Journal articles: 'Construction de la Nation'

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Rifkind, Malcolm. "L'Etat-nation et la construction européenne." Politique étrangère 62, no. 1 (1997): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.1997.4623.

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Rousseau, Louis. "La construction religieuse de la nation." Recherche 46, no. 3 (August 14, 2006): 437–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/012472ar.

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Le débat portant sur la composante canadienne-française de l’identité nationale québécoise en voie de recomposition ne peut ignorer la dimension religieuse de ce construit identitaire. Le moment historique où le Canada français se produit en tant que tel dans sa singularité et sa contingence est un moment instituant. La question posée à propos de la construction de la Nation dans le programme de l’Église porte à la fois sur le moment instituant, la phase de genèse, l’histoire des interactions entre les différents ordres sociaux, dont la religion et la politique, et finalement sur le legs actuel de l’identité canadienne-française-catholique en tant qu’intrant mémoriel et composante active d’un autre moment instituant : celui d’une Nation qui se veut aujourd’hui inclusive et pluraliste dans ses croyances.

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Fred Ernest Nasubo. "Revisiting Jomo Kenyatta’s Nation Branding through the Construction of National Identity in Kenya." Editon Consortium Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Studies 3, no. 1 (June 20, 2021): 260–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.51317/ecjahss.v3i1.229.

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This study analysed nation branding through the mobilisation of elements of Kenya’s national identity under Jomo Kenyatta’s regime. Nation branding and national identity perspectives are used to deepen the understanding of how Kenya constructed and branded its identity. It advances the notion that, as Kenya transitioned from colonialism to independence, a new nation was reimagined and redefined by mobilising elements of national identity and according them new meanings. The study is founded on the notion that the concept of nation branding is not new, nor is the practice since nations have historically reinvented themselves due to the changing circumstances. For Kenya, nation branding can be traced to the period following independence through the construction of the country’s national identity. This process was marked with the mobilisation of Kenya’s cultural elements aimed at replacing customs and traditions of the British constructed during the colonial period. Kenya’s nationalist leaders were motivated by the idea that colonialism had led to the emergence of a new breed of Africans shaped by and practising British cultures; a new form of culture that was neither African nor British or a new hybrid; and a group of Africans who were firmly attached to their African traditions. The need by Jomo Kenyatta, therefore, to change the colonial image to one that resonated with independent Kenya, as well as to assert his rule called for the replacement of the sonic and visual elements of British identity with those resonating with the new nation.

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Batistová, Anna, and Nico Carpentier. "Constructing the Czech nation." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 6 (December 14, 2018): 713–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17063.bat.

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Abstract The article’s objective is to analyse the discursive construction of the Czech nation in three cultural magazines, produced by Czech exiles in London during WWII. The theoretical backbone for this analysis is provided by Laclau and Mouffe’s (1985) discourse theory, which in turn supports a discourse-theoretical re-reading of the literature on the nation, first in general and then in relation to the Czech nation. These three theoretical components support an analysis of 650 selected contributions in 36 issues of the three main cultural journals of the Czech London exile: Obzor [Horizon], Kulturní zápisník [Cultural Notebook] and Review. This discourse-theoretical analysis shows the presence, particularity and contingency of a series of internal nodal points (temporal, spatial, linguistic, cultural and popular), in combination with the external nodal point of diversity in relation to outgroups. In the conclusion, the political nature of this construction, which we label the politics of poetry, is emphasized.

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Beacháin, Donnacha Ó., and Rob Kevlihan. "Imagined democracy? Nation-building and elections in Central Asia." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 3 (May 2015): 495–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.916662.

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Is an imagined democracy more important than actual democracy for nation-building purposes? After 20 years of independence, Central Asian countries present a mixed bag of strong and weak states, consolidated and fragmented nations. The equation of nation and state and the construction of genuine nation states remains an elusive goal in all of post-Soviet Central Asia. This paper examines the role that electoral politics has played in nation-state formation. We argue that electoral processes have been central to attempted nation-state building processes as part of efforts to legitimize authoritarian regimes; paradoxically in those few countries where (for brief periods) partial democratization actually occurred, elections contributed, at least in the short term, to nation-state fragmentation.

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Polese, Abel, Thomas Ambrosio, and Tanel Kerikmäe. "Estonian Identity Construction Between Nation Branding and Building." Czech Journal of International Relations 55, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 22–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1690.

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Whilst most accounts of nation branding emphasize the economic and diplomatic relevance of the phenomenon, this article examines the way Estonia has been proposing a nation “branding + building” strategy. Drawing from an empirical study of 1) evolving campaigns of Enterprise Estonia; 2) the leverage of the national e-Residency program in attracting foreign investment; and 3) tourist and marketing strategies based on the revisiting of ‘Estonian’ culinary tradition, we look at the way official narratives have been claiming, with the help of nation branding elements, that the country has quickly de-Sovietized and that there is a new understanding of the Estonian nation and “Estonianness”. This is intended to eventually prompt a reflection on the relationship between nation-building and nation branding, which can, in some circumstances, overlap and influence identity construction at the domestic and international level.

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Colom González, Francisco. "La nación como relato." Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía, no. 22 (December 5, 2011): 67–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2010.22.360.

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The work explored the developments and paradoxes of the narrative construction of the nation. Focusing in historical examples, the author shows us the principal theories of the identity narrative and, at the same time, he linked them with the ideological problem of the construction of the nations in the modernity.

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Thiesse, Anne-Marie, Romain Bertrand, Jacques Defrance, and Louis Weber. "La nation, une construction politique et culturelle." Savoir/Agir 2, no. 2 (2007): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sava.002.0011.

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Ting, Helen. "Social Construction of Nation—A Theoretical Exploration." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 14, no. 3 (August 20, 2008): 453–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110802301418.

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Sheline, Annelle R. "Constructing an Islamic Nation: National Mosque Building as a Form of Nation-Building." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 1 (January 2019): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.15.

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AbstractA majority of national mosques were built in the 1980s, 1990s, and early 2000s. Why did national mosque construction become important to Islamic states during this period, when it had not been a priority in earlier decades when many of these states achieved independence? This article suggests that national mosque construction was the result of political elites’ anxieties regarding the threat to regime stability posed by Islamist activists. Drawing on a mediumNdataset of all 25 states that recognized Islam as their official religion, the article shows that mosque construction increased after 1979 when political elites adopted a strategy of Islamic nation-building, with one expression of this strategy taking the form of national mosque-building in order to visually manifest the regime’s religious authority. In addition to mediumNanalysis, the article uses process tracing to examine national mosque building in three case studies, as well as interview data, to evaluate whether mosque construction achieved the desired effect of bolstering regimes’ religious legitimacy in these contexts. The findings have implications for understanding the use of symbolic religious structures as tools for nation-building that have often been overlooked due to the tendency to associate nationalism with secular visions of modernity.

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Flere, Sergej, and Rudi Klanjšek. "Construction and reification in nation building: The case of Yugoslavia fully explained?" Ethnicities 16, no. 6 (July 25, 2016): 842–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796815620442.

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The study of nations and ethnicities has been subject to recent trends, particularly, those denying substance to ethnicity and nation, but focusing on the way ethnicity and nation are socially constructed and ‘reified’ (constructivism–reificationism). In this article, this idea is tested on the Yugoslav case, where cases of reification are said to have been ‘arbitrary’. Such a position suggests that members of the Yugoslav federation went on their own ways because of ‘reification’ in the form of the republics and provinces. Although it is found that the republics and one province did enhance the process of national constitution, and although ‘ethnic entrepreneurs’ were active in the 1980s—a fact that is in line with a constructivist–reificationist theoretical position—there is one distinctive case that directly challenges such a position: Vojvodina did not opt for independence but, because of its Serb majority, it swiftly became integrated into Serbia. Moreover, the current article presents additional information to suggest that, although constructionist–reificationist approaches are relevant, they do not suffice to explain ‘nation’.

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Brown, Kate. "Securing the nuclear nation." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 1 (January 2015): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.977856.

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In 1946, in the Southern Urals, construction of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics first plutonium plant fell to the GULAG-Narodnyi Komissariat Vnutrennikh Del (NKVD). The chief officers in charge of the program – Lavrentii Beria, Sergei Kruglov, and Ivan Tkachenko – had been pivotal figures in the deportation and political and ethnic cleansing of territories retaken from Axis forces during WWII. These men were charged with building a nuclear weapons complex to defend the Soviet Union from the American nuclear monopoly. In part thanks to the criminalization and deportation of ethnic minorities, Gulag territories grew crowded with foreign nationals and ethnic minorities in the postwar years. The NKVD generals were appalled to find that masses of forced laborers employed at the plutonium construction site were members of enemy nations. Beria issued orders to cleanse the ranks of foreign enemies, but construction managers could not spare a single healthy body as they raced to complete their deadlines. To solve this problem, they created two zones: an interior, affluent zone for plutonium workers made up almost exclusively of Russians; and anterior zones of prisoners, soldiers, ex-cons, and local farmers, many of whom were non-Russian. The selective quality of Soviet “nuclearity” meant that many people who were exposed to the plant's secret plutonium disasters were ethnic minorities, people whose exposures went unrecorded or under-recorded because of their invisibility and low social value.

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Roy, Jean-Olivier. "Primordialisme et construction nationale chez les nations autochtones contemporaines1." Articles 39, no. 2 (January 29, 2013): 367–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013691ar.

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L’étude des nations et du nationalisme autochtones contemporains présente des défis en raison des divergences, chez les penseurs et les acteurs politiques, quant à leur nature et leur interprétation. Nous constatons que le nationalisme autochtone, à la base principalement ethnique ou culturel, accorde de plus en plus d’importance aux revendications politiques, dépassant ainsi les simples protections culturelles. Cet article pose l’hypothèse que les nations et le nationalisme autochtones, malgré les références aux traditions et à leur origine immémoriale, sont des construits en perpétuelle mutation, notamment sous l’influence des nationalismes environnants et de la modernité politique. Pour développer cette hypothèse, nous examinons les propos des acteurs et des penseurs au moyen des différentes théories de la nation.

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Raquel Minian, Ana. "Offshoring Migration Control: Guatemalan Transmigrants and the Construction of Mexico as a Buffer Zone." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1227.

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Abstract During the late Cold War, the United States and Western European countries offshored migration control to less powerful nations by converting them into buffer zones. Buffer zones had long been used to provide nations with military protection; now they were imagined as protecting nations from migrants by obstructing their movement. This practice had human rights implications. Beginning in the 1970s, the idea flourished that the defense of individual human rights was a transnational mandate that extended beyond the protections granted by particular nation-states. Ironically, the transnational practice of extending migration controls beyond individual nation-states that developed in the 1980s opened the door to increased human rights violations. This essay explores these dynamics by focusing on how, during the 1980s, U.S. officials pressured Mexican authorities to enter into a Faustian bargain that limited Mexico’s sovereign right to determine its immigration practices. U.S. policymakers insisted that they would turn a blind eye to Mexican migration if Mexican officials suppressed Central American migration into and through Mexico. In turn, Mexico’s leaders instituted measures to stop Central Americans from reaching the United States. These measures did not curtail transmigration, but they did lead to widespread violence and human rights abuses.

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Dutt, Sagarika. "India unmasked: The construction of a (nation)-state." Contemporary Politics 8, no. 3 (September 2002): 241–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1356977022000025722.

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Clark, Walter Aaron. "Flamenco nation: the construction of Spanish national identity." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 21, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2020.1801952.

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Lévy, Catherine. "Algérie: Libération nationale et construction de la nation." International Journal of Francophone Studies 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs.19.1.29_1.

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Barthel-Bouchier, Diane. "Social Processes of Heritage Construction: Art, Memory, Nation." Qualitative Sociology 31, no. 1 (November 6, 2007): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-007-9085-6.

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Almagro, Milena, and David Andrés-Cerezo. "The construction of national identities." Theoretical Economics 15, no. 2 (2020): 763–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.3982/te3040.

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This paper explores the dynamics of nation‐building policies and the conditions under which a state can promote a shared national identity on its territory. A forward‐looking central government that internalizes identity dynamics shapes them by choosing the level of state centralization. Homogenization attempts are constrained by political unrest, electoral competition and the intergenerational transmission of identities within the family. We find nation‐building efforts are generally characterized by fast interventions. We show that a zero‐sum conflict over resources pushes long‐run dynamics toward homogeneous steady states and extreme levels of (de)centralization. We also find the ability to foster a common identity is highly dependent on initial conditions, and that country‐specific historical factors can have a lasting impact on the long‐run distribution of identities.

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Chikonzo, Kelvin, and Barbara C. Manyarara. "THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE DISCOURSE OF VIOLENCE IN LIBERATION WAR FILMS: THE CASE OF CATCH A FIRE (2006)." Latin American Report 30, no. 1 (February 17, 2017): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/2176.

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This article seeks to unveil the construction of the discourse of violence in liberation war films. It uses a South African film that deals with the anti-apartheid war launched by Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) guerrillas. Violence is represented by the war. The article borrows from the input of psychologists such as Baumester, Polaschek, Whitehead and King, who have written on violence, with a view to analysing the psychological construction of violence. The article argues that violence does not just command negative readings in the film; rather violence is seen as ambivalent and necessary. The article argues that there is a connection between violence and the idea of nation. It is through violence that nations reinforce notions of heroism, patriotism, villainy, pride and honour. It reveals how violence creates a cohesive element that binds a nation together. The article also analyses the relationship between masculinity and violence with a view to pointing out how masculinity and violence are linked to the nation through the concepts of heroism and sacrifice.

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Bougdaeva, Saglar, and Rico Isaacs. "Nomads under arrest: The nation-building and nation-destroying of Kalmyk nomads in Russia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51, no. 4 (November 15, 2018): 375–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.10.007.

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Nomads are positioned outside of the modern conception of nations, which is based on a traditional or modern hierarchical model (Kuzio, 2001) which tends to “dehistoricize and essentialize tradition” (Chatterjee, 2010: 169). Using an analysis of the narrative construction of nomadic Kalmyk nationhood, particularly through historiography and culture, this article demonstrates that in spite of nation-destroying efforts from the Tsarist Empire and the Soviet Union, the Kalmyk nation has been flexible with reinventing cultural strategies in charting the nomadic national imaginary from Chinggis Khan to the Dalai Lama. It argues that nomadic nationhood contains a deeply imaginary response to nomads’ cultural and intellectual milieu which provided a way of freeing itself from Tsarist and Soviet modular narratives of national imagination, demonstrating how nomadic nationhood exists as a non-modular form of nationhood.

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Kirillova, L. V. "BUILDING THE NATION: SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS IN ALGERIA, 1962-1978." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 334–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-3-334-343.

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Since the middle of the 1950s, the Socialist countries led by the Soviet Union had made significant contribution to the economic advancement of the developing countries. Under the umbrella of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), Soviet aid programs extended on many African countries, including Algeria. Founded by the Soviet Bloc in 1949, the CMEA was a response to the Marshall Plan. Within the confines of the Cold War, this international governmental organization aimed to promote the socialist economic integration not only of its members but also the emerging nations beyond the Iron Curtain. In case of Algeria, the massive construction projects sponsored by the CMEA turned into the crucial platforms of the new nation building. Erection of industrial enterprises projected economic, political, social, and cultural development of Algeria. This article presents the construction works in Algeria as the crucial sites for spreading Soviet influence in North Africa. In addition, it demonstrates the role of youth from Algeria and the Soviet Bloc in the establishment of these country-wide projects and the formation of Algerian nationhood.

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Wang, Ning. "Singapore’s Experience and Enlightenment of Building a “Smart Nation”." E3S Web of Conferences 251 (2021): 01069. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125101069.

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Singapore’s construction of a “smart country” has achieved remarkable results, and many countries around the world are currently building a smart society. This article summarizes the construction concepts and experience values of the “Smart Nation” project in Singapore, it is intended to provide some references for the construction of china’s smart society.

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de la Torre, Renée, and Cristina Gutiérrez Zúñiga. "Chicano spirituality in the construction of an imagined nation: Aztlán." Social Compass 60, no. 2 (June 2013): 218–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768613481706.

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The authors focus on the creation, by Mexicans born in the United States, of an ‘imagined nation’ named Aztlán. Having arisen in the struggle of the Chicanos for recognition of their cultural citizenship, it has now found a new significance in the revival of an ancestral religiosity. This nation is based on the creation of a mythic spirituality with both political and cultural meanings. The authors analyze the symbolic efficacy for the Chicano population of various strategies: a) the construction of a symbolic lineage based on tradition and the experience of the Aztec Conchera dance, a syncretic ritual in popular Mexican Catholicism; b) a reproduction or reenactment of the founding myths of the Mexican nation as a way to legitimize the existence of a spiritual nation that spreads over both sides of the international border; c) the appropriation of territories where the Chicanos can practice their rituals.

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Gorham, M. Victoria. "Displaying the Nation: Museums and Nation-Building in Tanzania and Kenya." African Studies Review 63, no. 3 (June 29, 2020): 487–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.54.

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Abstract:Taking as a starting point the observation that Tanzania has historically been a more effective nation-builder than Kenya, Gorham asks why that is the case, focusing on the construction of national narratives in state-run museum spaces to gain a better understanding of official nationalist pedagogy. State-run museums are spaces where states can articulate their vision of the nation, and by cataloging and analyzing the content of exhibits, one can better understand the different types of narratives constructed by states with diverging nation-building strategies. The narratives produced in museum sites in Tanzania and Kenya differ in terms of their consistency, clarity, and inclusivity.

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Petrungaro, Stefano. "Il Nation-building in Croazia. Gli studi recenti." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 30 (July 2009): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030012.

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- The article represents a critical route through the existing historiography about the process of national integration in Croatia. What emerges is that it was studied only in some of its aspects, mostly related to political history and regarding only certain periods, above all the 19th century. The author considers innovative those approaches which give more attention to the interaction of the regional with the national level and to the role of minorities. In order to write a future history of nation-building in Croatia it will be also necessary to make use of the international debate about the diffusion of nationalisms and the construction of nations, but preserving the specifity of the Croatian case.Parole chiave: nation-building, Croazia, Jugoslavia, nazionalismo, identitŕ regionali, minoranze nation-building, Croatia, Yugoslavia, nationalism, regional identities, minorities

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Iglesias, Julien Danero. "Constructing national history in political discourse: Coherence and contradiction (Moldova, 2001-2009)." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (September 2013): 780–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768219.

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History is one of the many instruments available for the persuasive construction of a nation. In Moldova, the Party of the Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM), in office from 2001 to 2009, advocated for a Soviet-based version of the Moldovan nation. This “Moldovanism” boasted of the existence of a “Moldovan People” and was relied upon to justify the independence of the former Romanian province. Vladimir Voronin, the party's leader and president of the Republic during this period, promoted this “civic” Moldovan nation and created what seemed to be a coherent and ad hoc construction of an independent Moldovan nation.This paper focuses on communist political discourse during this eight year period. Through the use of Critical Discourse Analysis, this paper focuses on the discursive construction of the Moldovan nation. It is based on Voronin's official speeches and messages from key occasions such as Independence Day and Victory Day.This paper demonstrates the varied use of history in these speeches which improves understanding of the process of the construction of a nation. Moreover, it demonstrates that this construction, far from being coherent, was also sometimes contradictory. Indeed, discourse was adapted to the immediate context and audience. Finally, the paper explains how an explicitly “civic” discourse can be implicitly and, sometimes even explicitly, “ethnic” and “exclusive”.

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Walton, Theresa. "Theorizing Paula Radcliffe: Representing a Nation." Sociology of Sport Journal 27, no. 3 (September 2010): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.27.3.285.

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In setting the world record at the London Marathon in 2003, Paula Radcliffe not only beat her female competitors but also her countrymen becoming the fastest British runner of the year, male or female, making her the nation’s best hope for the Olympic Games in 2004. From this position, she garnered a significant amount of media attention, becoming Britain’s most famous runner. Yet as a representative of her nation, both symbolically and on the national team, her place remains complicated. Radcliffe’s significant accomplishments, which were in part understood as British success, were also constructed as a foil for the lack of British men’s success in racialized and gendered ways. To explicate mediated articulations of national identity, I examined UK print media constructions of Radcliffe focusing on three major events of her running career: her world record, her failure to finish at the 2004 Games, and her World Championship marathon win in 2005. I found that Radcliffe achieved conditional status as a representative of Britain, while this media coverage also maintained and buttressed gendered and racialized hierarchies in the complex construction of British identity.

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De Wever, Bruno, Frans-Jos Verdoodt, and Antoon Vrints. "Les patriotes flamands et la construction de la nation." Courrier hebdomadaire du CRISP 2316, no. 31 (2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cris.2316.0005.

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Algar, Hamid, and Mostafa Vaziri. "Iran as Imagined Nation: The Construction of National Identity." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 2 (March 1994): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075234.

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García García, Juan. "Nation, subject and psyche: the psychological construction of nationalism." Athenea Digital. Revista de pensamiento e investigación social 15, no. 1 (March 27, 2015): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/athenea.1606.

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Blanc, Guillaume. "Protection de la nation et construction de la nature." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 107, no. 3 (2010): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/vin.107.0131.

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Kahn, Sylvain. "L'État-nation comme mythe territorial de la construction européenne." Espace géographique 43, no. 3 (2014): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eg.433.0240.

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Baker, Susan Gonzalez, and Geoffrey Fox. "Hispanic Nation: Culture, Politics and the Construction of Identity." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (1998): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547199.

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Kalu, Kalu N. "La construction des institutions, et non de la nation." Revue Internationale des Sciences Administratives 77, no. 1 (2011): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/risa.771.0121.

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Michel, Aurélia. "Légitimations locales dans la construction de la nation mexicaine." Journal des anthropologues, no. 104-105 (June 1, 2006): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/jda.387.

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Rusciano, Frank Louis. "The Construction of National Identity—A 23-Nation Study." Political Research Quarterly 56, no. 3 (September 2003): 361–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290305600310.

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Fong, Jack. "Sacred Nationalism: The Thai Monarchy and Primordial Nation Construction." Journal of Contemporary Asia 39, no. 4 (November 2009): 673–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472330903077030.

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Rusciano, Frank Louis. "The Construction of National Identity: A 23-Nation Study." Political Research Quarterly 56, no. 3 (September 2003): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3219795.

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Hansen, Lene. "Gender, Nation, Rape: Bosnia and the Construction of Security." International Feminist Journal of Politics 3, no. 1 (January 2000): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616740010019848.

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Vargas-Cetina, Gabriela. "Mexico: National Anthropology and the Construction of the Nation." Practicing Anthropology 28, no. 4 (September 1, 2006): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.28.4.u326637t51g44604.

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In thinking of how to describe anthropology in Mexico, four important features come immediately to mind: its theoretical and thematic diversity; its close association with extended fieldwork, both in the popular imaginary and in the actual training and professional activity of anthropologists; its dual organization into research and teaching departments; and its ubiquity in terms of the influence it has had on the social fabric of Mexico almost everywhere.

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Kallander, Amy. "Transnational Intimacies and the Construction of the New Nation." French Politics, Culture & Society 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 108–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2021.390106.

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Abstract This article examines love as a facet of nation building in constructions of modern womanhood and national identity in the 1950s and 1960s. In Tunisia and France, romantic love was evoked to define an urban, middle-class modernity in which the gender norms implicit in companionate marriage signaled a break with the past. These ideals were represented in fiction and women's magazines and elaborated in the novel genre of the advice column. Yet this celebration was interrupted by concern about “mixed marriage” and the rise of anti-immigrant discrimination targeting North Africans in France. Referring to race or religion, debates about interracial marriage in Tunisia and the sexual stereotyping of North African men in France reveal the continuity of colonialism's racial legacies upon postcolonial states. The idealization of marital choice as a testament to individual and national modernity was destabilized by transnational intimacies revealing the limits of the nation-state's liberatory promise to women.

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Kallander, Amy. "Transnational Intimacies and the Construction of the New Nation." French Politics, Culture & Society 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 108–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.390106.

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This article examines love as a facet of nation building in constructions of modern womanhood and national identity in the 1950s and 1960s. In Tunisia and France, romantic love was evoked to define an urban, middle-class modernity in which the gender norms implicit in companionate marriage signaled a break with the past. These ideals were represented in fiction and women’s magazines and elaborated in the novel genre of the advice column. Yet this celebration was interrupted by concern about “mixed marriage” and the rise of anti-immigrant discrimination targeting North Africans in France. Referring to race or religion, debates about interracial marriage in Tunisia and the sexual stereotyping of North African men in France reveal the continuity of colonialism’s racial legacies upon postcolonial states. The idealization of marital choice as a testament to individual and national modernity was destabilized by transnational intimacies revealing the limits of the nation-state’s liberatory promise to women.

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Cuevas-Calderón, Elder. "Marca Perú: ¿una nación en construcción?" Contratexto, no. 25 (2016): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.26439/contratexto2016.n025.653.

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Merkelsen, Henrik, and Rasmus Kjærgaard Rasmussen. "The Construction of Brand Denmark: A Case Study of the Reversed Causality in Nation Brand Valuation." Valuation Studies 3, no. 2 (December 11, 2015): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/vs.2001-5992.1532181.

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In this article we unpack the organizational effects of the valuation practices enacted by nation branding rankings in a contemporary case where the Danish government employed branding-inspired methods. Our main argument is that the use of nation branding was enabled by the Nation Brands Index via its efficient translation of fuzzy political goals into understandable numerical objectives. The Nation Brands Index becomes the driving force in a powerful bureaucratic translation of nation branding which in turn has several reordering effects at organizational level. We thus demonstrate how the Nation Brands Index permits bureaucratic expansion in central government administration as it continuously maintains and reconstructs problems solvable by the initiation of more nation branding initiatives and projects and hence more bureaucratic activity.

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Mikhailov, Dmitriy. "“Secular religion”: Islam in Kazakhstan’s nation-building." Political Science (RU), no. 4 (2020): 246–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.04.12.

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The article explores the concept of “Kazakh Islam” in the sociopolitical rhetoric of modern Kazakhstan. The change in the state’s policy regarding Islam, which is gradually acquiring new meanings in the changing contexts of national construction is noticed. Four strategies for the construction of “Kazakh Islam” are identified and analyzed: state, political, theological, scientific-journalistic, each of which has its own language and logic of argumentation. The state strategy is focused on the elimination of religious topics from public discourse. The political one is actualized during the election period and serves as the basis for discussion of Kazakh identity. The theological one is focused on including a new concept in a wide ideological Islamic context. The scientific-journalistic one seeks to fill the traditional form of Kazakh Islam with modernization meanings. The separation of religious and secular areas in the daily, routine activities of the state and the church is fully consistent with the concept of secularization. But everything changes when it comes to the most generalized political categories, especially the nation. In the space of nationalism, secularization is losing its power, giving rise to semantic constructions that look absurd, both from the standpoint of religion and from the point of view of the state. The described definitions of “Kazakh Islam” show that it is impossible to consider religious and secular ideology as competitors pursuing diametrically opposite goals within the framework of national building practices. The ideology of “Kazakh Islam” cannot be strictly fixed, since in this way it would lose all of its consolidating potential. As a result, we are dealing with a set of contradictory rhetoric, which is united by the legitimizing force of “nation” and “god”. The organic complementarity and interchangeability of these concepts reveals the complex and dynamic connection of religion and nationalism in promoting and legitimizing the meaning of the existence of the Kazakh state.

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Klymenko, Lina. "Nation-building and presidential rhetoric in Belarus." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 6 (December 31, 2016): 727–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.6.04kly.

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Abstract This paper studies the Belarusian nation as envisioned by the president in his political speeches delivered on the country’s Independence Day. The theoretical framework of the paper rests upon an understanding of the discursive construction of national identity. This analysis of the presidential speeches utilizes principles of the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA). As a special genre of texts, political speeches aim to offer normative guidance and a sense of societal consensus to the public. The paper reveals that in the construction of a national community in Belarus, the presidential speeches ambiguously refer to historical memory, socio-economic development, the political system and the country’s foreign relations.

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Sedunary, Eileen. "Constructing schooling, constructing nation." Melbourne Studies in Education 32, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508489109556236.

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Robinson, Nova. "Arab Internationalism and Gender: Perspectives from the Third Session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, 1949." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 3 (July 6, 2016): 578–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000544.

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Historians of the Middle East have used gender to explore a range of topics, from how crises around gendered practices have contributed to the construction of national identities to women's roles in nationalist movements. Whereas early gender histories focused on single nation-states, recent scholarship has turned to regional and transnational connections. Yet the international sphere, the domain of nation-states and nongovernmental organizations in relation to each other, has yet to be examined through the lens of gender. In this essay, I argue that doing so yields new insights into the relationship between the national and the international in the Middle East, and into the process of rights claiming in postcolonial nation-states. I make this argument through a discussion of the third session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (UNCSW).

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Meuleman, Johan. "Between Unity and Diversity: The Construction of the Indonesian Nation." European Journal of East Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (2006): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006106777998115.

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AbstractThis article studies the process of nation-building in Indonesia. Using a historical approach for the analysis of what is portrayed as a nonlinear, long-term process, it discusses relevant developments during the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial eras, with particular attention to the New Order and most recent periods. The analysis focuses on the complex relations between unity and diversity and highlights the multiplicity of frame-works within which inhabitants of the present Republic of Indonesia have constituted their identities, including national, transnational and subnational ones. Two questions that receive particular attention are the role of religion and the relations between the centre and various parts of the country. The article argues that various factors, including religion and ethnicity, have contributed to nation-building in specific circumstances, but have had contrary effects under other conditions. It also shows that progress and regression in nation-building has partially been the voluntary or involuntary effect of the tactical use governments and other political actors have made of manifold communal differences. It adds that the identity of Indonesian citizens becomes increasingly complex and trans- as well as subnational components increasingly important, but that this does not automatically imply the end of the nation-building process.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Construction de la Nation'

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