. This last notion underlies cultural policies implemented during present times and highlights the contradiction between art music as an exclusive social practice and the political discourse about art music as a space for learning democratic republican values.
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Bittner, Petra. "Writing the story of Kenya construction of identity in the novels of Marjorie Oludhe Macgoye." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2008. http://d-nb.info/99252007X/04.
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Ndiaye, Moustapha. "La construction constitutionnelle du politique en Afrique subsaharienne francophone." Thesis, Montpellier, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016MONTD030.
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La construction constitutionnelle du politique en cours en Afrique subsaharienne francophone est le résultat d’une volonté historique : la colonisation européenne. Après la décolonisation, l’injonction du discours de la mission civilisatrice est formellement suivie puisque les constitutions africaines francophones, qui imitent la constitution française, consacrent le modèle français de l’Etat-nation démocratique. Mais l’institutionnalisation de l’Etat-nation démocratique est globalement infructueuse. L’application du modèle unitaire de l’Etat-nation démocratique va généralement engendrer des conflits intercommunautaires, soit pour le contrôle du pouvoir au sein de l’Etat-nation (par la lutte armée ou par la loi de la majorité démocratique), soit pour se séparer de l’Etat-nation. Les amendements jusque-là apportés n’ont pas réussi à résorber la crise du politique parce qu’ils s’inscrivent toujours sous le paradigme constitutionnel du modèle unitaire de l’Etat-nation démocratique (nation monocommunautaire et Etat-unitaire), ignorant ainsi un élément déterminant du fait politique subsaharien à savoir l’identité collective précoloniale ou ethnique. Dès lors, comme cela s’est fait dans d’autres pays (Belgique, Canada, Espagne, Ethiopie, et.), la résolution de la crise du politique dans les pays subsahariens pourrait trouver une voie de résolution dans l’adoption d’un modèle constitutionnel pluralitaire, c’est-à-dire la reconnaissance de la pluralité communautaire constitutive de la nation (nation pluricommunautaire) à laquelle correspondrait une forme pluralitaire du pouvoir politique (Etat fédéral, Etat régional ou Fédération démocratique)The constitutional’s construction of the current politics in francophone sub-Saharan Africa is the result of an historic will : the European colonization. After decolonization, the discourse of the civilizing mission is strictly followed because Francophone African constitutions, which follow the French’s Constitution dedicated the French model of the democratic nation-state. But the institutionalization of democratic nation-state is generally unsuccessful. The application of unitary democratic nation-state model will generally lead to inter-community conflicts, either for the control of power within the nation-state (through armed struggle or the law of the Democratic majority) or to separate from the nation state. The amendments so far made have failed to resolve the crisis of politics because they always fit under the constitutional paradigm of unitary model of the democratic nation-state (monocommunautaire nation and state unit), thus ignoring a key fact Saharan political namely pre-colonial or ethnic collective identity. Therefore, as was done in other countries (Belgium, Canada, Spain, Ethiopia …), the resolution of the political crisis in sub-Saharan countries could find a resolution in the adoption of pluralitaire a constitutional model , that is to say, the recognition of the constituent community diversity of the nation (multicommunity nation) to which correspond a pluralitaire form of political power (federal state, regional or state Democratic Federation)
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Stefaniuk, Thomas. "Diaspora Destiny: Joseph Jessing and Competing Narratives of Nation, 1860-1899." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1343309825.
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Ursa, Liana. "Le paradigme Etat, nation, développement: le cas libérien." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209043.
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La manière dont le processus de construction étatique et nationale se déroule, influence le processus de développement d’un pays. Idéal type d’une construction imaginée, le Libéria et les Libériens ont été au centre de notre analyse. L’intérêt pour ce sujet découle :- de notre mécontentement vis-à-vis du postulat de l’inexistence sociologique de la nation libérienne et de la faiblesse du projet national Libéria énoncé par plusieurs auteurs mais aussi - de la méconnaissance par les élites nationales de leurs propres concitoyens, de leurs aspirations, peurs et espérances, soit des prérequis indispensables pour mettre en place un projet de construction nationale, étatique et de développement cohérent et inclusif. Nous avons voulu écouter le peuple et rapporter des sources primaires recueillies sur le terrain pour rendre compte sur ces processus tout en réalisant une analyse documentaire approfondie de la question. Au Libéria, après les années sombres des guerres civiles, la construction d'un nouveau type d'État démocratique et libéral, capable d'incorporer toutes les composantes nationales, s’appuyant sur une identité suprême partagée, a été prônée. Mais avant de reconstruire un pays, on doit solidifier la nation. L’ancienne conception d'État et de nation centralisée et limitative doit laisser place à une conception nouvelle intégrative et ouverte, basée sur l’histoire et le vécu de tous les Libériens. A travers cette étude, nous avons cherché à identifier, dans l’imaginaire individuel et collectif, qui sont les Libériens d’aujourd’hui ?Qu’est-ce être Libérien ?En observant, chez eux, l’absence ou la présence d’une adhésion au projet national libérien et ses facteurs explicatifs. Les réponses fournies par nos interlocuteurs seront utiles à tous ceux qui veulent travailler pour la réinvention du Libéria après l’époque du nationalisme ethnocentrique, de la destructrice et meurtrière guerre civile et du difficile démarrage national en après-conflit. La démocratisation du pays a été aussi porteuse d’un projet citoyen qui suppose des droits et des obligations. L’existence d’un fort sentiment d’identification et d’appartenance à un espace donné contribue au renforcement de la démocratie, avec une influence forte sur le développement du pays. L’expérience a montré que les nations se fortifient surtout dans un cadre démocratique et constitutionnel. L’analyse du contenu de la littérature géopolitique et sociale du pays nous a révélé comment l’identité nationale (que nous nommons ici « la libérianité ») s’était construite à 4
travers les étapes historiques du pays et le résultat de notre enquête de terrain nous indique comment elle a évolué. Ensuite, nous avons établi le contour de la « libérianité » telle qu’elle est vécue et définie, aujourd’hui, par ceux qui s’identifient comme Libériens. Nous avons aussi constaté l’existence d’une adhésion à l’identité nationale libérienne et au projet national libérien, assumée par - et dont s’est appropriée - une majorité écrasante des individus, indépendamment de leurs identifications assumées ou assignées. Cette adhésion est moins due au facteur ethnique qu’à de facteurs historiques, culturels, linguistiques, sécuritaires, de reconnaissance et valorisation personnelles, d’inclusion et exclusion. L’identité nationale libérienne est définie à partir des référents historiques, culturels (traditions, danses, fêtes, chants, coutumes), linguistiques et sécuritaires, de reconnaissance et valorisation personnelles. L’adhésion au projet national libérien est soutenue par les éléments constitutifs de l’identité nationale libérienne. Pour les Libériens-mêmes, l’identité nationale libérienne est une identité légitimante, une identité duale, se basant sur une culture mixte (indigène et moderne), une langue commune (l’anglais libérien) et des éléments identitaires propres qui les distinguent des autres peuples (noms, coutumes, nourriture, danses, chants, vêtements, célébrations etc.). Cette identité est une identité projet, en réinvention continue. L’attachement à la terre commune, « maman Libéria », est sentimental et instrumental. Le projet national libérien est aujourd’hui - intégré parce qu’il exprime la symbiose entre l’âme indigène et des éléments allogènes, entre la tradition africaine propre à la Côte du Poivre (Côte du Poivre) et la modernité :il se base sur l’expérience historique commune. Viennent ensuite, les facteurs sécuritaires (valorisation et protection de leurs vies, propriétés), économiques et psychologiques qui sont mobilisés pour soutenir le projet politique. Nos interlocuteurs sont réalistes, le projet national et étatique actuel présente d’innombrables limites politiques, institutionnelles, culturelles, sociales et économiques mais y adhérer leur procure la seule possibilité de se mettre à l’abri de l’arbitraire de l’homme, d’écarter le spectre d’une nouvelle guerre civile, d’accéder à la citoyenneté porteuse de valorisation personnelle et collective et à une vie épanouissante et prospère. Notre étude, par la recherche documentaire, met aussi en évidence l’évolution du caractère et du contenu de l’idée nationale libérienne, les moments et les personnages y ayant travaillé pour façonner le Libéria et les Libériens depuis 1822 à nos jours. Le Libéria, le premier État indépendant d’Afrique, a toujours eu les caractéristiques de l’étatisme, il a existé sans cesse depuis sa création, en dépit de sa nature patrimoniale et prébende. État failli durant les deux guerres civiles, le Libéria d’après 2003 est en plein processus de
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reconstruction physique et symbolique. Par cette recherche, nous avons étudié l’État, la Nation et le développement du Libéria :plus précisément, la manière dont la mise en place de l’État libérien a influencé le développement de cet espace et le contenu de la nation libérienne, mais aussi la façon dont elle a été instrumentalisée, comment elle a évolué et influencé les processus étatique et de développement national.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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King, Taryn V. "[We are] designing : the South African pavilion for world expo 2020, Dubai, UAE." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/60183.
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The 'Beyond' as Bhaba1 (1994:1) conceives it, is "neither a
new horizon, nor a leaving behind of the past"; rather it is the
borders to the present.
These boundaries of the present are the "that from which
something begins its essential unfolding", according to
Heidegger (1978:356). Unfolding as a consequence of the
intersection of time and space, produces complex, as
opposed to unitary or reductive, figures of difference and
identity in Bhaba's (1994:2) view.
It is with these 'complex figure of difference and identity' which
enact 'hindsight' to re-describe our cultural contemporaneity;
to re-inscribe our human, historic commonality, that this
study is interested in. Within the context of nation branding,
these figures offer an alternative to the archetypal western
approach to identity construction.
The western approach to nation branding is based on two
critical assumptions; firstly, that modern nations are composed
of homogeneous societies, and secondly, that these societies
share a common culture.
It is here that the problem lies, for at its essence, South Africa
is pluralistic. We are a multicultural rainbow nation. We do not
have typical shared myths, historical memories and a mass
public culture due to historical and more recent political
struggles within our country. Consequently, we do not follow
the typical western approach to nation branding. It is therefore the intention of this study to make use of Bhaba's
(1994) theory of the 'Beyond' and his notions of Interstices and
Cultural Hybridity as adjectives and means of complex culture
production, introduced above, to propose an alternative
multicultural South African identity to be spatially transcribed
into the South African pavilion at the Expo 2020, Dubai UAE.
To this end, the study conducted a Hermeneutical, Social
Visual Semiotic and Lexical analysis of I-JUSI, the selected
hybrid culture. The results of the examination produced
seven brand indicators. These indicators in conjunction with
a set of design principals; established via a precedent study
of artifacts, interiors, buildings and landscapes that explored
or expressed the nation's new emerging collective national
identity, will be used to spatially embody the design concept
for the pavilion.Die "Anderkant" (1994:1) soos Bhaba dit verstaan, is nie 'n "nuwe horison" maar ook nie " 'n vergeet van die verlede" nie, dit is liewer die grense van die huidige. Hierdie grense van die huidige is "dit wat waarvan iets sy noodsaaklike ontplooing begin", volgens Heidegger (1978:356). Ontplooing, as 'n gevolg van die kruising van tyd en ruimte, skep komplekse beelde in kontras met die unit?re of reduserende, beelde met verskille en identiteite uit Bhaba (1994:2) se oogpunt. Dit is met hierdie "komplekse beeld van verskil en identiteit" wat "nawete" implementeer dat ons ons kulturele tydelikheid kan her-definieer; om ons menslike, historiese ooreenkomste te her-graveer, dit is die studie waarmee ons onself mee bemoei. Binne die die begrip van handelsmerking bied hierdie beelde 'n alternatief tot die argetipiese westerse benadering tot identiteits konstruksie. Die westerse benadering tot handelsmerking is gebaseer op twee kritiese aannames: eerstens, dat moderne nasies van homogene samelewings saamgestel is, en tweedens, dat hierdie samelewings 'n algemene kultuur deel. Dit is hier waar die probleem l?, want Suid Afrika is wesentlik pluristies. Ons is 'n multi-kulturele re?nboog nasie . Ons besit nie tipiese legendes wat gedeel word onder ons nie en historise herinneringe en 'n massa publiek as gevolg van historiese en meer onlangse politiese stryd in ons land. Dus as 'n gevolg, volg ons nie die tipiese westerse benadering tot nasie handelsmerking nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is dus om gebruik te maak van Bhaba (1994) se teorie van die "Anderkant" en sy nasies van tussenruimtes en kulturele hibridisasie as byvoeglike naamwoorde, en wyses van kompleks kultuur produksie, soos hierbo bekendgestel, om 'n alternatiewe multikulturele Suid Arikaanse identiteit voor te stel en om die studie op 'n ruimtelike wyse op skrif te stel binne die Suid Afrikaanse Paviljoen by die "Expo 2020, Dubai UAE". Vir hierdie doel omvat die studie 'n hermeneutiese, sosiaal visuele semoitiese en leksikale analise van l-JUSI, die verkose hibried kultuur. Die resultate van die ondersoek het sewe handels indikators gewerf. Hierdie merke, tesame met 'n stel ontwerp beginsels ,het deur middel van 'n presedent studie van artefakte, interieurs, geboue en landskappe wat die nasie se nuwe ontluikende kollektiwe persoonlike identiteit uitdruk, gaan gebruik word om die ontwerp konsep van die pawiljoen ruimtelik uit te druk.
Mini Dissertation (MInt (Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2016.
Architecture
MInt (Prof)
Unrestricted
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Sanagan, Mark. "The social construction of militancy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict : masculinity, femininity and the nation." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99597.
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This thesis examines nationalism and colonialism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and asks the questions: What is the relationship between these ideologies and "national narratives" constructed of collective historical memory? How do these ideologies produce recognizable, sexualized, national bodies? What are the defining characteristics of these national bodies and how do they perform roles from the national narratives? These questions are addressed through a discussion of the role of masculinity in modern Zionism and the state of Israel, in particular how it relates to the land of Palestine and the Palestinian "other". This thesis also addresses anti-colonial resistance movements in Palestine and argues that performative nationalism produces a fetishized commodity that can me labeled "militancy". This militancy is found institutionalized in the popular culture of everything from poetry to political posters. Finally, Palestinian female suicide bombers, like women nationalists before them, do little to challenge how specific nationalist acts of resistance are defined by patriarchal nationalists and sexualized within a "gendered space of militancy".
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Finn, Sarah. "'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
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Kim, Philip J. "Subjectivity and nation the construction of self in I saw Ramallah and Passage to dusk /." Connect to resource, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/28942.
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Thesis (Honors)--Ohio State University, 2007.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages: contains 12 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 11-12). Available online via Ohio State University's Knowledge Bank.
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Levy, Gal. "Ethnicity and education : nation-building, state-formation, and the construction of the Israeli educational system." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/849/.
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The dissertation is about the ethnicisation of social relations in Israeli society and its reflection and manifestation in education. My main aim in this study is twofold: first, to offer a critical account of the development of ethnic relations in Israeli society and to examine the role ethnicity has played in the processes of nation-building and state-formation; and, second, to propose a history of the educational system in Israel which accounts for the role of education in creating and perpetuating ethnic identities. The first part of the dissertation consists of a critical reading of existing analyses of ethnicity in Israel. Its aim is to bring the state into the analysis of ethnic relations and demonstrate that such an approach is vital to the understanding of ethnic relations and identities. In the following part, I trace back the processes of nation-building and state-formation demonstrating how governments and major political actors became involved in the formation and re-production of ethnic boundaries within Israeli society. In these two parts, I am arguing against both functionalist and critical accounts of ethnicity in Israel, which tend to ‘essentialise’ ethnic categories and thus deny the political nature of ethnicity and its power as an organising basis for political action. In the third and major part of the dissertation, I seek to re-construct the history of the Israeli educational system within an understanding of ethnicity as a structural feature of state-society relations. This re-construction reveals how ‘ethnicity’ became an organising feature of this system since its inception as a Zionist national educational system in the early days of the Jewish colonisation of Palestine. Whereas the ‘national’ educational system was characteristically sectorial, non-European (mizrahi) Jews were denied the same autonomy that their European counterparts enjoyed. With the transition to statehood, and the massive influx of Jewish immigrants, the educational system was re-organised under the aegis of the state. Yet, it turned out, this new system retained the ‘old’ lines of division between Arabs and Jews, and between European and non-European Jews, thus imposing upon the latter the stigma of being ‘non-modern’ and ‘non-Zionist’. This re-emphasised ethnic boundaries, and entrenched ethnicity as a powerful basis for political action. In the 1960s, when the state engaged itself in reforming the educational system, making it compatible with the new needs of industrialisation and nationhood, ethnicity again played a critical role in legitimising state policies. ‘Integration’, that is, the de-segregation of the educational system, turned out to be nothing but a political token and, in fact, a means for entrenching ethnic boundaries and identities. The state, I argue, has thus been a crucial factor in perpetuating those ethnic images and realities, and hence a focus of ethnic discontent in the 1980s and 1990s.
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Valenius, Johanna. "Undressing the maid gender, sexuality, and the body in the construction of the Finnish nation /." Helsinki : Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/57066846.html.
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Cozza, Nicola. "Singing like wood-birds : refugee camps and exile in the construction of the Saharawi nation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d9ee198d-3275-4d6e-ae7f-34eb9a2aa101.
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Quinn, Hannah Elizabeth. "Encountering silence(s) : mitigating the negative social impacts of construction camps with Lake Babine Nation." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/61228.
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Lake Babine Nation is currently in negotiations with the Prince Rupert Gas Transmission Pipeline Project regarding the construction of a 950km liquid natural gas pipeline through their traditional territory. While the project has been approved, Nation members continue to express their concerns regarding construction camps, facilities designed to accommodate up to 1000 temporary workers. Increased rates of sexual violence, sexually transmitted infections, and domestic abuse are some of the impacts they are most concerned about. While the initial goal of my research was to voice the concerns of Babine women, I was frequently confronted by prolonged silences, long pauses, refusals, and hesitations in my research encounters. This thesis reflects my critical engagement with silence as it emerged in interviews, negotiations, public discourse, and in the lived experience of Indigenous women in Lake Babine Nation. The questions that motivated this analysis attend to silence as a concept, experience, and method. What follows is the genealogy of the silences encountered: the silences incited by colonialism, the silences mobilized by marginalized people to negotiate institutions that seek to silence them, and the embodied silences of those who live with the embodied consequences of sexual violence.
The purpose of my focus on silence has not been to impose a grand theory of silence on my research participants. Rather, the goal has been to attend to the pauses and gaps as they emerged in the research process, in a non-binary way. By extending silence, Babine women invited me to reflect on my positionality, the structures of domination in which we are implicated, and on their embodied and affective realities. What I find myself left with is silence as invitation—an invitation to learn, to unsettle colonial and racial relationships, to refuse, to resist, and to listen. Through a concerted focus on silences that surround sexual violence against Indigenous women, we may begin to see how anti-violence work can contribute to processes of decolonization and self-determination. This research establishes silence as a legitimate focus of investigation in qualitative research that may be approached with the same rigor with which we approach that which is spoken.Arts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
Graduate
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Dedon, Carrie. "Visualizing the Nation: Constructing a Czech National Art in the Prague Biennale." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/39.
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Mendonça, Emilie. "Construction du système éducatif et émergence de l'identité nationale au Guatemala 1875-1928." Thesis, Tours, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011TOUR2008/document.
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Cette thèse aborde la question des liens entre système éducatif et émergence de l’identité nationale dans le Guatemala de la Réforme Libérale. Depuis les premières lois instaurant un appareil éducatif à la charge de l’Etat (1875), jusqu’à la première apparition de la nation parmi les objectifs de l’école publique (1927-1928), ce travail analyse les lois, discours, manuels scolaires et rapports d’activités du Secrétariat à l’instruction Publique pour en discerner les fondements idéologiques et saisir la construction progressive d’une identité nationale complexe. Après avoir étudié la fondation du système à la fin du XiXe siècle et ses objectifs affichés, ce travail aborde le « problème de l’indien », puis le centraméricanisme reflété par l’école,avant de détailler la politique éducative d’Estrada Cabrera puis les réformes de 1927-1 928, qui voient enfin la formation d’une identité nationale inscrite au rang des objectifs de l’école publiqueThis thesis deals with the links between the educational system and the birth of a national identity in the Guatemala of the Liberal Reform. From the first laws establishing a state-funded educational apparatus(1875) to the first occurrence of the nation as one of public school’s objectives (1927-1928), this study analyses the laws, speeches, school books and activity reports of the Public Instruction Secretary to examine their ideological significance and grasp the progressive construction of a complex national identity.After studying the foundation of the system and its declared objectives in the late 19 century, this analysis focuses on the “Indian issue”, then the “Central-americanism” mirrored by school, then the educational policy of Estrada Cabrera, and finally the reforms of 1927-1 928, which made the establishment of a national identity one of public school’s official objectives
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Liow, Joseph Chinyong. "The kinship factor in international relations : kinship, identity construction, and nation formation in Indonesia-Malaysia relations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1716/.
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This thesis addresses the question of why the kinship factor has not been able to provide a viable basis upon which Indonesia-Malaysia relations can be organised, despite the fact that the language of kinship continues to frame diplomatic discourse between the two "kin states". As a study of the phenomenon of kinship in international relations, the thesis discusses the basis of kinship discourse in Indonesia-Malaysia relations, how kinship was politicised in terms of its conceptualisation and application, and why its dominant motif has been rivalry more than harmony, despite its regular evocation. In order to understand the kinship factor as a political phenomenon in Indonesia-Malaysia relations, four issues are considered: (1) the anthropological and sociological nature of kinship, (2) the politicisation of kinship in terms of the perception and interpretation of its attendant expectations and obligations, (3) the association of the kinship factor with the historical process of identity building and nation formation in Indonesia and Malaysia, and (4) the discrepancies between popular pressures to emphasise kinship, which imply extra-national loyalties, and the political calculations of leaders based on conceptions of sovereignty. Consequently, the study makes the observation that despite the fact that there is a basis upon which to define Indonesia and Malaysia as kin states, their "special relationship" has been characterised predominantly by tension. It argues that this state of affairs has been a consequence of the perceived failure of these kin states to fulfil the expectations and obligations of kinship. This, in turn, has been borne of fundamental differences in their respective historical experiences and the forging of their national identities, which contravened the loyalties wrought by the kinship factor. Having said that, there remain avenues for co-identification on the basis of kinship, particularly in reference to the influence of the "Chinese factor" that has traditionally been a cause for concern for the national identities and security of Indonesia and Malaysia.
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MARTINS, RAPHAEL DIEGO NEVES. "EDUCATE TO CIVILIZE: THE JOURNAL MINERVA BRASILIENSE (1843-1845) IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE BRAZILIAN NATION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=19072@1.
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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICOEsta dissertação pretende empreender uma análise da revista Minerva Brasiliense, que teve como redator-chefe Francisco de Sales Torres Homem e como seu responsável Santiago Nunes Ribeiro. Publicado no Rio de Janeiro entre os anos de 1843 e 1845, este periódico foi bastante importante na constituição da nação brasileira. À época, nação, progresso e civilização foram conceitos-chave e recorrentes para a maioria dos ensaios veiculados na revista, e também para outros periódicos do período. A revista está sendo pensada como um instrumento de formação e legitimação de uma determinada Ordem e Civilização; como o primeiro porta-voz de certas concepções sobre o que é ser brasileiro e defensora de um projeto político deliberado para modernização e promoção da civilização no país.
This dissertation intends to undertake an analysis of the journal Minerva Brasiliense, that had as chief editor Francisco de Sales Torres Homem and as it’s responsible Santiago Nunes Ribeiro. Published in Rio de Janeiro between the years of 1843 and 1845, this periodical was quite important in the constitution of the Brazilian nation. At the time, nation, progress and civilization were key concepts and were recurrent in most of the essays circulated in the journal, and also in other periodicals of the period. The magazine is being thought of as an instrument in the formation and legitimization of a determined Order and Civilization; as the first spokesman for certain concepts about what it is to be Brazilian and a defender of a deliberate political project for the modernization and the promotion of civilization in the country.
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RANGEL, MARCELO DE MELLO. "REFLETION AND DIALOG: LIBERTY AND RESPONSABILITY IN GONÇALVES DE MAGALHÃES AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF BRAZILIAN NATION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2005. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=7826@1.
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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICOO presente trabalho se propõe a analisar a crítica moral e o projeto civililizador empreendidos por Domingos José Gonçalves de Magalhães à sociedade oitocentista e ao Estado conservador centralizado erigido, especialmente entre os últimos anos da década de 30 e os anos 50 do século XIX. O autor fluminense criticava, contundentemente, a Nação escravocrata construída e defendida pelos conservadores. Afirmava que a instituição escravidão não permitia ao homem dois movimentos fundamentais à vida livre e ordenada, a saber, a reflexão a partir da consciência de si, influência claramente cartesiana, e a atuação no mundo a partir da finitude enquanto constitutiva aos entes criados em geral.Gonçalves de Magalhães estava indo de encontro ao sentido do movimento de re-cunhagem da moeda colonial empreendido pelo Regresso e, especialmente, pelos conservadores Saquaremas. Seu objetivo era reformar o mundo do governo de dentro dele mesmo. Buscava civilizar a chamada boa sociedade, os mais distantes e os mais próximos, lugar de onde saíam os exemplos de imoralidade.
This work analyses the moral criticism and the civilizer project undertook by Domingos José Gonçalves de Magalhães to the society of the nineteenth century and to the centralized Conservative State, raised, especially, between the latest years of the Thirties and the Fifties of the XIX century. The author criticized, strongly, the enslaver Nation built and defended by the conservatives. He assured that the institution of slavery has not allowed man two fundamental moviments to the ordinate and free life: the reflection derived from the conscience of yourself, influence fairly cartesian, and the acting in the world enable by the finiteness while constitutive to the beings created in general. Gonçalves de Magalhães was moving towards the moviment of re-coinage of the Colonial coin achieved by the Regress and, especially, the Conservatives Saquaremas. His objective was to reform the government world from inside itself. He sought to civilize the good society, the farthest and the nearest ones, place where bad exemples of immorality were given.
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Rengifo, Carpio David Carlos. "Le théâtre historique et la construction de la nation : essor, crise et résurgence : Lima 1848-1924." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018REN20057/document.
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Cette thèse analyse le rôle du théâtre historique dans le processus de construction de la nation au Pérou entre la moitié du XIXe siècle et le début du XXe siècle. Elle propose l’étude des dynamiques du théâtre historique, de son développement dans la société péruvienne comme expression du développement de ce processus de construction nationale. La période étudiée est d'une complexité particulière pour le Pérou et décisive pour comprendre les difficultés de la construction de la nation et de l'identité nationale. La thèse privilégie Lima, la capitale, et souhaite démontrer que les drames historiques de cette période- représentés ou non- révélaient une image du passé – imaginaire ou non - qui exprimait les aspirations nationales ou les idéaux des classes moyennes ou des élites du pays. Il s’agissait pour la plupart de libéraux, secteur auquel appartenait la majorité des dramaturges et du public. La thèse souhaite démontrer aussi que le théâtre historique n’a pu pleinement se développer que dans les jointures d'enthousiasme nationaliste et dans un contexte d’optimisme à l’égard du présent et de l’avenir du pays que pouvaient avoir les élites péruviennesThis doctoral dissertation explores the role that historical theatre played in the process of nation-building in Peru between the mid-nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. Local theatre’s dynamics mirrored the development of nation-building in this country. The period under study is of particular complexity in Peruvian history, and it allows us to understand the difficulties arising between the construction of the nation and the development of a Peruvian national identity. This research focuses on Lima, Peru’s capital city. It demonstrates that the historical dramas written in this period, even when not all of them were set on stage, sometimes conveyed a realistic image of the past whereas other times that representation was fictitious. These plays expressed the middle and/or upper classes’ national aspirations and ideals. Most play writers and the audiences that attended the plays belonged to the middle and/or upper classes and considered themselves as liberals. This dissertation also argues that Peruvian historical theatre only evolved in circumstances in which the local elites were filled by nationalist enthusiasm and optimism about Peru’s contemporary present and future
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Taylor, Stephanie Joyce Ann. "Constructions of national identity and the nation : the case of New Zealand/Aotearoa." Thesis, Open University, 1997. http://oro.open.ac.uk/18982/.
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This thesis analyses discourses of national identity and the nation, using the case study of New Zealand. The main empirical data are 'ordinary talk', from 41 New Zealanders interviewed in London in late 1994 and early 1995. The thesis investigates the work which is done in participants' talk by constructions of national identity and the nation. The first major focus is how national identity is used in the construction of self-identity. The analysis includes different ways of understanding the 'self', the interpretative resources available for the construction of an identity as a New Zealander, including alternative categories and positive and negative stereotypes, and the way that speakers position themselves in relation to New Zealand and other New Zealanders. A second focus is how constructions of nation and the national do ideological work around contentious issues, that is, work which has implications for relationships of power and authority in a broad socio-economic context and which tends to silence and delegitimise certain voices and identities, especially by establishing and reinforcing certain practices and relationships as 'normal' and therefore invisible and/or uncontentious. Finally the thesis considers how such constructions accommodate changes which are frequently associated with globalization and a decline in the relevance of the nation state. These changes include the reduced state provision of services, resulting from the reduction or abandonment of 'welfare state' policies; challenges from new migrants and from an indigenous minority to the status of the dominant population group; and the opening of national borders to both investment and migration. The analysis shows the continuing salience and ideological relevance of national identity
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Dauphant, Léonard. "« Toute France ». Construction et représentations de l'espace politique français au XVe siècle (1380-1514)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040156.
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Le XVe siècle voit la naissance de la nation France et l'unification progressive du pays sous le pouvoir de l'État royal. En ces temps troublés de la guerre de Cent Ans se pose la question de la maîtrise du territoire, dans sa double dimension intellectuelle et pratique. Comment, au XVe siècle, un roi de France pouvait-il se représenter son royaume ? Comment pouvait-il le gouverner ? La territorialisation du pouvoir s'affirme dans un va-et-vient entre figurations et occupation concrète. Des espaces sociaux différenciés se constituent, selon que les régions sont gouvernées directement par le roi et ou qu'elles sont confiées à des gouverneurs, un prince ou encore un Parlement. Dans le cadre fixé par les frontières des Quatre Rivières, la monarchie accède à une maîtrise globale du territoire qui coïncide avec l'intégration de la société politique dans un État d'offices sommé par la justice royale. L'unité royale et les constructions régionales divergentes se combinent dès lors dans une forme d'État-nation originale, un État territorial mixte, unitaire et hétérogèneDuring the 15th century, the French nation emerged and the unification of the country progressively took place, under the rule of the royal state. The question of how to control the territory, in both its intellectual and practical dimensions, was made more urgent by the troubles caused by the Hundred Years’ War. How, in the 15th century, could a King of France visualize his kingdom ? How was he able to govern it ? The territorialisation of power, oscillating between representation and real occupation, became progressively clearer. Differentiated social spaces emerged, depending on whether the regions were directly governed by the King or were entrusted to governors, be it a Prince or a Parliament. At the time when the monarchy gained overall control over the territory within the limits defined by four rivers (Scheldt, Meuse, Saone, Rhone), political society organised itself in a state constituted by offices ruled by royal law. Royal unity and diverging regional structures combined themselves into an original type of nation-state, a mixed territorial state, unitary and heterogeneous at the same time
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Chee, Ronson Riley, and Ronson Riley Chee. "Prioritization of Potable Water Infrastructure Investments on the Navajo Nation." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/624473.
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Notorious for its high poverty levels and low socio-economic status, the Navajo Nation’s socio-economic well-being is hindered greatly in part by the lack of an adequate potable water infrastructure which has resulted in health disparities and has attributed to stunted economic growth within the Nation. Large candidate regional water transmission pipelines projects aimed to meet these needs have been identified. With capital costs exceeding their fiscal capability, decision-makers must choose projects that generate the most bang for the buck. To address these challenges, three (3) interconnected planning tools have been developed: (1) a water pipe installation construction cost estimation model (WaterCOSTE) to improve the accuracy of capital cost estimates; (2) a hydraulic optimization model (WaterTRANS) that improves design efficiency for branched water transmission systems; and (3) a decision support system (DSS) that allows candidate water transmission projects to be ranked while considering economic development, health improvement and environmental protection objectives. Estimates derived from WaterCOSTE are used as input into WaterTRANS to find least-cost system designs. The system costs along with other project data are then input into the DSS to determine project rankings. To demonstrate how the DSS can be used and applied, two candidate projects on the Navajo Nation are evaluated. The tools developed will enable decision-makers to improve planning processes and make wiser investment decisions that will lead to expanding the water infrastructure coverage and living conditions on the Navajo Nation.
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Anagrius, Arvid. "Constructing the Rainbow Nation : Migration and national identity in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324852.
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Post-Apartheid South Africa has seen xenophobic sentiments towards migrants increase, culminating in several deadly riots. The words of equality and diversity, nurtured during the fight for independence seem to be far away. Building on Micheal Neocosmos theories on South African Xenophobia as a political discourse, this thesis examines how nationalist discourse creates and sustains negative perceptions of migrants. Using theories on national identity to undertake a critical discourse analysis of South African parliament proceedings, it illustrates how the perception of a civic and democratic nation, naturalizes a dichotomy between migrants and citizens. How the narrative of an equal and free South Africa, relies on the opposite perception of neighboring countries, as chaotic, undemocratic and un-free, resulting in a negative view of migrants. It argues that the opposing discourse of Pan-Africanism provides an opportunity in which a more inclusive identity can be built. Finally this thesis wishes to contribute to further research on national identity construction, by proposing a four-dimensional framework of exclusion that provides a reference point for contrasting national discourses
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Derdaele, Elodie. "La construction constitutionnelle de la nation et de l'Etat en Afrique du Sud : l'unité dans la diversité." Nancy 2, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998NAN20016.
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L’Afrique du sud a créé, depuis 1994, un nouvel ordre constitutionnel afin de mettre un terme définitif à l'apartheid. Désormais l'idéal constitutionnel repose sur le concept d'unité dans la diversité, explicitement consacré par le préambule de la constitution finale. L’égalité, la non-discrimination, l'universalité des citoyens, et les droits et libertés (généralement admis dans les démocraties libérales) sont ainsi consacrés, faisant du principe d’égalité l'une des pierres angulaires de la constitution. Or cette notion d’égalité ainsi que le principe de réconciliation nationale vont de pair avec la tentative d'édification et de promotion de l'unité nationale. L’état, bien que décentralisé, voit ainsi sa prééminence assurée des lors que l'unité de la nation la justifie. Il s'agit de créer un nouvel état-nation. Cependant, par leur diversité culturelle, les sud-africains ne peuvent accepter de s'unir en faisant fi de leurs spécificités. Les revendications communautaires ont conduit le constituant à prendre en considération le caractère multiculturel de la société. La république sud-africaine est officiellement multilingue, reconnait l'autorité des chefs traditionnels négro-africains, les coutumes et rites pratiques dans le pays, et le droit de pratiquer individuellement ou collectivement la culture, la langue et la religion de son choix. En outre, que ce soit sur le plan politique ou culturel, les communautés culturelles ne bénéficient pas d'un statut de droit public. Elles ne sont pas ainsi représentées politiquement et ne peuvent entraver la liberté de leurs membres, ni même les discriminer. Les droits culturels sont ainsi reconnus pour que l'individu puisse exprimer son identité. L’état a ainsi pour mission de promouvoir l'unité et la diversité de cette nation hétérogène (multiculturelle), pour qui l'unité ne peut être réalisée sans l'acceptation de la diversité du corps social, qui repose sur la reconnaissance implicite des identitésSince 1994, South Africa has created a new constitutional order to put a definitive end to apartheid. From now on, the constitutional ideal rests on the concept of unity in diversity, explicitly legally established in the preamble of the final constitution. Equality, nondiscrimination, the universality of citizenship, and the rights and freedoms (generally admitted in liberal democracies) are also legally established, making the principle of equality one of the cornerstones of the constitution. Now the idea of equality as well as the principle of national reconciliation goes hand in hand with the attempt of establishing and promoting national unity. The state, although decentralized, also is seeing its preeminence assured from the moment that the national interest justifies it. This will mean creating a new state nation. However, because of their cultural diversity, the South Africans can't accept unification if they must lose their separate identities. The communities’ demands have driven the government to take the multicultural character on the society into consideration. The republic of South Africa is officially multilingual. It recognizes the authority of the African Negro traditional chiefs, the customs and the rites practiced in the country, and the right to practice, individually or collectively, the culture, language and religion of one's choice. Moreover, whether on the cultural or political plan, the cultural communities don't benefit from a status of public law. They are not politically represented in this way, and can either inhibit the freedom of their members or discriminate against them. Cultural rights are thus recognized so the individual is able to express his or her identity. Therefore the state has for its mission statement to promote the unity and the diversity of this heterogeneous and multicultural society, for which unity cannot be realized without the acceptance of the diversity of the social body, which rests on the implicit recognition of all the cu