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1
Marmaridou, Sophia. "The constructional motivation of indefinite generics in Modern Greek." Constructions and Frames 4, no. 1 (September 3, 2012): 24–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cf.4.1.02mar.
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This paper argues for the discoursal motivation of constructions and the constructional motivation of a Modern Greek indefinite article, by focusing on generics and some other nominal constructions in Modern Greek containing the indefinite determiner enas/mia/ena (“a/an”, masc./fem./ neut. respectively). Moreover, it illustrates the cross-linguistic relevance of Construction Grammar. A family of indefinite nominal constructions is identified, including the Indefinite Generic Construction, the Indefinite Proper Noun Construction, the Indefinite Predicate Nominal Construction, and the Proverbial Indefinite Construction, which is further shown to be primed by specific pragmatic and discoursal features. On the basis of the proposed analysis, and consistently with established views on semantic change (Traugott 1989), I suggest that the expressivity and the discoursal characterization associated with this family of indefinite constructions in Modern Greek motivate the partial de-semanticization of the indefinite determiner, its synchronic variability (after Hoffmann & Trousdale 2011) and, ultimately, its function as an article in the language.
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Takagaki, Yumi. "La cohésion lexicale des noms sans déterminant après il y a et dans la phrase nominale." SHS Web of Conferences 78 (2020): 05012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20207805012.
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L’objectif de cette étude est de mettre en lumière de quelle manière la cohésion peut être réalisée par des moyens lexicaux dans les deux constructions suivantes : il y a + nom nu et la phrase nominale dont la tête est un nom nu. Malgré l’absence de déterminant, ces noms gardent leur nature substantive. L’analyse quantitative révèle quelques différences entre les noms inclus dans ces deux constructions, dont notamment la présence d’un marqueur de prédication plus fréquente devant la phrase nominale et la plus grande variété des noms nus les plus fréquemment employés après il y a par rapport à ceux des phrases nominales. De plus, avec l’identification des usages typiques de chaque construction, pour il y a + nom nu [Définition/ Reconnaissance d’une existence/Présentation d’un événement] et pour la phrase nominale à nom nu [Reformulation/Présentation d’un concept/ Jugement], l’examen de l’orientation informationnelle du nom nu permet d’établir une distinction, concernant la cohésion, entre les deux constructions. Dans la phrase nominale, avec un nom nu et en dehors de tout recours à des procédés syntaxiques, prévaut une perspective rétrospective.
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VAN EYNDE, FRANK. "Regularity and idiosyncracy in the formation of nominals." Journal of Linguistics 54, no. 4 (March 13, 2018): 823–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226718000129.
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This paper explores the interaction of regularity and idiosyncracy in the formation of nominals. It treats both nominals whose formation is highly regular, such as red box, and nominals whose formation is rather idiosyncratic, such as the Big Mess Construction (bmc; so good a bargain) and the Binominal Noun Phrase Construction (bnpc; her nitwit of a husband). Both the bmc and the bnpc conform to productive patterns, but the proper place of those patterns in the grammar as a whole is not easy to identify. To rise to the challenge, we build on recent developments in Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar and the more formally inclined strands of Construction Grammar. Taking a cue from the treatment of clausal constructions in Ginzburg & Sag (2000), we develop a bi-dimensional hierarchy of nominal phrase types, in which the regular nominals inherit their properties from independently motivated higher types, while the idiosyncratic nominals are characterized by a mixture of inherited and inherent properties. The resulting treatment is sufficiently flexible to deal with the subtle interaction between the regular and the idiosyncratic, and sufficiently rigorous to be falsifiable. It is also compared with alternative treatments.
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Ferreira-Silva, Marília De Nazaré. "Construções nominais classificatórias em Parkatêje (Nominal constructions classifiers in Parkatêje)." Estudos da Língua(gem) 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/el.v9i1.1136.
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Baseado em uma abordagem funcional, este trabalho apresenta as características da formação de alguns nomes em parkatêjê, descrevendo um conjunto de nomes da língua que ocorrem em compostos. Tais nomes imprimem nos compostos, dos quais passam a fazer parte, um significado específico relacionado a aspectos, como forma, tamanho e espessura. São nomes tomados como referência na língua. alguns desses são inalienáveis, referentes a partes do corpo, utilizados em sentido metafórico. Outros não, como é o caso do nome farinha. Esse conjunto de nomes, embora funcione à maneira de classificadores, não apresenta a mesma extensão que tais formas usualmente têm.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Parkatêjê. Nomes compostos. Termos de classe. Classificadores.
ABSTRACT Based in a functional approach, this paper presents characteristics of some noun formation processes in Parkatêjê and describes a set of nouns from Parkatêjê language which occurs in compounds. Those nouns give an specific meaning to the compounds in which they participate, related to aspects like shape, size and thickness. They are reference nouns in the language. Some of them are inalienable, related to human body parts, used in a metaphoric sense. Others ones are not the same like the noun related to flour. That set of nouns, although occurring like classifiers, does not present the same extension as classifiers do.KEYWORDS: Parkatêjê. Compound nouns. Class terms. Classifiers.
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Afanasyeva, Olga. "Temporal and modal nominal constructions in Chinese." Journal of Language and Literature 5, no. 3 (August 30, 2014): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.7813/jll.2014/5-3/18.
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Van Eynde, Frank, and Jong-Bok Kim. "Loose apposition." Structure of the English NP 23, no. 1 (June 9, 2016): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.23.1.02kim.
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Loose appositional constructions consist of coreferring adjacent nominals. The relation between the nominals is different from complementation and modification, and shows some intriguing syntactic, semantic and pragmatic characteristics. To model them we employ the framework of Sign-Based Construction Grammar, enriching its inventory of constructions with a highly abstract one that models supplementation in general, and a more specific one that models the loose appositional construction.
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LEE, SEUNG-AH. "Ing forms and the progressive puzzle: a construction-based approach to English progressives." Journal of Linguistics 43, no. 1 (February 27, 2007): 153–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226706004476.
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This paper argues for a constructional approach to English progressives. On this view, progressivity is a construction-level property, rather than a lexical property of the ing forms that progressive verb phrases contain or of the auxiliary. The incompatibility of ing forms with state verbs in progressive constructions provides crucial evidence in support of the construction-based perspective, given that stative ing forms are fully acceptable in gerundive and other ing constructions. Of course, underlying this approach is the proposal that gerund is neutralizable with present participle (Huddleston 1984, 2002b, c; Pullum 1991; Blevins 1994). A lexicalist and construction-based analysis of gerundive nominals, as in Pullum (1991) and Blevins (1994), offers a means of claiming that progressivity is a property of the combination of an auxiliary and ing participle, just as the perfect aspect is expressed by the combination of have and a past participle, as proposed in Ackerman & Webelhuth (1998) and Spencer (2001b), and implicitly in Curme (1935) and other traditional grammars.
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Gataric, Isidora, Sanja Srdanovic, and Anja Kovac. "The processing of process and result deverbal nominals in Serbian and English." Psihologija, no. 00 (2020): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi190928031g.
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Process and result deverbal nominals are two types of nouns derived from related verbs. These two types of deverbal nominals exhibit different behavior in a number of aspects. The aim of this study was to test the differences of process and result deverbal nominals, in both Serbian and English, with respect to their cognitive processing. Two self-paced reading experiments were conducted. Experiment 1 was conducted in Serbian, with target constructions, process and result deverbal nominals (e.g., drhtaj/drhtanje [EN trembling]), embedded in the sentence contexts, whereas Experiment 2 dealt with the equivalent constructions in English. Data were analyzed with the Generalized Additive Mixed Models - GAMMs (Wood, 2006, 2011) measuring reading times (RTs) at the word level (deverbal nouns) and the sentence level (the whole sentence, including the deverbal nominal) in both languages. The final results in general suggested that result deverbal nominals were processed faster than process deverbal nominals. It was assumed that these differences were obtained because process deverbal nominals are syntactically more complex than result deverbal nominals.
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Haude, Katharina. "Clefting and nominal predication: Two focus-marking constructions in Movima." Faits de Langues 52, no. 1 (July 23, 2021): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05201006.
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Abstract Movima (isolate, Bolivia) has two focus constructions that superficially look very similar. One is a simple clause with a noun in predicate position and a verb placed inside the argument phrase. Its pragmatically marked status stems from the inversion of the prototypical association of lexical and pragmatic categories. In the other construction, the predicative noun is additionally preceded by a free pronoun. This construction is a cleft, the pronoun and noun together constituting an equational matrix clause. The two constructions also differ in function: the simple clause with a nominal predicate is a simple predication, while the cleft is a specificational sentence.
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Kambon, Obadele, E. Kweku Osam, and Nana Aba Appiah Amfo. "A case for revisiting definitions of serial verb constructions: Evidence from Akan serial verb nominalization." Studies in African Linguistics 44, no. 2 (June 15, 2015): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v44i2.107260.
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In this study, we undertook an experiment in which native speakers of Akan were given serial verbs both with and without oblique non-verbal elements (such as relator nouns, direct objects, postpositions, etc.) and asked them to construct Serial Verb Construction Nominals (SVCNs) from them. We found that, by and large, when not given said non-verbal elements, speakers were not able to construct nominal forms. In another task, we gave speakers nominal forms and asked them to deconstruct them to the constituent serial verbs from which they were derived. Time and again, speakers gave, not only the serial verbs, but also the non-verbal elements even though they were not asked to do so. Gestalt meanings were also given by speakers when asked the meanings of individual elements. Thus, the semantic integration and lexicalization that takes place in full lexicalized-integrated serial verb constructions extends not only to serial verbs but also to these non-verbal elements which, to native speakers, seem to form just as important a part of the SVC as the verbal elements. Thus, we argue that definitions of SVCs, henceforth, should not prejudice the serial verbs to the detriment of other equally important parts of the construction.
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Vangsnes, Øystein Alexander. "Faroese wh-nominals." Nordlyd 36, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): pp. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.234.
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Cambria; font-size: small;">This paper presents a survey of Faroese <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">wh</em>-nominals, in particular (i) the <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hvør N</em> construction, (ii) the <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hvat fyri (ein) N</em> construction, and (iii) the <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hvat slag av N.<span style="font-variant: small-caps;">dat</span> </em>construction. The first construction involves a <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">wh</em>-item which is used both pronominally, corresponding to English <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">who </em>and <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">what</em>, and adnominally, corresponding to English <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">which, what (N)</em>, and <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">what kind of</em>. The second construction is the Faroese version of the <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">was für/what for</em> construction, including versions with and without an indefinite article and with and without both the preposition (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">fyri</em>) and the indefinite article (i.e. a “bare <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">what</em>” construction). The last construction involves an overt <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">kind </span>noun which must be followed by the preposition <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">av </em>‘of’ which in turn assigns dative case to the main/head noun. The survey is based on data collected during the NORMS fieldwork in the Faroe Islands in August 2008, focusing on a number of morphosyntactic issues as well as the semantic distinction between <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">kind </span>and <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">token </span>interpretation. The various findings on Faroese are compared to data on other varieties of Germanic, in particular the North Germanic ones.</span></span></p>
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Park, Chongwon. "Metonymy in grammar." Functions of Language 20, no. 1 (May 13, 2013): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.20.1.02par.
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This article focuses on the conceptual structures of Korean Multiple Object Constructions (MOCs), which exhibit various types of meanings. I argue that these various meanings are systematically explained when we adopt the notion of reference point. I claim that the accusative-marked nominals in the constructions are metonymically connected; outer accusative-marked nominals function as reference points. More specifically, NP1, in the schematic configuration [NP-Nom [NP1-Acc [NP2-Acc [PRED]]]], functions as a reference point in relation to the complex verb [NP2-PRED], where NP1 provides access to the target. In other words, the function of Korean MOCs is to provide mental access to a target, similar to English possessive constructions. For example, since one natural mental path of access is by following a taxonomic hierarchy from general to specific, the metonymic meaning of the Type-Token construction arises. The same mechanism is then recursively applied to explain the case of multiply-occurring accusative-marked nominals. In order to provide technical analyses of my claim, Langacker’s Cognitive Grammar is adopted as a theoretical framework as it accurately captures the properties of the constructions without additional unnecessary mechanisms.
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van Lier, Eva, and Marlou van Rijn. "Alienability splits in action nominal constructions." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 71, no. 4 (September 25, 2018): 631–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2018-0023.
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AbstractAdnominal alienability splits typically involve a coding asymmetry: inalienable possessive constructions are shorter (or zero-coded) and/or more bound than alienable possessive constructions. This has been explained using one of two functional principles: iconicity (possessive constructions reflect differential conceptual distance) or economy (possessive constructions are the result of differential usage frequency). Alienability splits may also affect the coding of arguments in action nominal constructions. For this phenomenon only the iconicity explanation has been invoked, using the semantic notion of control. In the present paper, we investigate the merits of the alternative economy explanation for the cross-linguistic distribution of (in)alienable possessive coding of arguments in such nominalizations. Based on typological and corpus data, we conclude that the economy explanation covers the widest variety of typological generalizations concerning split possessive coding, in both underived NPs and derived action nominals.
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Amaral, Patrícia, and Manuel Delicado Cantero. "Not a fact: A synchronic analysis of el hecho de and o facto de." Probus 31, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/probus-2018-1007.
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Abstract This paper provides empirical evidence showing that the clause-taking nominals el hecho de (Spanish) and o facto de (Portuguese) are not reliable tests of factivity of predicates, as commonly assumed in the literature. Naturally occurring data from both languages show that these nominals are compatible with a wide range of predicates and that they occur in sentences with both factive and non-factive interpretations. Our findings contribute to the debate on the syntactic and semantic properties of clause-taking nominal constructions, clausal nominalization in Ibero-Romance, and to current research on the nature of factivity.
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Alqassas, Ahmad. "The Definite Marker in Arabic: Morphological realization of the syntactic head D or a [DEF] feature." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 39, no. 1 (December 16, 2013): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v39i1.3866.
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In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt from the text:In Arabic, the definite marker can render a noun phrase (NP) definite and it appears as a proclitic on adjectives that modify a definite NP (a phenomenon known as definiteness agreement). Arabic also has a complex adjectival construction known as Construct State Adjective (CSA) that also exhibits the definiteness agreement property. Moreover, in cardinal number constructions in Standard Arabic, the definite marker appears as a proclitic on both the numeral and the enumerated noun (another case for definiteness agreement). This CSA construction and cardinal number constructions are interesting in that definiteness agreement is optional as opposed to the canonical cases of noun-adjective constructions (with post nominal adjectives) where definiteness agreement is obligatory. This paper argues that, given these facts about definiteness agreement, it is more plausible to treat the definite marker whish appears on nominal heads as the realization of the syntactic D head while the definite marker appearing on adjectival and nominal complements as a [DEF] feature added at PF.
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Rodrigues, Patrícia, and Maria José Foltran. "Small Nominals in Brazilian Portuguese Copular Constructions." Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 14, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/jpl.60.
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Ilc, Gašper. "Construction or Constructing? Some Observations on English Deverbal and Gerundial Nouns." ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 13, no. 2 (December 16, 2016): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.13.2.153-164.
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English deverbal and gerundial nouns are traditionally analysed as instances of verbal nominalisations with a hybrid syntactic and semantic nature: while predominantly having nominal properties, they display some of the verbal characteristics as well. Using relevant examples from English corpora (BNC, ukWaC, enTenTen13), the paper examines the similarities and differences between the two types of nominalisations with special focus on their syntactic and semantic properties. The paper discusses deverbal/gerundial nouns in relation to the s.c. gerundial cline, which refers to the gradual process of nominalisation as observed in English. The analysis of examples shows that gerundial nouns are typically associated with the eventive interpretation, and that the structure of the nominal phrase headed by a gerundial noun directly reflects the syntactic properties of the verbal root. Deverbal nouns, on the other hand, are typically associated with the result-object interpretation, and the structure of the nominal phrase headed by a deverbal noun is less dependent on the syntactic properties of the verbal root. Despite these apparent differences, corpus data also reveal that the converse is also true: deverbal nouns can be used as gerundial nouns and vice versa.
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Ahn, Dorothy. "Korean classifier-less number constructions." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 60 (January 1, 2018): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.60.2018.452.
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Korean is a generalized classifier language where classifiers are required for numeralsto combine with nominals. This paper presents a number construction where the classifier isabsent and the numeral appears prenominally. This construction, which I call the classifier-lessnumber construction (Cl-less NC), results in a definite or a partitive reading where the referentmust be familiar: ‘the two women’ or ‘two of the women’. In order to account for this, Iargue that Korean postnominal number constructions are ambiguous between a plain numberconstruction and a partitive construction. After motivating and proposing an analysis for thepartitive structure, I argue that Cl-less NC is derived from the partitive construction, explainingits distributional restriction and the interpretation.Keywords: number construction, classifiers, partitives, Korean.
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김동성. "Productivity of Predicative Nominal and Non-predicative Nominal Constructions." Linguistic Research 29, no. 2 (August 2012): 403–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17250/khisli.29.2.201208.007.
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Gross, Gaston, and Robert Vivès. "Les constructions nominales et l'élaboration d'un lexique-grammaire." Langue française 69, no. 1 (1986): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/lfr.1986.6360.
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Habert, Benoît, and Christian Jacquemin. "Constructions Nominales à Contraintes Fortes et Grammaires D'unification." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 19, no. 2 (January 1, 1995): 401–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.19.2.10hab.
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Irregular nominal compounds can be defined as noun phrases having a regular syntactic construction but having restrictions on their syntactic variations and specific semantic behaviours. The aim of our study is to bring to the fore some of the constraints which have to be taken into account for the realisation of a parser for non lexicalised nominal compounds. Therefore, two nominal compounds are studied from a linguistic standpoint. The first one verre à vin (wineglass) can be classified as a true compound noun although accepting several modifications. The second one verre de vin (glass of wine) is a compositional noun phrase although having idiosyncratic characters. The features drawn from the observation of variations and meaning construction of these two compounds are used to evaluate four unification formalisms in their ability to represent and parse precisely such sequences: PATR-II, Lexicalised Tree Adjoining Grammar, OLMES and Acceptability Controlled Grammar. The first two are general grammar formalisms whereas the last two are dedicated to idioms and compound parsing. The conclusions of this evaluation yield a set of principles which should govern the construction of a parser better suited for compound noun parsing and interpretation.
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Sundquist, John D. "A Diachronic Analysis of Light Verb Constructions in Old Swedish." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 30, no. 3 (August 13, 2018): 260–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542717000137.
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This study provides an empirical analysis of light verb constructions in Old Swedish. These constructions contain a semantically light verb, such as giva ‘give’ or göra ‘make’, that may be paired with an abstract nominal object, as in giva radh ‘give advice’ or giva hiälp ‘give help’. Using a corpus of nine Old Swedish texts written in the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries, I track the frequency of light verb constructions and analyze the range of transitive light verb + object pairings. I consider the effects of time, genre, and the type of modification to the nominal object in the quantitative analysis. The results contribute to ongoing discussions in crosslinguistic, diachronic research on the reasons for the increase in frequency of light verb constructions as well as the possibility that this construction exhibits characteristics of grammaticalization or lexicalization.
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Ning Zhang, Niina. "Empty verbs in Chinese predicatives and complex predicates." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 14 (January 1, 1999): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.14.1999.13.
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This paper investigates syntactic properties of verbless constructions in Chinese. Verbless constructions differ from constructions with overt verbs in three major respects. First, there is a VP-internal nominal raising in Chinese, which is optional if an overt verb shows up, and obligatory if there is no overt verb. Second, while an overt verb can select various kinds of argument, the internal argument of a verbless construction cannot be indefinite. Third, there are two types of object depictive secondary predication constructions, and only one of them allows for a null verb.
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Brattico, Pauli, and Saara Huhmarniemi. "Finnish negation, the EPP feature and the valuation theory of morphosyntax." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 29, no. 1 (May 8, 2006): 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s033258650600148x.
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The Extended Projection Principle (EPP) has remained a controversial topic in generative grammar. This article proposes to derive the EPP from a generalized theory of nominal case and verbal agreement. According to the proposal presented in this article, morphosyntactic features such as case and verbal phi-features are valued uniformly by the closest asymmetrically c-commanding element, whereas the PF interface is constrained so as to prevent verbs from being valued nominal case and nominals by verbal phi-features. This constraint together with a new theory of valuation explains the appearance of the EPP. The theory is applied to the investigation of negative clauses in Finnish and other languages, Finnish (elliptical) non-finite negative clauses, expletive constructions, multiple wh-movement in a variety of languages, multiple agreement both in the finite and nominal domains, and asymmetries between finite and non-finite clauses.
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Farkas, Judit, and Krisztina Karácsonyi. "Pre-D non-possessor positions in Hungarian." Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW) 4 (December 30, 2018): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/lingbaw.5664.
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The paper investigates pre-D non-possessor positions in Hungarian. In Hungarian, non-deverbal nominal constructions containing pre-D non-possessor positions are acceptable only if they contain a demonstrative pronoun and also an adjective, and the appearance of a pre-D possessor does not impact the acceptability of the sentence. The paper also gives a brief discussion of similar constructions with pre-D non-possessors in German, mainly to shed light on the Hungarian data. Although German also allows for pre-D non-possessors, it does so under different conditions. A short topicalized element can readily appear in German sentences as a non-possessor dependent, but in this language a possessor can never appear in the same noun phrase. The paper also discusses deverbal nominal constructions with pre-D non-possessor dependents in Hungarian. In these constructions the presence of a possessor argument is indispensable. This is due to the fact that the placement of the non-possessor argument in a position preceding the possessor is legitimized by the fact that the former takes scope over the latter within the internal information structure of the matrix noun phrase. The paper also deals with the syntactic structure of said deverbal nominals.
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Singnoi, Unchalee. "Noun Classifier Constructions in Thai: a Case Study in Construction Grammar." MANUSYA 11, no. 1 (2008): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01101006.
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This paper is a study in the framework of Construction Grammar that seeks for how much information grammatical units like noun classifier constructions in Thai can reveal and why such information must be presented as distinctive grammatical properties. The findings show that noun classifiers, occurring in nominal phrases, have a large number of grammatical functions not restricted to syntax but encompassing semantics and pragmatics, as well. They function syntactically by constituting numeric phrases, standing for head nouns, substituting for nouns, acting as the heads of modifier constructions, acting as noun modifiers and disambiguating constructions. Semantically, they are divided into generic and perceptual main types, which evince different syntactic behaviors. Finally, they pragmatically function by unitizing nouns, referring to particular entities, individuating items, and indicating the numeral ‘one’. It is these pragmatic functions that motivate their forms/structures. Therefore, information types such as semantic and/or pragmatic properties need to be included in the explanation and viewed as a cluster of information, rather than autonomous syntax.
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Balam, Osmer, Usha Lakshmanan, and María del Carmen Parafita Couto. "Gender Assignment Strategies Among Simultaneous Spanish/English Bilingual Children from Miami, Florida." Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 14, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 241–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/shll-2021-2045.
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Abstract We examined gender assignment patterns in the speech of Spanish/English bilingual children, paying particular attention to the influence of three gender assignment strategies (i.e., analogical gender, masculine default gender, phonological gender) that have been proposed to constrain the gender assignment process in Spanish/English bilingual speech. Our analysis was based on monolingual Spanish nominals (n = 1774), which served as a comparative baseline, and Spanish/English mixed nominal constructions (n = 220) extracted from oral narratives produced by 40 child bilinguals of different grade levels (second graders vs. fifth graders) and instructional programs (English immersion vs. two-way bilingual) from Miami Dade, Florida. The narratives, available in the CHILDES database (MacWhinney, Brian. 2000. The CHILDES project: Tools for analyzing talk, 3rd edn. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates), were collected by Pearson, Barbara Z. 2002. Narrative competence among monolingual and bilingual school children in Miami. In D. Kimbrough Oller & Rebecca E. Eilers (eds.), Language and literacy in bilingual children, 135–174. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Results revealed that in Spanish nominal constructions, children across both instructional programs and grade levels evinced native-like acquisition of grammatical gender. In mixed nominals, children overwhelmingly assigned the masculine gender to English nouns. Notably, irrespective of schooling background, simultaneous Spanish/English bilingual children used the masculine default gender strategy when assigning gender to English nouns with feminine translation equivalents. This suggests that from age seven, simultaneous Spanish/English child bilingual acquisition of grammatical gender is characterized by a predisposition towards the employment of the masculine default gender strategy in bilingual speech.
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Lessard, Gregory. "Une application particulière de l’opérateur de négation." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 31, no. 2 (1986): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100011567.
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En général, les modèles courants de l’antonymie lexicale ramènent le phénomène à l’action d’un opérateur de négation qui agit sur un ou plusieurs traits sémantiques d’une unité lexicale. En même temps, ces modèles prennent pour acquis qu’entre deux contraires, il ne peut exister ni une relation d’identité ni une relation d’inclusion logique. Ainsi, partir n’est nullement identique à rester, et en même temps, partir n’implique pas rester (et vice-versa). Or, il existe en français contemporain une classe de constructions, qui se caractérisent sur le plan formel par la présence d’une base nominale et de l’un ou l’autre des préfixes A-, ANTI-, CONTRE- ou NON-, qui semblent manifester et une occurrence de l’opérateur de négation et une relation d’inclusion logique entre la construction préfixée et la base nominale seule (dans le sens que, étant donné une base nominale y et un préfixe x, on peut affirmer de la construction x + y qu’elle représente un type particulier de y).
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Ding, Picus Sizhi, and Caroline Féry. "Word Order, Information Structure and Intonation of Discontinuous Nominal Constructions in Cantonese / Ordre des mots, structure de l’information et intonation des phrases nominales discontinues en Cantonais." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 43, no. 2 (September 26, 2014): 110–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00432p03.
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This paper examines the syntactic, intonational and information structural properties of discontinuous nominal constructions in Cantonese. Four different syntactic constructions are identified which are used to indicate different information status of elements in a noun phrase, all involving two full NPs with either overt or covert heads. Discourse particles play a crucial role, not only for the interpretation of information structure, but also as anchoring points for boundary tones. Otherwise, intonation and prosody are not affected by word order changes, with the exception of optional pauses after or before dislocated constituents. Cet article examine la structure de l’information des syntagmes nominaux discontinus en Cantonais, ainsi que leurs propriétés syntaxiques et intonatives. Quatre constructions syntaxiques distinctes ont été identifiées qui servent à exprimer des rôles spécifiques de structure de l’information sur des parties de syntagmes nominaux. Ces rôles impliquent deux syntagmes nominaux complets et indépendants l’un de l’autre, avec des têtes prononcées ou non. Les particules discursives jouent un rôle essentiel, non seulement pour l’interprétation de la structure de l’information, mais aussi pour l’ancrage des tons de frontière. L’intonation et la prosodie ne jouent aucun rôle en dehors des pauses facultatives avant ou après les syntagmes discontinus. L’intonation n’est pas affectée par les changements d’ordre des mots.
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Moravcsik, Edith A. "A semantic analysis of associative plurals." Studies in Language 27, no. 3 (November 27, 2003): 469–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.27.3.02mor.
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The paper presents a general framework for the semantic analysis of nominal plural expressions and assigns a place among them to a lesser-known construction: associative plurals. Six parameters are proposed for identifying the meaning differences among nominal plural expressions. Within this framework, associative plurals are characterized as ranked group plurals that form a single paradigm with first and second person plural pronouns and inclusory (=sylleptic) constructions, all of which are shown to be governed by similar preferences regarding the semantic composition of the group.
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Loureiro-Porto, Lucía. "On the relationship between subjectification, grammaticalisation and constructions." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 13, no. 2 (July 2, 2012): 232–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.13.2.03lou.
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The terms subjectification, intersubjectification and construction are very often used in relation to grammaticalisation, although the relationship between them is not always clear. Subjectification is said to occur both within grammaticalisation and out of it. Constructions, in turn, have recently been found to play a key role in grammaticalisation, to the point that it is now generally accepted that before an item is grammaticalised the construction in which it appears will first develop a grammatical function. The relationship between construction and subjectification has not been addressed directly, even though an important number of the examples of subjectification found in the literature are explained in terms of constructions in which the subjectifying element occurs. This paper aims to shed more light on how subjectification, grammaticalisation and constructions are related in the history of English, by paying special attention to verbs and verbo-nominal expressions of necessity from Old to Early Modern English. The findings will show that, in these items, the interrelationship between subjectification and grammaticalisation is not direct; that subjectification need not be unidirectional; and that constructions involving necessity items are the source of subjectification.
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Polguère, Alain. "Rection nominale : retour sur les constructions évaluatives." Travaux de linguistique 68, no. 1 (2014): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tl.068.0083.
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SADLER, LOUISA, and RACHEL NORDLINGER. "Nominal juxtaposition in Australian languages: An LFG analysis." Journal of Linguistics 46, no. 2 (September 30, 2009): 415–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002222670999020x.
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It is well known that Australian languages make heavy use of nominal juxtaposition in a wide variety of functions, but there is little discussion in the theoretical literature of how such juxtapositions should be analysed. We discuss a range of data from Australian languages illustrating how multiple nominals share a single grammatical function within the clause. We argue that such constructions should be treated syntactically as set-valued grammatical functions in Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG). Sets as values for functions are well-established in LFG and are used in the representation of adjuncts, and also in the representation of coordination. In many Australian languages, coordination is expressed asyndetically, that is, by nominal juxtaposition with no overt coordinator at all. We argue that the syntactic similarity of all juxtaposed constructions (ranging from coordination through a number of more appositional relations) motivates an analysis in which they are treated similarly in the syntax, but suitably distinguished in the semantics. We show how this can be achieved within LFG, providing a unified treatment of the syntax of juxtaposition in Australian languages and showing how the interface to the semantics can be quite straightforwardly defined in the modular LFG approach.
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Mokrzycka, Agata. "ANALYTICAL VERBO-NOMINAL CONSTRUCTIONS AT THE TURN OF THE 19TH AND 20TH CENTURIES – BULGARIAN LANGUAGE." Zeszyty Cyrylo-Metodiańskie 3 (December 8, 2014): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/zcm.2014.0.1.12.
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Martínez Caro, Elena, and Jorge Arús-Hita. "Give as a light verb." Functions of Language 27, no. 3 (July 6, 2020): 280–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.16036.mar.
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Abstract Light Verb Constructions (LVCs) have received widespread attention. Research on these constructions, however, has for the most part focused exclusively on their syntactic and lexical-semantic properties. Additionally, studies devoted to specific LVCs tend to neglect the phrasal-semantic and pragmatic variation brought about by the combination of a light verb with different nominal complements. This paper tries to fill those gaps by means of a quantitative and qualitative corpus-based study of Light give Constructions (LgiveCs). The quantitative analysis investigates frequencies of LgiveCs in British English and compares them across spoken and written (fiction) discourse, which reveals a high frequency of this construction in speech, especially in combinations of give with a ring, a kiss and an answer. When these combinations are excluded, LgiveCs are significantly more frequent in writing. In a complementary qualitative approach, we highlight the structural and discursive features of the construction and attempt to explore the factors that motivate the frequent use of the LgiveC in British English.
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Lü, Shanshan. "Two locative constructions in Caijia from the typological perspective of Asian languages." Studies in Language 42, no. 3 (October 19, 2018): 600–640. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.17045.lu.
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Abstract This paper sets out to examine two locative constructions found in Caijia, an unclassified language with many Sinitic features spoken in Guizhou province of China, using the framework of Ameka & Levinson’s (2007) typology of locative predicates (basic locative construction [blc]). These are the locative verb construction and the positional verb construction, both of which are used to answer the question ‘Where is the X?’. The different syntactic, semantic and pragmatic constraints on the usage of these two main constructions are described and analyzed in detail as well, while the locative verb construction is identified as the basic locative construction. The present paper also studies the core constituents in these two constructions, for example, localizers, which serve to indicate a relative spatial relation between two entities and for whose nominal nature we argue in this paper, a locative verb whose source is ‘live, dwell’, and two types of positional verbs. Even though Caijia is a language very close in its characteristics to Sinitic languages, this study demonstrates certain unusual features, atypical for Sinitic. We also show that Caijia does not bear out all the predictions proposed by Ameka & Levinson for the locative verbs in the languages of the single locative type, nor does it entirely conform with the hierarchy for the blc encoding (Ameka & Levinson 2007).
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Işık-Taş, Elvan Eda. "Nominal stance construction in IELTS tests." Journal of English for Academic Purposes 34 (July 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jeap.2018.02.004.
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Khanina, Olesya, and Andrey Shluinsky. "Competing ditransitive constructions in Enets." Functions of Language 27, no. 3 (July 6, 2020): 247–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.17061.kha.
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Abstract This paper reports on a corpus study of two ditransitive constructions in Enets (Uralic, Samoyedic): the standard ditransitive construction and the so-called Destinative construction involving a specific destinative nominal morpheme. We suggest that the mutual distribution of the two competing constructions depends on referential properties of theme and information structure of the clause. The Destinative construction is used when a theme is indefinite, the standard ditransitive construction is used when a theme is definite. Most often, definiteness of a theme is also accompanied by specificity of a recipient; the combination of an indefinite theme and a non-specific recipient has not been attested at all. There is also a small number of cases when the standard ditransitive construction is used in clauses with an indefinite theme: in all such cases recipients are non-standard from the information structure point of view, they are either topical, emphatic, or extraposed. We suggest that both contexts of usage of the standard ditransitive construction can be explained if we describe its main discourse function as highlighting the known referents in discourse, be it definite themes or topical, emphatic, or extraposed recipients. The main discourse function of the destinative construction is then introducing new referents in the theme position.
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Sun-Hee Kim. "The Light Verb Constructions: The Role of the Predicate Nominals." English21 31, no. 4 (December 2018): 175–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.35771/engdoi.2018.31.4.008.
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Mambrini, Francesco. "Nominal vs copular clauses in a diachronic corpus of Ancient Greek historians." Journal of Greek Linguistics 19, no. 1 (June 12, 2019): 90–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01901003.
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AbstractWe study the distribution of the nominal and copular construction of predicate nominals in a subset of authors from the Ancient Greek Dependency Treebank (AGDT). We concentrate on the texts of the historians Herodotus, Thucydides (both 5th century BCE) and Polybius (2nd century BCE). The data comprise a sample of 440 sentences (Hdt = 175, Thuc = 91, Pol = 174). We analyze the impact of four features that have been discussed in the literature and can be observed in the annotation of AGDT: (1) order of constituents, (2) part of speech of the subjects, (3) type of clause and (4) length of the clause. Furthermore, we test how the predictive power of these factors varies in time from Herodotus and Thucydides to Polybius with the help of a logistic-regression model. The analysis shows that, contrary to a simplistic opinion, the nominal construction does not drop into irrelevance in Hellenistic Greek. Moreover, an analysis of the distributions in the authors highlights a remarkable continuity in the usage patterns. Further work is needed to improve the predictive power of our logistic-regression model and to integrate more data in view of a more comprehensive quantitative diachronic study.
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Heyvaert, Liesbet. "Nominalization as an ‘interpersonally-driven’ system." Aspects of “Interpersonal Grammar” 8, no. 2 (December 31, 2001): 283–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.8.2.06hey.
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This paper analyzes different types of deverbal -er nominals and factive nominalizations and argues that they can only be fully described and generalized across if, in addition to their ideational properties, the interpersonal categories which they realize are also considered. It is shown that interpersonal functions such as Subject/person deixis, finite/non-finite grounding and the Mood-relation between them are not exclusively clausal categories, but that they are equally operative at word level and in the nominal group. In factive and -er nominalizations, they set us on the track of the systems’ basic grammatico-semantic characteristics: the link which deverbal -er nominalizations establish between an entity and a process turns out to be strikingly similar to that realized by the Subject and the Finite at clause level; the analysis of the internal, interpersonal properties of that-factives, the fact that-constructions and gerundive factives confirms their downranked or ‘nominal’ nature and enables us to define factivity more accurately.
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Heyvaert, Liesbet. "Non-agentive Deverbal -er Nominalization in English and Dutch." Languages in Contrast 1, no. 2 (December 31, 1998): 211–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lic.1.2.07hey.
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This paper deals with non-agentive deverbal -er nominals in English and Dutch. It attempts to provide a grammatico-semantic explanation for the extension of agentive to non-agentive -er, and argues that the profile of the -er suffix, irrespective of whether it is agentive or non-agentive, is comparable to that of the subject-Junction of a clausal structure. More particularly, some clausal structures are discussed which show a high number of structural and semantic correspondences with non-agentive -er nominals. Whereas in English, the most important clausal agnate turns out to be the middle construction (e.g. this book reads easily), Dutch non-agentive -er nominals are shown to agnate with various structures, notably middle formation: especially the occurrence of intransitive or 'circumstantial' middles (e.g. asfalt fietst prettiger dan grind 'asphalt cycles better than gravel'), and the frequent use of 'let'-constructions in contexts where English would use a middle (e.g. dat boek laat zich makkelijk lezen [that book lets itself easily read], i.e. that book reads easily) offer evidence of the Dutch potential to construe non-agentive entities as subjects. Throughout the discussion, the clauses and -er nominals under scrutiny are illustrated by extracts from the COBUILD corpus and the Dutch INL corpus.
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Soler, Viviana. "Estudio exploratorio de títulos de tesis doctorales redactados en lengua española." Lebende Sprachen 63, no. 2 (October 8, 2018): 374–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/les-2018-0022.
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Abstract Este es un estudio sobre títulos de tesis doctorales redactados en lengua española con el objetivo de registrar las construcciones estructurales más recurrentes de este tipo de títulos, e intentar determinar si tales construcciones pueden considerarse variables disciplinares. Se trabajó sobre una base de datos que incluye 716 títulos de tesis doctorales realizadas y defendidas por los integrantes de una misma comunidad científica, la Universidad Nacional del Sur (Argentina). La lingüística de corpus utilizada como metodología de investigación demostró que, de las cuatro construcciones representativas de los títulos científicos altamente especializados, únicamente dos son las elegidas por los autores de tesis doctorales, a saber: la estructura nominal y la estructura de título compuesto. Este hallazgo contribuye a sentar las bases para la construcción de una pedagogía de la escritura específica de las tesis doctorales y sugiere que la estructura del título podría funcionar como variable disciplinar en determinadas áreas de estudio. A corpus containing 716 titles of Ph.D. theses written in Spanish and defended by members of the Universidad Nacional del Sur (Argentina) was constructed and analyzed to record the most recurrent Ph.D. thesis title structural constructions, and to determine if such constructions can be considered as disciplinary variables. Corpus linguistics was applied to analyze all the titles chosen and revealed that of the four representative structural constructions of highly advanced scientific titles, only the nominal construction and the compound construction are chosen. This finding lays the foundations for a specific Ph.D. thesis writing pedagogy.
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LAUWERS, PETER. "C'est très théâtre, c'est-à-dire très faux. Les origines et le développement de la construction [Adverbedegré + Nom]." Journal of French Language Studies 28, no. 3 (October 16, 2018): 431–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269518000261.
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RÉSUMÉDans cette contribution, nous nous intéressons à l'origine et au développement de la construction [adverbe de degré + nom]: C'est très théâtre, c'est-à-dire très faux. De nos jours, cette construction se présente comme un puissant outil de recatégorisation contextuelle pour exprimer un rapport de ressemblance basé sur une analogie avec un concept nominal. Sur la base d'une recherche de corpus outillée, nous montrons que la construction-hôte [ADVdegré + ADJ] a pu s'ouvrir à la catégorie nominale à partir d'un petit noyau dur de noms humains, en partie qualitatifs, tirant profit de certaines propriétés structurelles du français de l’époque. Par la suite, la construction s'est diversifiée vers d'autres classes sémantiques (noms inanimés, noms propres, etc.) et a progressivement attiré une gamme plus diversifiée de types lexicaux dans son orbite. Elle n'a cessé de gagner en productivité, tout en réduisant son fonds lexical d'origine à la portion congrue.
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Sheremet, V. V. "ON SOME FEATURES OF TRANSMISSION OF EXPERIENTIVE SELFREFERENCE STATE IN THE ARABIC LANGUAGE (ON THE BASE OF CORPORA MATERIAL)." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 3 (13) (2020): 345–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-3-345-353.
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The semantic category “state” (hereinafter referred to as “state”) is a fundamental universal category of language. One of the options for its implementation is an experientive-self-referential one — a designation of one’s condition by the speaker himself. The features of its verbalization in Arabic remain unexplored. Their study in this article was provided on the material of 170 Arabic expressions, sampled on the basis of equivalence to Russian expressions with dative-predicative constructions (hereinafter referred to as “DPC”) “мне стыдно” from the parallel corpora. In the contrast and comparison with them in Arabic language there were distinguished two main constructions, which verbalize semantics in question: 1) «ʃaʕara + bi + N» (38 % elements of sample), where the subject is implicated in the affix of the verb, and its experientive “state” is transmitted by means of transitive verb with indirect object «ʃaʕara» — «to feel» with different nominals «N», equal on the semantic level to the lexeme “стыд” or familiar to it: «alɁistija:Ɂu», «alɁiħra:ʒu», «alʕa:ru», «assu:Ɂu», «alħaraʒu», «alxaʒalu» etc.; 2) PronAnim + Part1/2” (29% of the sample), where is the subject is personal pronoun “Pron” in the first face (fused or separete) in the role of subject in main or subordinate (after particle “Ɂanna”) clause. And its experientive “state” is transmitted by participle “Part1” or quasi-participle “Part2”, which are represented in the role of nominal predicate. Also, along with them, various minor methods are observed, such as a metaphorical transfer of the cognitive scheme of the preposition “ʕalaː” with the implication of “state” in the subtext, the use of a transfix of the initial form of the verb with the basic form “faʕila”, an impersonal construction with a lexeme, denoting emotion.
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CHAPPELL, Hilary, and Sandra A. THOMPSON. "THE SEMANTICS AND PRAGMATICS OF ASSOCIATIVE DE IN MANDARIN DISCOURSE." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 21, no. 2 (March 12, 1992): 199–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-90000330.
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Nous examinons dans cet article l'emploi du morphème "associatif de en mandarin. Il s'agit de la première analyse de discours fondée sur un important corpus d'exemples écrits et parlés. Nous nous servons d'un modèle probabiliste pour démontrer que la présence ou l'absence de de dans les phrases nominales associatives est un phénomène complexe qui est déterminé par l'interaction de variables linguistiques telles que (i) le facteur pragmatique de l'"information flow"; (ii) les propriétés sémantiques du nom principal et (iii) des propriétés structurelles et combinatoires de la phrase nominale. Pour l'explication des résultats concernant les propriétés sémantiques du déterminant et du déterminé dans cette construction associative, nous employons également une hierarchie d'égocentricité et une théorie de l'iconicité.
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Chatterjee, Tridha. "Bilingual Complex Verbs: So what’s new about them?" Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 38 (September 25, 2012): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v38i0.3319.
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<p>In this paper I describe bilingual complex verb constructions in Bengali-English bilingual speech. Bilingual complex verbs have been shown to consist of two parts, the first element being either a verbal or nominal element from the nonnative language of the bilingual speaker and the second element being a helping verb or dummy verb from the native language of the bilingual speaker. The verbal or nominal element from the non-native language provides semantics to the construction and the helping verb of the native language bears inflections of tense, person, number, aspect (Romaine 1986, Muysken 2000, Backus 1996, Annamalai 1971, 1989). I describe a type of Bengali-English bilingual complex verb which is different from the bilingual complex verbs that have been shown to occur in other codeswitched Indian varieties. I show that besides having a two-word complex verb, as has been shown in the literature so far, bilingual complex verbs of Bengali-English also have a three-part construction where the third element is a verb that adds to the meaning of these constructions and affects their aktionsart (aspectual properties). I further show that monolingual Bengali complex verbs directly contribute to the rise of these bilingual complex verbs.</p>
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Brunner, Thomas, and Thomas Hoffmann. "The way-construction in World Englishes*." English World-Wide 41, no. 1 (February 24, 2020): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.00038.bru.
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Abstract The way-construction (e.g. He sang his way into our hearts) is a highly idiomatic English Argument Structure construction. Apart from a brief discussion in Davies and Fuchs (2015: 13), however, no study has looked at the construction in World Englishes. Drawing on more than 14,000 tokens from the Corpus of Global Web-Based English (GloWbE), we present the first in-depth empirical analysis of the construction across various types of World Englishes. Our results provide support for Hoffmann’s (2014) claim of the correlation of Dynamic Model stage (Schneider 2003, 2007) and constructional productivity: the overall frequency of the construction as well as the productivity of the verbal, nominal, and prepositional slots of the construction correlate positively with a variety’s phase in the Dynamic Model. Moreover, it turns out that the less entrenched a variety is according to the Dynamic Model, the stronger is its tendency to select specific prototypical, or frequent, fillers in the constructional slots. Finally, we find no evidence for the reliteralisation hypothesis, i.e. that less advanced varieties exhibit a preference for concrete verbs or nouns.
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Michaelis, Laura A., and Knud Lambrecht. "On Nominal Extraposition: A Constructional Analysis." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 20, no. 1 (October 25, 1994): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v20i1.1457.
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Jessa, Mieczysław, and Łukasz Matuszewski. "Producing Random Bits with Delay-Line-Based Ring Oscillators." International Journal of Electronics and Telecommunications 59, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eletel-2013-0005.
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Abstract One of the sources of randomness for a random bit generator (RBG) is jitter present in rectangular signals produced by ring oscillators (ROs). This paper presents a novel approach for the design of delays used in these oscillators. We suggest using delay elements made on carry4 primitives instead of series of inverters or latches considered in the literature. It enables the construction of many high frequency ring oscillators with different nominal frequencies in the same field programmable gate array (FPGA). To assess the unpredictability of bits produced by RO-based RBG, the restarts mechanism, proposed in earlier papers, was used. The output sequences pass all NIST 800-22 statistical tests for smaller number of ring oscillators than the constructions described in the literature. Due to the number of ROs with different nominal frequencies and the method of construction of carry4 primitives, it is expected that the proposed RBG is more robust to cryptographic attacks than RBGs using inverters or latches as delay element.