Journal articles on the topic 'Consumers – Kansas'

A survey conducted at farmers' markets in eastern Kansas showed that more consumers purchased pumpkins for jack-o-lanterns than for cooking. One to four jack-o-lantern pumpkins are purchased annually per consumer. Whether or not the pumpkins are treated with insecticides to control squash bugs and regardless of their intended use, consumers preferred U.S. no. 1 grade, which sell at the higher retail price of $0.33/kg. At least 90% of the consumers surveyed would pay 20% more than the retail price for insecticide-free pumpkins. About two-thirds of those polled would pay 30% more. Cost-benefit data indicate that the higher prices consumers would pay may not be sufficient for growers to produce insecticide-free pumpkins economically using only biological control. However, if biological control is integrated with host-plant resistance, the higher prices may be sufficient for growers to produce insecticide-free pumpkins.

Consumers of organic food tend to believe that it tastes better than its conventional counterpart. However, there is a lack of scientific studies on sensory analysis of organic food. A consumer taste test was conducted to compare the acceptability of organically and conventionally grown spinach. Spinach samples were collected from organically and conventionally managed plots at the Kansas State University Research and Extension Center, Olathe. One hundred-twenty-two untrained panelists (80 female and 42 male) participated in this consumer study. Fresh and 1-week-old spinach leaves were evaluated by 60 and 62 consumers, respectively, using a 9-point hedonic scale (9 = like extremely, 5 = neither like nor dislike, 1 = dislike extremely). The ANOVA results showed that fresh organic spinach had a higher preference score than corresponding conventional spinach, although not at a significant level (P = 0.1790). For the 1-week-old spinach, the difference diminished, and instead, conventional spinach had a higher preference rating. Among 61 consumers who made comments regarding the sensory evaluation, 29 claimed that organic spinach was more tasty and flavorful; 19 consumers thought conventional spinach was better; 13 consumers could not tell the difference. Even though this consumer study did not reveal significant differences in consumer preference for organic vs. conventional spinach, further well-designed sensory tests are warranted given the trends indicated in our study. Assessment of sensory attributes of organic vegetables after storage also deserves further attention. Ideally, both consumer tests and descriptive analysis using trained panelists will be considered.

ABSTRACT Previous research has shown that many consumers do not follow recommended food safety practices for cooking poultry and eggs, which can lead to exposure to Salmonella and Campylobacter. Past research has been done primarily through surveys and interviews, rather than observations. The objective of this project was to determine through observations whether consumers follow food safety guidelines. Consumers (n =101) divided among three locations (Manhattan, KS; Kansas City, MO area; and Nashville, TN) were observed as they prepared a baked whole chicken breast, a pan-fried ground turkey patty, a fried egg, and scrambled eggs. The end point temperature for the cooked products was taken (outside the view of consumers) within 30 s after the consumers indicated they were finished cooking. Thermometer use while cooking was low, although marginally higher than that of some previous studies: only 37% of consumers used a thermometer for chicken breasts and only 22% for turkey patties. No one used a thermometer for fried or scrambled eggs. Only 77% of the chicken and 69% of the turkey was cooked to a safe temperature (165°F [74°C]), and 77% of scrambled and 49% of fried eggs reached a safe temperature (160°F [71°C]). Safe hand washing was noted in only 40% of respondents after handling the chicken breast and 44% after handling the ground turkey patty. This value decreased to 15% after handling raw eggs for fried eggs and to 17% for scrambled eggs. These results show that there is a high prevalence of unsafe behaviors (undercooking and poor hand washing technique) when cooking poultry and eggs and a great need for improvement in consumer behavior with poultry and eggs.

Consumers in six farmers' market locations in Kansas indicated that they would pay an additional 5¢ per pound for seedless watermelons. When asked to rate seeded and seedless melons on a 1 to 10 scale after tasting samples, consumers rated the seedless melon 7.35 and the seeded melon 7.01. There were no practical differences among the six locations studied. With the difficulties in growing seedless melons and greater costs of production, growers and marketers need to assess carefully the market potential for seedless watermelons and plan a merchandising strategy to differentiate seedless from seeded melons. Our studies indicated a slight eating quality preference for seedless melons.

Consumer interest and market surveys play an important role in determining what consumer wants and needs are from an industry. These surveys can also serve the role of preparing students for their future jobs in the industry. The horticulture industry is no different. Companies need to know what consumer interests and needs are so they can serve them better. Likewise, students need to know what areas of horticulture are receiving the highest demand by consumers so they can prepare themselves better. A consumer preference study was conducted at the Topeka, Kan., “Lawn, Garden, and Flower Show” by members of the Kansas State Univ. Horticulture Club. The objectives of the survey were to determine: 1) the specific gardening interests of the respondents, 2) the demand for educational materials on specific gardening areas by the respondents, 3) what the respondents' garden buying habits were, and 4) what the respondents' plant selection preferences were. Survey respondents indicated that, when selecting plant material, plant quality was the most important criterion used, while plant packaging was of least importance. Plant size and price were only given some importance in the plant selection decision. Other results of the survey will be presented.

Purpose: Local communities are often active public health policy makers, so state preemption—when the state withdraws authority from local governments—can hinder public health progress. Kansas enacted the most sweeping law in the nation preempting food, nutrition, and agricultural policy. Design: Qualitative thematic content analysis was used on public comments to identify and evaluate common and key arguments. A codebook was developed using an iterative process. Open coding was applied to all comments. Setting: All testimony and comments submitted by individuals and organizations to the Kansas State Legislature on the preemptive bill. Participants: Eight types of commentators submitted 34 written and 12 oral comments. Measures: The data were evaluated on a latent level to examine underlying drivers of preemption. Results: Comments addressed 18 themes, referenced 366 times; 68% in opposition. Common themes included local control, food labeling, public health, need for statewide standards, and debate over food regulation. Key themes included the need for state and federal uniformity to support businesses and consumers, debate over topics not in the bill, the value of local control, confusion over bill coverage, and outside influences. Conclusion: Confusion about bill language and coverage, the combination of food and agricultural issues, and backing by multinational corporations helped propel preemption forward in Kansas. Food policy stakeholders nationally can anticipate similar arguments and strategies in their state.

Home refrigeration temperatures and product storage times are important factors for controlling the growth of Listeria monocytogenes in refrigerated ready-to-eat foods. In 2005, RTI International, in collaboration with Tennessee State University and Kansas State University, conducted a national survey of U.S. adults to characterize consumers' home storage and refrigeration practices for 10 different categories of refrigerated ready-to-eat foods. No distributions of storage time or refrigeration temperature were presented in any of the resulting publications. This study used classical parametric survival modeling to derive parametric distributions from the RTI International storage practices data set. Depending on the food category, variability in product storage times was best modeled using either exponential or Weibull distributions. The shape and scale of the distributions varied greatly depending on the food category. Moreover, the results indicated that consumers tend to keep a product that is packaged by a manufacturer for a longer period of time than a product that is packaged at retail. Refrigeration temperatures were comparable to those previously reported, with the variability in temperatures best fit using a Laplace distribution, as an alternative to the empirical distribution. In contrast to previous research, limited support was found for a correlation between storage time and temperature. The distributions provided in this study can be used to better model consumer behavior in future risk assessments.

During the Spring of 1992 a survey of over 2000 respondants was conducted as personal interviews at Flower/Garden Shows in Atlanta, Kansas City, Los Angeles, Philadelphia and Portland. When asked how the plants you buy are packaged? Nine percent of the Los Angeles (LA) sample said they purchased trees as balled and burlapped (B & B) while over 40% of the consumers from the other regions purchased trees as B & B. Over 40% of all respondents purchased shrubs in “container”. When asked how would you like to have landscape plants packaged? While only 31% of the LA sample chose to purchase trees as B & B, over 70% of the consumers from other regions preferred to buy in a B & B form. More than 50% of all respondents also preferred to purchase trees in “Container”. By a two to one margin consumers chose to purchase ornamental shrubs in “Container”. Regardless of the region of the country, “bare-root” and “plastic package” were least desired. About 1/2 of the respondents were couples, 80% owned their own homes, over 50% had an income of $25,000 to $75,000 and more than 75% did own plantings.

In recent years the study of native Americans has emphasized their response to incentives, among them the economic incentives associated with European contact. Despite the initial cultural and religious divide between aboriginals and the newcomers, historians are becoming increasingly of the view that, in many dimensions, Indians approached the market much as did nonnative consumers and producers. Brian Hosmer's American Indians in the Marketplace is firmly in this once-revisionist tradition. Hosmer presents case studies of two bands that developed successful, resource-based, economies; the Menominees of north-eastern Wisconsin, and the Tsimshians of Metlakatla, on the northern coast of British Columbia. Central to the economic and social development of these groups were the relations between band members and nonaboriginals, relations that are the focus of Hosmer's narrative.

In Stovall v. Confimed.com, the Kansas Supreme Court held that an out-of-state medical doctor who sold a prescription drug to a Kansas minor over the Internet did not commit an unconscionable act under the Kansas Consumer Protection Act (KCPA). The Shawnee Country District Court had enjoined the doctor from prescribing or dispensing prescription medicine within the state of Kansas, and the doctor appealed the injunction to the Kansas Supreme Court. The Supreme Court affirmed the district court's decision to grant injunctive relief, but found no unconscionable conduct under the KCPA.The appellee, Washington physician Dr. Howard J. Levine, sold the sexual enhancement drug Viagra over the Internet through his online pharmacy. Neither the physician nor the online pharmacy was licensed to practice in Kansas. The purchasers were two Kansas residents, one of whom was a minor. Both purchased the drugs in a sting operation conducted by the Kansas Attorney General and received the drugs after completing an online application.

The floral industry is always trying to identify new products for consumers. Dried/preserved products have gained in popularity because they have a long vase life and offer a wide range of forms, textures and shapes. Among these new dried/preserved products are freeze dried flowers. Freeze drying preserves flower color and shape better than air and matrix drying. From a grower's standpoint, they need to know which plants and which of their cultivars will freeze dry better than others, especially if the plant is a perennial that takes time to come into production. Peonies are a good example. Fragility of the flowers after freeze drying is one of the most important factors determining the suitability of a plant and its cultivars. The objective of this study was to evaluate the flower and stem strength of freeze dried peony flowers of several cultivars to be able to recommend to growers which cultivars freeze dried better than others. Flowers from different red, pink and white herbaceous peony cultivars were freeze dried using commercial equipment and protocols. Stem and flower strengths were determined by compression tests via an Instron Universal Testing Machine. There were no differences in flower strength among the white cultivars evaluated. Flowers of the red cultivars, `Shawnee Chief', `David Harum', `Kansas', and `Monsieur Martin Cahuzac', were stronger than most of the other reds evaluated. `James Pillow' flowers were stronger than most other pinks. There were no differences in flower strength among the other pink cultivars. Lack of differences in flower and stem strength provides growers with a wider selection of suitable cultivars.

Steaks have not been recognized as an important vehicle of Escherichia coli O157:H7 infection. During 11 to 27 June 2003, the Minnesota Department of Health (MDH) identified four O157 infection cases with the same pulsed-field gel electrophoresis (PFGE) subtype. All four case patients consumed brand A vacuum packed frozen steaks sold by door-to-door vendors. The steaks were blade tenderized and injected with marinade (i.e., nonintact). Information from single case patients in Michigan and Kansas identified through PulseNet confirmed the outbreak. The MDH issued a press release on 27 June to warn consumers, prompting a nationwide recall of 739,000 lb (335,506 kg) of frozen beef products. The outbreak resulted in six culture-confirmed cases (including one with hemolytic uremic syndrome) and two probable cases in Minnesota and single confirmed cases in four other states. The outbreak PFGE subtype of O157 was isolated from unopened brand A bacon-wrapped fillets from five affected Minnesota households. A fillet from one affected household was partially cooked in the laboratory, and the same O157 subtype was isolated from the uncooked interior. The tenderizing and injection processes likely transferred O157 from the surface to the interior of the steaks. These processing methods create new challenges for prevention of O157 infection. Food regulatory officials should reevaluate safety issues presented by nonintact steak products, such as microbiologic hazards of processing methods, possible labeling to distinguish intact from nonintact steaks, and education of the public and commercial food establishments on the increased risk associated with undercooked nonintact steaks. Information on single cases of O157 infection in individual states identified through PulseNet can be critical in solving multistate outbreaks in a timely manner.

Correctly anticipating consumer preferences for goods and services can have a large impact on profitability. A survey to measure the influence of plant value and consumer preferences for store services was conducted at flower, lawn and garden shows in Los Angles, Portland, Kansas City, Atlanta and Philadelphia. All five regional markets placed a greater importance on plant quality than on price or plant size. A trained professional sales staff and the availability of a large quantity and good selection of plant material were the highest rated store services in all of the markets. Offering free delivery had the lowest rating in every market. Having the store open on Sunday was more important in the markets on the west coast than in the Kansas City or east coast markets.

Value-added is the transformation of a raw product, usually an agricultural product, into a product that serves consumer demand better. The value-added product usually has an increased value and a higher return than the raw product. Kansas is one of the lowest ranking midwestern states for the number of value-added industries, although it is one of the greatest producers of raw agricultural products. An interdisciplinary team of Extension Specialists was created to promote and to serve small and medium size value-added businesses in the state. This poster will describe Kansas State University Cooperative Extension's approach to serving this clientele.

The North Central Consumer Horticulture Working Group developed and distributed a 14-question survey to determine the confidence of north-central U.S. extension Master Gardeners (MGs) in making integrated pest management (IPM) recommendations and their use of IPM. The online survey was completed by 3842 MGs in Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, and Wisconsin. MGs indicated they personally engaged in a range of IPM practices, including prevention, monitoring, cultural, and chemical controls. However, 81% indicated a need for more training in identifying diseases, and 65% say they needed more training in identifying insects. Only 16% indicated they had received advanced pest management training within the past 5 years. These MGs had higher mean scores for confidence, as well as prevention, monitoring, and cultural control and chemical awareness/control practices than those not participating in advanced training. Years of experience as an active MG and confidence in using IPM-related garden activities were correlated positively (r = 0.261). MGs with advanced pest management training were more confident in making IPM recommendations to other gardeners and were much more likely to use IPM practices than MG without advanced training.

In the past couple of decades the coffee market has exploded, and to remain competitive, it is important to identify the key drivers for consumer acceptance of coffee. This study expanded on the previous emotion study on a population of coffee drinkers in Manhattan, Kansas, USA and focused on identifying the sensory drivers of emotional responses elicited during the coffee drinking experience (CDE). A trained coffee panel performed a descriptive analysis of six coffee samples and identified the key sensory attributes that discriminated each coffee. Utilizing Partial Least Square Regression (PLSR), the descriptive data were then mapped with the emotion data to identify sensory drivers for eliciting the emotional responses. The sensory characteristics of dark roast coffee (roast–aroma and flavor, burnt–aroma and flavor, bitter, and body) might elicit positive-high energy feelings for this population of coffee users. Tobacco (flavor) and cocoa (aroma) may also be responsible for positive emotions (content, good, and pleasant). Citrus and acidity seemed to be negative sensory drivers as they induced the feeling of off-balance. Sensory descriptive data could be useful to describe emotion profiles elicited by coffee drinking, which could help the coffee industry create coffee products for different segments of coffee drinkers.

Multiflora rose is a serious weed pest in West Virginia. There are cultural and chemical means for control, but expense and environmental consequences often preclude their use. Limited information is available concerning biotic agents with potential for multiflora rose biocontrol. A literature search, contacts with scientists in Asia where multiflora rose originated and apparently is not a pest, and disease and insect surveys in West Virginia indicate this plant is healthy and, generally, pest free. However, three insects in West Virginia and one disease occurring in the midwestern United States were of special interest. The rose hip borer, Grapolita packerdi Zeller, which consumes the hypanthium tissues of the hips; the rose seed chalcid, Megastigmus aculeatus var. nigroflavus Hoffmeyer, which destroys the seeds within the achenes; and the raspberry cane borer, Oberea bimaculata Oliv., which kills canes, were found in West Virginia. The disease, rose rosette, not found in West Virginia, is killing multiflora rose in Arkansas, Indiana, Kansas, and Missouri. There is little information on the biology and/or host ranges of these insects or the disease. However, finding three insects in West Virginia adversely affecting growth and/or reproduction of multiflora rose and learning of a disease that kills this plant suggest there are biotic agents that might help manage multiflora rose.

This study set out to investigate how combining jugaad innovation with Education Technology (EdTech) can help solve the ‘learning crisis’ in developing countries. The problem centres on education quality; large volumes of underprivileged students in developing countries are attending school, but many fail to learn basic skills (The World Bank, 2018:3). Globally, over 617m students are failing to achieve minimum proficiency standards in maths and reading (UNESCO, 2017). Consequently, the global problem in education is not simply about the provision of learning but also ensuring high quality (Pearson PLC, 2018). This research explores how jugaad innovation, including key themes such as the jugaad innovation process and jugaad operating models, could inspire the development and use of EdTech in order to improve education quality for the masses in developing nations. In order to investigate how jugaad innovation theory and EdTech can help solve the ‘learning crisis’, this study used a case study approach and four semistructured interviews. The investigation relied on understanding the interviewees’ experiences, how they describe them, and the meaning behind those experiences. As jugaad theory is not well understood in practice (Agnihotri, 2015; Ajith & Goyal, 2016; Jain & Prabhu, 2015), a case study with semi-structured interviews achieved a better insight, through uncovering rich, empirical evidence to answer ‘how’ and ‘why’ questions (Ridder, 2017). Jain & Prabhu’s (2015) work highlighted three core principles of jugaad innovation: frugality, flexibility and inclusivity. Jugaad is a verb to describe the innovation process itself, and a noun to characterise the process outcomes. Conceptual views suggest jugaad innovators put diffused education technologies through a jugaad innovation process, whilst utilising a human rights-based approach to education quality. Therefore helping to deliver quality learning for consumers at the bottom of the pyramid. However, the findings of this study advocate that although a human-rights based approach is essential; high quality learning content, educational scaffolding, an understanding of factors impacting technology adoption and the use of traditional teaching methods are also important in solving the ‘learning crisis’. A partnership operating model is required to combine jugaad innovation with EdTech; and to scale and commercialise such innovations. Findings also identified a fourth, holistic principle of the jugaad innovation process, namely, iterative design. The study’s findings put forward ways to implement a frugal, flexible, inclusive and iterative EdTech innovation process. Results confirm that education quality is multidisciplinary (EdQual, 2010). Jugaad innovators must partner with state departments of education and/or NGO’s to access their network of learners, resources and capabilities. This will serve learners at the bottom of the pyramid in volume and mitigate against the problem of ultrathin per consumer margins (Kansal, 2016).

Business competition, changes in consumer tastes, economic and social changes led to various challenges and opportunities faced by PT. Beton Perkasa Wijaksana. China-made bekisting presence in Indonesia with low prices become a challenge for PT. Beton Perkasa Wijaksana. Therefore, companies should determine and re-evaluate the competitive strategy of construction firms in the business world today.There are three objectives of this study. First, to determine the strength of the product PERI PT. Beton Perkasa Wijaksana in bekisting sales market share in Indonesia. Second, to determine what factors are the strength and the weaknesses of the company. Third, create business competition strategy for PT. Beton Perkasa Wijaksana.SWOT method focuses on the IFE and EFE measurements to determine the current condition of the company and where the current level PT. Beton Perkasa Wijaksana. Formulated a strategy which will be constructed by the method of Bussiness Model Canvas which consists of nine pieces that reflect the company's box, where the BMC will look grouping of strategies that will be built in any part of it that exist in the company, which all the box will be connected to each other and have a relationship that will make strategies that can be applied. Keywords: Formwork, SWOT, IFE, EFE, Bussiness Model Canvas.

The English language has fast become a global language. In Asia, from the far steppes of Mongolia to the beaches of Thailand, to the shores of the Caspian Sea, English print, music, and along with language, Western values, have spread and multiplied. New technology and media, especially the Internet (Crystal, 1996/2003), have helped carry English to people of all nationalities and economic classes. But many scholars feel that the rise of English is connected with the downfall of indigenous languages (Fishman, 1996; Crawford, 1996; McCarty, 2003). Minority languages face extinction as English rides the wave of increasing globalization (Romaine, 2001). Since 2007, Newsweek, The China Daily, and other international media sources have been citing English as the language of economic success in China. Adherents of English claim that it brings positive social change, economic opportunities, consumer goods, and new technologies (Castells, 2001). Such materialistic temptations cause some minority youth to discount the value of their languages and traditions. In Native America, for example, a small minority of Native Americans youth may feel that exchanging, dismissing, or even abandoning their native language and culture for English and a Western lifestyle represents progress and success in the form of material goods and a modern lifestyle (Crawford, 1996; McCarty, 2003). Similarly, in China, English is viewed as the language of economic success by many young Chinese. Opponents of the rise of English view the language, and its underlying cultural messages, as imperialistic. Phillipson (1992) accuses ESL educators of making a negative cultural impact upon unsuspecting indigenous peoples all over the world. Skutnabb-Kangas (2000) asserts that English can be used as a tool by Western nations for global dominance.

Abstract Objectives As consumer interest in plant-based eating has increased, requests for meatless childcare meals have become increasingly common. Although vegetarian meals can be nutrient dense, without proper planning, nutrient inadequacies may occur. The objective of this study was to compare the nutrient content of standard childcare lunches with that of vegetarian alternative lunches. Methods Data was obtained from childcare centers participating in the Child and Adult Care Food Program and regularly providing a vegetarian meal alternative in addition to their standard meal. Centers that agreed to participate received unscheduled calls in which they were asked to provide menu and food preparation details for both the standard meal and for the vegetarian option served at lunch. Student's t-tests (P ≤ .05) were used to detect differences in nutrient content. Nutrient values (95% CI) for each set of meals were then compared to reference values representing one-third the Dietary Reference Intake for 3-year-olds. Results Seven childcare centers provided detailed information for a total of 27 meals. Vegetarian meal substitutions included, beans, vegetarian meat patties, tofu, and sunflower seed butter. However, the most common substitution was cheese which was used to fulfill all or part of the meat/meat-alternative requirement in 70.4% of the meals (n = 19). Mean values for energy, protein, fiber, vitamin A, vitamin D, iron, total fat, saturated fat, iron, and vitamin B12 did not differ significantly between the two lunch options. The vegetarian lunches were higher in saturated fat (P = 0.04) and calcium (P < 0.001). Both lunch options met the reference value for vitamin A, vitamin D, vitamin B12, calcium, and protein. Iron content for both (95% CI: standard 1.61–2.17 mg; vegetarian 1.37–2.7 mg) was below the reference value of 2.31 mg. Conclusions Aside from the vegetarian lunches being higher in saturated fat, both meals provided comparable nutrient content. Both meal options could be improved upon by the inclusion of more iron-dense foods. The vegetarian meals could be improved upon with less cheese and more plant-based alternatives, such as such as lentils and beans which are good sources of protein but low in saturated fat. Funding Sources College of Health and Human Sciences and Dr. Carol Shanklin Graduate Research Enhancement Award, Kansas State University.

In May 2014, 11 sandy soil samples were collected at a depth of about 5 to 15 cm from a golf course community in Wilmington, NC, composed of Bermudagrass (Cynodon dactylon) from the fairway, St. Augustinegrass (Stenotaphrum secundatum) from the lawn, and Zoysiagrass (Zoysia japonica) from the tee, all of which showed spotted yellowing and necrosis. Plant-parasitic nematodes were extracted from soil samples by a combination of elutriation and sugar centrifugal-flotation methods at the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services, Nematode Assay Lab, Raleigh, NC. The results revealed the presence of several plant-parasitic nematodes, with a stubby-root nematode (Trichodoridae) present. Population densities of stubby-root nematodes were 10 to 90 (average 50) nematodes per 500 cm3 of soil. This species was clearly different from the parthenogenetic stubby-root nematode Nanidorus minor (Colbran, 1956) Siddiqi, 1974 commonly found in North Carolina because of the presence of males and larger body size. Morphological and molecular analyses of this nematode identified the species as Trichodorus obtusus Cobb, 1913. Morphological features of T. obtusus specimens were examined in glycerol permanent mounts. Males (n = 5) had a ventrally curved spicule, three ventromedian precloacal papillae (one ventromedian cervical papilla anterior to the excretory pore, one pair of lateral cervical pores at the level of the ventromedian cervical papilla), and a tail with a non-thickened terminal cuticle. Males were 860 to 1,120 (average 1,018) μm long, body width 38 to 48 (42) μm, onchiostyle 53 to 60 (56) μm, and spicule 54 to 62 (59) μm. Females (n = 5) had a pore-like vulva, a barrel-shaped vagina, and one or two postadvulvar lateral body pores on each side. Females were 990 to 1,330 (1,148) μm long, body width 43 to 56 (48) μm, onchiostyle 50 to 64 (58) μm, and V 49.0 to 57.5% (53.0%). The morphology agreed with the description of T. obtusus (2). DNA was prepared by squashing a single nematode (n = 3) on a microscope slide and collecting in 50 μl of AE buffer (10 mM Tris-Cl, 0.5 mM EDTA; pH 9.0). The 18S rDNA region was amplified with the forward primers 18S-G18S4 (5′ GCTTGTCTCAAAGATTAAGCC 3′), SSUF07 (AAAGATTAAGCCATGCATG), and 18S965 (GGCGATCAGATACCGCCCTAGTT) and reverse primers 18S-18P (TGATCCWKCYGCAGGTTCAC), SSUR26 (CATTCTTGGCAAATGCTTTCG), and 18S1573R (TACAAAGGGCAGGGACGTAAT). The 28S D2/D3 region was amplified with the forward primer 28S391a (AGCGGAGGAAAAGAAACTAA) and reverse primer 28S501 (TCGGAAGGAACCAGCTACTA) (4). The resulting 18S (1,547-bp) and 28S D2/D3 (925-bp) sequences were deposited in GenBank under the accession numbers KM276665 and KM276666. The 18S sequence data was 100% homologous with two populations of T. obtusus (JX279930, 898 bp, and JX289834, 897 bp) from South Carolina and one (AY146460, 634 bp) from an unknown source, each with a 1-bp difference in a Blastn search. The 28S D2/D3 sequence data was less than 90% homologous with many Trichodorus species, but no T. obtusus sequence data was available. T. obtusus is known to occur only in the United States and to damage turfgrasses. It is reported in the states of Virginia, Florida, South Carolina, Texas, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, New York, and South Dakota. This nematode has been reported as a pathogen of bermudagrass in Florida (1) and South Carolina (3), but pathogenicity to St. Augustinegrass and Zoysiagrass is unknown. To our knowledge, this is the first report of T. obtusus on turfgrasses in North Carolina. References: (1) W. T. Crow and J. K. Welch. Nematropica 34:31, 2004. (2) W. Decraemer. The Family Trichodoridae: Stubby Root and Virus Vector Nematodes. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, The Netherlands, 1995. (3) J. B. Shaver et al. Plant Dis. 97:852, 2013. (4) G. R. Stirling et al. Nematology 15:401, 2013.

The objective of this study was to evaluate palatability of strip loin steaks from grass- and grain-fed beef across five United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) quality grades and three wet aging periods. Beef strip loins (N = 200; 20 per USDA quality grade/fed cattle type) representing five USDA quality grades [USDA Prime, Top Choice (Average and High Choice), Low Choice, Select and Standard] and two fed cattle types [New Zealand grass-finished and United States (U.S.) grain-finished] were used in the study. Each strip loin was equally portioned into thirds and randomly assigned to one of three wet aging periods (7 d, 21 d or 42 d). Consumer panelists (N = 600; 120/location: Texas, California, Florida, Kansas, and Pennsylvania) evaluated eight grilled beef steak samples for palatability traits, acceptability, and eating quality. All palatability traits were impacted by the interaction of diet × quality grade (P < 0.05). Although similar (P > 0.05) to grass-fed Prime steaks for juiciness, tenderness and overall liking, grain-fed Prime steaks rated greater (P < 0.05) than all other grass- and grain-finished treatments for all palatability attributes. Grass-finished Top Choice, Low Choice, and Standard steaks were rated greater (P < 0.05) than the respective grain-finished quality grades for juiciness and tenderness. Grain-finished Standard steaks rated lower (P < 0.05) than all other grass- and grain-finished treatments for juiciness, tenderness, and overall liking; but were similar (P > 0.05) to grass-finished Standard steaks for flavor liking. Our results indicate beef strip loin steaks of similar quality grades from grass-finished New Zealand cattle produce similar eating experiences when compared to those from U.S. grain-finished beef, even following extended post-mortem aging. This indicates improved palatability for consumers based on marbling without respect to grass- or grain-finishing diets. 

SuicideGirls.com In September 2001 two entrepreneurs Missy (coal-black Betty Page bangs and numerous tattoos) and Sean launched SuicideGirls.com. With their backgrounds in graphic design, programming and photography, they came up with the idea of launching an alternative adult site that started out as “a kind of an art project” — it grew out of an interest in Bunny Yeager’s pinup photos, where the control and attitude of the sexy women were emphasized, only now it was about pierced and tattooed females. Missy describes the portrayal of women on the site in the following words: The site is about the girls being in control and being in charge of how they’re portrayed. It’s also proof that sexuality and beauty aren’t mutually exclusive of intelligence, and we wanted to showcase all of the girls, but leave people guessing a little bit. There’s no need to go full-blown porno. SuicideGirls.com is an adult community that offers a mix of eroticism, creativity, personality and intelligence. SuicideGirls is about so-called empowered eroticism; it provides a site where girls outside of mainstream culture can express their individual style through soft erotic images, and web logs. Every week the site introduces new SuicideGirls, every day new pictures are added; a full national calendar of events is frequently updated and is searchable by location, date or keyword — members can be looked up by name, age, location or keywords; the site also features a magazine section with original fiction, articles and interviews with celebrities. What makes this site especially interesting is that each SuicideGirl has her own page featuring a pertinent profile with personal information such as age, stats, body mods, favorite books, music, sex positions, and current crushes. She can also put up pictures and video materials — including a web cam — of herself, express her thoughts and share her daily experiences in a blog, comment on other blogs and message boards, chat in designated chat rooms, and organize online and offline events. Kate78, Texan-born, is a regular blogger. She writes about her studies in Kansas City, a city she has come to hate after she learned that her car insurance could only be renewed in Texas. She describes herself as a “punk rock chick” — illustrated by pictures that show her with long spiky hair; she has got her nose pierced and her many tattoos — and a “suicidegirl”. There are plenty of blogs — e.g. LiveJournal, Blogspot, Punklog — where girls write about wanting to become a SuicideGirl. The girls are mainly motivated by a wish to share their bodily art paralleled by a sense of being in control over their image and admirers (they keep control over the photo sets and shoots). SuicideGirls.com is foremost an online community and therefore girls from all over the world can potentially become a SuicideGirl, as long as they have access to the Internet in order to publish to their personal page. These girls are in charge of their own online presentation, supported by a lively community where both women and men interact by reading and posting to the girls and each other’s blogs. In addition, members of the site can also post local events to the SuicideGirl calendar or the message boards, comment on pictures, and even hook up with one another. With the ability for members to create their own page, with their own profile picture and personal information, members can search for one another based on location, age, sex and personal preferences. Indeed, not only the SuicideGirls themselves have online pages to fill: subscribers to SuicideGirls.com have similar ‘privileges’, with the exception that they have to pay a small fee of $4 per month — though they can never refer to themselves as SuicideGirl: anyone entering the site has to log in as either ‘SuicideGirl’ or ‘Member’. Thus, SuicideGirls.com mixes a DIY attitude with alternative culture — especially Gothic, Punk and Emo — resulting in an appealing grassroots approach to sexuality that is of interest to both women and men. At the same time, the public identity of a SuicideGirl is constructed within a particular textual context dependent on commercial drivers. Through attracting fans on the basis of her “autonomous” self-representation — Goth fans, for instance — she brings in customers, raising questions about the tensions between “grassroots” self-representation and corporate branding. Collaborative Eroticism as Business Model We should document the interactions that occur among media consumers, between media consumers and media texts and between media consumers and media producers. The new participatory culture is taking shape at the intersection between three trends: 1) new tools and technologies enable consumers to archive, annotate, appropriate and re-circulate media content; 2) a range of subcultures promote do-it-yourself (DIY) media production, a discourse that shapes how consumers have deployed those technologies; and 3) economic trends favoring the horizontally integrated media conglomerates encourage the flow of images, ideas and narratives across multiple media channels and demand more active modes of spectatorship” (Jenkins 157). Traditionally the organization of economic production is based on the idea that individuals order their productive activities either on managerial hierarchies, or on production that is based on market prices (Benkler). Peer production represents a new mode of organizing that is not based on relations of dependence (managerial hierarchies) nor relations of independence (markets) rather peer production involves relations of interdependence. Peer production is a heterarchy characterized by relations of minimal hierarchy and by organizational heterogeneity (Stark). While traditionally structured organizations attempt to maximize internal order and control by enforcing a hierarchical system and establishing standards and clear lines of authority (Powell), heterarchies exist through permitting and even fostering a diversity of organizational logics and minimizing conformity (Chan). With the introduction of Mosaic and the Pentium chip in the mid-1990s the notion of the organization of production profoundly changed. The Internet could be used for more than looking up information or sending email. Instead, it offers a structure where participants are not organized by managerial hierarchies nor governed by price signals rather where people formed networks to collaborate in open source software projects or effectively constructing ‘user-created search engines’ for the exchange of e.g., music files, games (KaZaA, Gnutella), news and chat. While the present moment is marked by a legal standoff between robust communities of users (cultural co-producers) and the established media industry (particularly the music and film industry), some elements of the corporate media world have taken a different approach, embracing the new technological use rather than attempting to outlaw it. These corporations have found their way to online participatory networks and are attempting to use them for their own good. For instance, companies like Coca-Cola, BMW, and Apple offer online spaces – often in the form of thinly veiled advertisements (‘advertainment’) – where people can play games, watch movies, share files and the like in order to create or promote a company’s product, service or brand. They crucially rely upon blurring the boundaries between production, distribution and consumption, encouraging the target audience to work for them. Whether by playing games with embedded advertising, or inadvertently sending marketing information back to advertisers, or simply by passing advertising texts within one’s circle of friends, the target audience and the larger dynamic of participatory networks are ‘used’ by corporations to achieve their ends. SuicideGirls.com is a good example example of this emerging mode of (commons-based) peer production in a digitally networked environment – i.e. groups of individuals who participate in online shared spaces driven by diverse motivations, and serving corporate as well as community needs. The SuicideGirls’ blogs are the shared currency that binds SuicideGirls.com and its erotic consumers together as a “community”: SuicideGirls.com taps into online communities by enabling collaborative eroticism. Moving beyond adult entertainment, this trend of using blogs for commercial purposes raises interesting questions regarding, on the one hand, the cultural status of online blogging from a commercial perspective, e.g., how should we consider the cultural status of artifacts such as blogs that have commerce at the core of their identity: Can we speak of a displacement of aesthetic experience by the branding experience, or might these two experiences be seen as part of a continuum?; and, on the other hand, regarding participatory culture in a commercially mediated environment: e.g., What is the status of b2c, c2c, and p2p in a commercially structured network; What are the implications for user appropriation? The answers to these questions among others studied by various academic disciplines may contribute to the building of a framework for examining the consequences of this strategic shift towards relating to, reaching out to and linking online customers in a commercial web (b)log. Acknowledgement Anja Rau, thank you for your feedback. References Banerjee, A. “A Simple Model of Herd Behavior.” Quarterly Journal of Economics 1992: 797-817. Barabási, A. L. Linked: The New Science of Networks. Cambridge, MA: Perseus Publishing, 2002. Benkler, Y. “Coase’s Penguin, or, Linux and The Nature of the Firm.” Yale Law Journal, Winter v.04.3 2002-03. http://personal.uncc.edu/alblanch/SOVC.pdf. http://www.dcs.napier.ac.uk/~mm/socbytes/feb2002_i/9.html Castells, M. The Rise of the Network Society. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000. Castells, M. The Internet Galaxy: Reflections on the Internet, Business and Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Chan, A. Collaborative News Networks: Distributed Editing, Collective Action, and the Construction of Online News on Slashdot.org. Thesis M.Sc. at MIT’s Comparative Media Studies, 2002). http://www.marketing.unsw.edu.au/HTML/mktresearch/workingpapers/Cowley_Rossiter02_6.pdf http://www.xdreze.org/vitae1.pfd Du Gay, P.& Pryke, M. Cultural Economy. London: Sage Publications, 2002. Dyer, R., Stars (Revised). London: British Film Institute, 1998. Hagel, J. & Armstrong, A. Net Gain: Expanding Markets Through Virtual Communities. USA: McKinsey & Company, Inc., 1997.; Hebditch, D. and Anning, N. Porn Gold: Inside the Pornography Business. London: Faber & Faber, 1988. Jenkins, H. “Interactive audiences?” In Harries, D., ed. The New Media Book. London: British Film Institute, 2002. Kottler, P. Marketing Management: The Millennium Edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2000. Mayzlin, D. Promotional Chat on the Internet. PhD dissertation, MIT, Sloan School of Management, 2001. Oram, A. Peer-To-Peer: Harnessing the Power of Disruptive Technologies. Sebastopol: O’Reilly & Associates, 2001. O’Toole, L. Pornocopia: Porn, Sex, Technology and Desire. London: Serpent’s Tail, 1998. Pine, J. and Gilmore, J. The Experience Economy: Work is Theatre & Every Business a Stage. Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1999. Powell, W. “Neither Market nor Hierarchy: Network Forms of Organization.” Research in Organizational Behavior, 12, 1990: 295-336. Schmitt, B. & Simonson, A. Marketing Aesthetics: The Strategic Management of Brands, Identity, and Image. New York: The Free Press, 1997. Slater, D. Consumer Culture and Modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997.Slater, D. and Tonkiss, F. Market Society: Markets and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001. http://www.stanford.edu/~woodyp/papers/capitalist_firm.pdf Stone, A. R. The War of Desire and Technology at the Close of the Mechanical Age. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996. Sunstein C. Behavioral Law and Economics. Cambridge University Press, 2000. Thompson, J.B. The Media and Modernity: A Social Theory of the Media. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995. Watts, D. and Strogatz, S. “Collective Dynamics of ‘Small-World’ Networks.” Nature, 393, 1998: 440-442. Williams, L. Hard Core: Power, Pleasure and the ‘Frenzy of the Visible’. London: Pandora Press, 1990. MLA Style Van der Graf, Shenja. "Blogging Business: SuicideGirls.com." M/C Journal 7.4 (2004). 10 October 2004 <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0410/07_suicide.php>. APA Style Van der Graf, S. (2004 Oct 11). Blogging Business: SuicideGirls.com, M/C Journal, 7(4). Retrieved Oct 10 2004 from <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0410/07_suicide.php>

AbstrakPengembangan ekonomi rakyat perlu diarahkan untuk mendorong perubahan nasional melalui pengembangan UMKM. UMKM emping melinjo merupakan sentra unit usaha terbanyak di Kabupaten Batang. Maka perlu analisa bisnis yang bisa diterapkan oleh wirausaha pengolahan melinjo salah satunya yaitu bisnis model kanvas. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui analisa bisnis model yang tepat dan analisa orientasi kewirausahaan. Jenis penelitian menggunakan analisa deskriptif dengan pendekatan orientasi kewirausahaan dan model bisnis kanvas. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kuantitatif dengan menggunakan teknik wawancara. Penelitian dilaksanakan pada bulan Agustus - Desember 2019. Respondennya yaitu pengusaha pengolahan emping melinjo sebanyak 30 Orang. Analisa menggunakan metode deskripsi dan model bisnis kanvas. Hasil peneltian menunjukan bahwa bisnis pengolahan melinjo memiliki sementasi konsumen yaitu konsumen luas. Preposisi nilai yaitu berdasarkan kinerja dengan mengutamakan kualitas agar tetap eksis dari tahun ke tahun. Saluran menggunakan pemasaran langsung dan tidak langsung. Hubungan konsumen dengan cara berkomunikasi langsung antara konsumer dengan pengusaha. Aliran uang bisnis pengolahan melinjo dari penjualan produk. Aktivitas utama dengan melalukan aktivitas produksi dan pemasaran. Sumberdaya utama yaitu bahan baku, tenaga kerja dan pemasaran. Mitra utama dengan pengrajin, pengusaha kemasan dan distibutor. Struktur biaya meliputi biaya variabel dan tetap.Kata kunci: bisnis model kanvas, usaha kecil menengah, orientasi wirausahaAbstractThe development of the people's economy needs to be directed to encourage national change through the development of MSMEs. MSMEs melinjo chips is the center of the largest business unit in Batang Regency. So the business analysis that can be applied by entrepreneurs processing melinjo one of them is the canvas business model. The purpose of this research is to know the right business model analysis and analysis of entrepreneurial orientation. This type of research uses descriptive analysis with an entrepreneurial orientation approach and canvas business model. The research method used is quantitative using interview and discussion techniques. The research was conducted in August-December 2019. The respondent was 30 people. Analysis using canvas description methods and business models. The results of the study show that melinjo processing business has customer segments namely mass customer. The value propositions are based on performance by prioritizing quality to remain exist from year to year. Channels use direct and indirect marketing. Customer relationship by communicating directly between consumers and entrepreneurs. Revenue streams the processing business from the sale of the product. Key activities by going through production and marketing activities. Key resources are raw materials, labor and marketing. Key partnership with craftsmen, packaging entrepreneurs and distibutors. Cost structure includes variable and fixed costs.Keyword: business model canvas, MSMEs, entrepreneurial orientation

In 2011, “What’s Cooking, Uncle Sam? The Government’s Effect on the American Diet” (WCUS) was exhibited at the Lawrence F. O’Brien Gallery of the National Archives Building in Washington, DC. Afterward, it toured the country, visiting the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) David J. Sencer Museum in Atlanta, the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia, and the Kansas Museum of History in Topeka. The exhibition website states that WCUS was “made possible” by candy corporation Mars, Incorporated. WCUS featured over a 100 artifacts tracing “the Government’s effect on what Americans eat.” Divided into four thematic sections (Farm, Factory, Kitchen, and Table), WCUS moves from agrarianism, through industrial food production and into mess halls, cafeterias, and individual kitchens. Photos, documents, news clippings, and colorful propaganda posters portray the government as a benevolent supporter of agriculture, feeder of soldiers and children, and protector of consumer health and safety. Visitors are positioned as citizens in an ideological mélange of paternalism and patriotism. In this rhetorical walk-through of the exhibition, we consider the display of archival materials for purposes of positioning, in consideration of past and present issues of diet and governance. Making explicit unstated assumptions, we claim that, although propagandistic artifacts take on different meanings to those viewing them decades later as memorabilia, they maintain their ideological flavor.

In the 1960s-70s, Japan’s teikei movement, also referred to as Japanese community supported agriculture (CSA), emerged as a response to a period marred with multiple food scandals and environmental injustices and resulted in direct partnerships between consumers and organic farmers. Although this movement peaked in the 1990s just as the concept of alternative food networks (AFNs) gained popularity in western countries, little is known about what has happened to teikei today. This paper analyzes how teikei exemplifies diverse economies and explores how the possibilities of noncapitalist economic practice currently exist compared to the founding movement principles. Through case studies of two teikei groups in the Kansai region of Japan that transitioned their leadership to younger generations, I assess how changes made by current generations allow teikei to adapt to challenges that have long plagued the movement, such as the decline of volunteer labor provided by housewives. Drawing on a diverse economies approach, I argue that, despite current members’ detachment from strong activist identities, they sustain their organizations through part-time work, community building, and institutionalizing volunteer labor. The successes and struggles of current teikei groups provide insight into how AFNs seeking to build alternative economies can overcome difficulties that emerge from actualizing diverse economies.

1. Guy Debord in the Land of the Long WeekendIt’s the weekend – leisure time. It’s the interlude when, Guy Debord contends, the proletarian is briefly free of the “total contempt so clearly built into every aspect of the organization and management of production” in commodity capitalism; when workers are temporarily “treated like grown-ups, with a great show of solicitude and politeness, in their new role as consumers.” But this patronising show turns out to be another form of subjection to the diktats of “political economy”: “the totality of human existence falls under the regime of the ‘perfected denial of man’.” (30). As Debord suggests, even the creation of leisure time and space is predicated upon a form of contempt: the “perfected denial” of who we, as living people, really are in the eyes of those who presume the power to legislate our working practices and private identities.This Saturday The Weekend Australian runs an opinion piece by Christopher Pearson, defending ABC Radio National’s Stephen Crittenden, whose program The Religion Report has been axed. “Some of Crittenden’s finest half-hours have been devoted to Islam in Australia in the wake of September 11,” Pearson writes. “Again and again he’s confronted a left-of-centre audience that expected multi-cultural pieties with disturbing assertions.” Along the way in this admirable Crusade, Pearson notes that Crittenden has exposed “the Left’s recent tendency to ally itself with Islam.” According to Pearson, Crittenden has also thankfully given oxygen to claims by James Cook University’s Mervyn Bendle, the “fairly conservative academic whose work sometimes appears in [these] pages,” that “the discipline of critical terrorism studies has been captured by neo-Marxists of a postmodern bent” (30). Both of these points are well beyond misunderstanding or untested proposition. If Pearson means them sincerely he should be embarrassed and sacked. But of course he does not and will not be. These are deliberate lies, the confabulations of an eminent right-wing culture warrior whose job is to vilify minorities and intellectuals (Bendle escapes censure as an academic because he occasionally scribbles for the Murdoch press). It should be observed, too, how the patent absurdity of Pearson’s remarks reveals the extent to which he holds the intelligence of his readers in contempt. And he is not original in peddling these toxic wares.In their insightful—often hilarious—study of Australian opinion writers, The War on Democracy, Niall Lucy and Steve Mickler identify the left-academic-Islam nexus as the brain-child of former Treasurer-cum-memoirist Peter Costello. The germinal moment was “a speech to the Australian American Leadership Dialogue forum at the Art Gallery of NSW in 2005” concerning anti-Americanism in Australian schools. Lucy and Mickler argue that “it was only a matter of time” before a conservative politician or journalist took the plunge to link the left and terrorism, and Costello plunged brilliantly. He drew a mental map of the Great Chain of Being: left-wing academics taught teacher trainees to be anti-American; teacher trainees became teachers and taught kids to be anti-American; anti-Americanism morphs into anti-Westernism; anti-Westernism veers into terrorism (38). This is contempt for the reasoning capacity of the Australian people and, further still, contempt for any observable reality. Not for nothing was Costello generally perceived by the public as a politician whose very physiognomy radiated smugness and contempt.Recycling Costello, Christopher Pearson’s article subtly interpellates the reader as an ordinary, common-sense individual who instinctively feels what’s right and has no need to think too much—thinking too much is the prerogative of “neo-Marxists” and postmodernists. Ultimately, Pearson’s article is about channelling outrage: directing the down-to-earth passions of the Australian people against stock-in-trade culture-war hate figures. And in Pearson’s paranoid world, words like “neo-Marxist” and “postmodern” are devoid of historical or intellectual meaning. They are, as Lucy and Mickler’s War on Democracy repeatedly demonstrate, mere ciphers packed with the baggage of contempt for independent critical thought itself.Contempt is everywhere this weekend. The Weekend Australian’s colour magazine runs a feature story on Malcolm Turnbull: one of those familiar profiles designed to reveal the everyday human touch of the political classes. In this puff-piece, Jennifer Hewett finds Turnbull has “a restless passion for participating in public life” (20); that beneath “the aggressive political rhetoric […] behind the journalist turned lawyer turned banker turned politician turned would-be prime minister is a man who really enjoys that human interaction, however brief, with the many, many ordinary people he encounters” (16). Given all this energetic turning, it’s a wonder that Turnbull has time for human interactions at all. The distinction here of Turnbull and “many, many ordinary people” – the anonymous masses – surely runs counter to Hewett’s brief to personalise and quotidianise him. Likewise, those two key words, “however brief”, have an unfortunate, unintended effect. Presumably meant to conjure a picture of Turnbull’s hectic schedules and serial turnings, the words also convey the image of a patrician who begrudgingly knows one of the costs of a political career is that common flesh must be pressed—but as gingerly as possible.Hewett proceeds to disclose that Turnbull is “no conservative cultural warrior”, “onfounds stereotypes” and “hates labels” (like any baby-boomer rebel) and “has always read widely on political philosophy—his favourite is Edmund Burke”. He sees the “role of the state above all as enabling people to do their best” but knows that “the main game is the economy” and is “content to play mainstream gesture politics” (19). I am genuinely puzzled by this and imagine that my intelligence is being held in contempt once again. That the man of substance is given to populist gesturing is problematic enough; but that the Burke fan believes the state is about personal empowerment is just too much. Maybe Turnbull is a fan of Burke’s complex writings on the sublime and the beautiful—but no, Hewett avers, Turnbull is engaged by Burke’s “political philosophy”. So what is it in Burke that Turnbull finds to favour?Turnbull’s invocation of Edmund Burke is empty, gestural and contradictory. The comfortable notion that the state helps people to realise their potential is contravened by Burke’s view that the state functions so “the inclinations of men should frequently be thwarted, their will controlled, and their passions brought into subjection… by a power out of themselves” (151). Nor does Burke believe that anyone of humble origins could or should rise to the top of the social heap: “The occupation of an hair-dresser, or of a working tallow-chandler, cannot be a matter of honour to any person… the state suffers oppression, if such as they, either individually or collectively, are permitted to rule” (138).If Turnbull’s main game as a would-be statesman is the economy, Burke profoundly disagrees: “the state ought not to be considered as nothing better than a partnership agreement in a trade of pepper and coffee, callico or tobacco, or some other such low concern… It is a partnership in all science; a partnership in all art; a partnership in every virtue, and in all perfection”—a sublime entity, not an economic manager (194). Burke understands, long before Antonio Gramsci or Louis Althusser, that individuals or social fractions must be made admirably “obedient” to the state “by consent or force” (195). Burke has a verdict on mainstream gesture politics too: “When men of rank sacrifice all ideas of dignity to an ambition without a distinct object, and work with low instruments and for low ends, the whole composition [of the state] becomes low and base” (136).Is Malcolm Turnbull so contemptuous of the public that he assumes nobody will notice the gross discrepancies between his own ideals and what Burke stands for? His invocation of Burke is, indeed, “mainstream gesture politics”: on one level, “Burke” signifies nothing more than Turnbull’s performance of himself as a deep thinker. In this process, the real Edmund Burke is historically erased; reduced to the status of stage-prop in the theatrical production of Turnbull’s mass-mediated identity. “Edmund Burke” is re-invented as a term in an aesthetic repertoire.This transmutation of knowledge and history into mere cipher is the staple trick of culture-war discourse. Jennifer Hewett casts Turnbull as “no conservative culture warrior”, but he certainly shows a facility with culture-war rhetoric. And as much as Turnbull “confounds stereotypes” his verbal gesture to Edmund Burke entrenches a stereotype: at another level, the incantation “Edmund Burke” is implicitly meant to connect Turnbull with conservative tradition—in the exact way that John Howard regularly self-nominated as a “Burkean conservative”.This appeal to tradition effectively places “the people” in a power relation. Tradition has a sublimity that is bigger than us; it precedes us and will outlast us. Consequently, for a politician to claim that tradition has fashioned him, that he is welded to it or perhaps even owns it as part of his heritage, is to glibly imply an authority greater than that of “the many, many ordinary people”—Burke’s hair-dressers and tallow-chandlers—whose company he so briefly enjoys.In The Ideology of the Aesthetic, Terry Eagleton assesses one of Burke’s important legacies, placing him beside another eighteenth-century thinker so loved by the right—Adam Smith. Ideology of the Aesthetic is premised on the view that “Aesthetics is born as a discourse of the body”; that the aesthetic gives form to the “primitive materialism” of human passions and organises “the whole of our sensate life together… a society’s somatic, sensational life” (13). Reading Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments, Eagleton discerns that society appears as “an immense machine, whose regular and harmonious movements produce a thousand agreeable effects”, like “any production of human art”. In Smith’s work, the “whole of social life is aestheticized” and people inhabit “a social order so spontaneously cohesive that its members no longer need to think about it.” In Burke, Eagleton discovers that the aesthetics of “manners” can be understood in terms of Gramscian hegemony: “in the aesthetics of social conduct, or ‘culture’ as it would later be called, the law is always with us, as the very unconscious structure of our life”, and as a result conformity to a dominant ideological order is deeply felt as pleasurable and beautiful (37, 42). When this conservative aesthetic enters the realm of politics, Eagleton contends, the “right turn, from Burke” onwards follows a dark trajectory: “forget about theoretical analysis… view society as a self-grounding organism, all of whose parts miraculously interpenetrate without conflict and require no rational justification. Think with the blood and the body. Remember that tradition is always wiser and richer than one’s own poor, pitiable ego. It is this line of descent, in one of its tributaries, which will lead to the Third Reich” (368–9).2. Jean Baudrillard, the Nazis and Public MemoryIn 1937, during the Spanish Civil War, the Third Reich’s Condor Legion of the Luftwaffe was on loan to Franco’s forces. On 26 April that year, the Condor Legion bombed the market-town of Guernica: the first deliberate attempt to obliterate an entire town from the air and the first experiment in what became known as “terror bombing”—the targeting of civilians. A legacy of this violence was Pablo Picasso’s monumental canvas Guernica – the best-known anti-war painting in art history.When US Secretary of State Colin Powell addressed the United Nations on 5 February 2003 to make the case for war on Iraq, he stopped to face the press in the UN building’s lobby. The doorstop was globally televised, packaged as a moment of incredible significance: history in the making. It was also theatre: a moment in which history was staged as “event” and the real traces of history were carefully erased. Millions of viewers world-wide were undoubtedly unaware that the blue backdrop before which Powell stood was specifically designed to cover the full-scale tapestry copy of Picasso’s Guernica. This one-act, agitprop drama was a splendid example of politics as aesthetic action: a “performance” of history in the making which required the loss of actual historical memory enshrined in Guernica. Powell’s performance took its cues from the culture wars, which require the ceaseless erasure of history and public memory—on this occasion enacted on a breathtaking global, rather than national, scale.Inside the UN chamber, Powell’s performance was equally staged-crafted. As he brandished vials of ersatz anthrax, the power-point behind him (the theatrical set) showed artists’ impressions of imaginary mobile chemical weapons laboratories. Powell was playing lead role in a kind of populist, hyperreal production. It was Jean Baudrillard’s postmodernism, no less, as the media space in which Powell acted out the drama was not a secondary representation of reality but a reality of its own; the overheads of mobile weapons labs were simulacra, “models of a real without origins or reality”, pictures referring to nothing but themselves (2). In short, Powell’s performance was anchored in a “semiurgic” aesthetic; and it was a dreadful real-life enactment of Walter Benjamin’s maxim that “All efforts to render politics aesthetic culminate in one thing: war” (241).For Benjamin, “Fascism attempts to organize the newly created proletarian masses without affecting the property structure which the masses strive to eliminate.” Fascism gave “these masses not their right, but instead a chance to express themselves.” In turn, this required “the introduction of aesthetics into politics”, the objective of which was “the production of ritual values” (241). Under Adolf Hitler’s Reich, people were able to express themselves but only via the rehearsal of officially produced ritual values: by their participation in the disquisition on what Germany meant and what it meant to be German, by the aesthetic regulation of their passions. As Frederic Spotts’ fine study Hitler and the Power of Aesthetics reveals, this passionate disquisition permeated public and private life, through the artfully constructed total field of national narratives, myths, symbols and iconographies. And the ritualistic reiteration of national values in Nazi Germany hinged on two things: contempt and memory loss.By April 1945, as Berlin fell, Hitler’s contempt for the German people was at its apogee. Hitler ordered a scorched earth operation: the destruction of everything from factories to farms to food stores. The Russians would get nothing, the German people would perish. Albert Speer refused to implement the plan and remembered that “Until then… Germany and Hitler had been synonymous in my mind. But now I saw two entities opposed… A passionate love of one’s country… a leader who seemed to hate his people” (Sereny 472). But Hitler’s contempt for the German people was betrayed in the blusterous pages of Mein Kampf years earlier: “The receptivity of the great masses is very limited, their intelligence is small, but their power of forgetting is enormous” (165). On the back of this belief, Hitler launched what today would be called a culture war, with its Jewish folk devils, loathsome Marxist intellectuals, incitement of popular passions, invented traditions, historical erasures and constant iteration of values.When Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer fled Fascism, landing in the United States, their view of capitalist democracy borrowed from Benjamin and anticipated both Baudrillard and Guy Debord. In their well-know essay on “The Culture Industry”, in Dialectic of Enlightenment, they applied Benjamin’s insight on mass self-expression and the maintenance of property relations and ritual values to American popular culture: “All are free to dance and enjoy themselves”, but the freedom to choose how to do so “proves to be the freedom to choose what is always the same”, manufactured by monopoly capital (161–162). Anticipating Baudrillard, they found a society in which “only the copy appears: in the movie theatre, the photograph; on the radio, the recording” (143). And anticipating Debord’s “perfected denial of man” they found a society where work and leisure were structured by the repetition-compulsion principles of capitalism: where people became consumers who appeared “s statistics on research organization charts” (123). “Culture” came to do people’s thinking for them: “Pleasure always means not to think about anything, to forget suffering even where it is shown” (144).In this mass-mediated environment, a culture of repetitions, simulacra, billboards and flickering screens, Adorno and Horkheimer concluded that language lost its historical anchorages: “Innumerable people use words and expressions which they have either ceased to understand or employ only because they trigger off conditioned reflexes” in precisely the same way that the illusory “free” expression of passions in Germany operated, where words were “debased by the Fascist pseudo-folk community” (166).I know that the turf of the culture wars, the US and Australia, are not Fascist states; and I know that “the first one to mention the Nazis loses the argument”. I know, too, that there are obvious shortcomings in Adorno and Horkheimer’s reactions to popular culture and these have been widely criticised. However, I would suggest that there is a great deal of value still in Frankfurt School analyses of what we might call the “authoritarian popular” which can be applied to the conservative prosecution of populist culture wars today. Think, for example, how the concept of a “pseudo folk community” might well describe the earthy, common-sense public constructed and interpellated by right-wing culture warriors: America’s Joe Six-Pack, John Howard’s battlers or Kevin Rudd’s working families.In fact, Adorno and Horkheimer’s observations on language go to the heart of a contemporary culture war strategy. Words lose their history, becoming ciphers and “triggers” in a politicised lexicon. Later, Roland Barthes would write that this is a form of myth-making: “myth is constituted by the loss of the historical quality of things.” Barthes reasoned further that “Bourgeois ideology continuously transforms the products of history into essential types”, generating a “cultural logic” and an ideological re-ordering of the world (142). Types such as “neo-Marxist”, “postmodernist” and “Burkean conservative”.Surely, Benjamin’s assessment that Fascism gives “the people” the occasion to express itself, but only through “values”, describes the right’s pernicious incitement of the mythic “dispossessed mainstream” to reclaim its voice: to shout down the noisy minorities—the gays, greenies, blacks, feminists, multiculturalists and neo-Marxist postmodernists—who’ve apparently been running the show. Even more telling, Benjamin’s insight that the incitement to self-expression is connected to the maintenance of property relations, to economic power, is crucial to understanding the contemptuous conduct of culture wars.3. Jesus Dunked in Urine from Kansas to CronullaAmerican commentator Thomas Frank bases his study What’s the Matter with Kansas? on this very point. Subtitled How Conservatives Won the Heart of America, Frank’s book is a striking analysis of the indexation of Chicago School free-market reform and the mobilisation of “explosive social issues—summoning public outrage over everything from busing to un-Christian art—which it then marries to pro-business policies”; but it is the “economic achievements” of free-market capitalism, “not the forgettable skirmishes of the never-ending culture wars” that are conservatism’s “greatest monuments.” Nevertheless, the culture wars are necessary as Chicago School economic thinking consigns American communities to the rust belt. The promise of “free-market miracles” fails ordinary Americans, Frank reasons, leaving them in “backlash” mode: angry, bewildered and broke. And in this context, culture wars are a convenient form of anger management: “Because some artist decides to shock the hicks by dunking Jesus in urine, the entire planet must remake itself along the lines preferred” by nationalist, populist moralism and free-market fundamentalism (5).When John Howard received the neo-conservative American Enterprise Institute’s Irving Kristol Award, on 6 March 2008, he gave a speech in Washington titled “Sharing Our Common Values”. The nub of the speech was Howard’s revelation that he understood the index of neo-liberal economics and culture wars precisely as Thomas Frank does. Howard told the AEI audience that under his prime ministership Australia had “pursued reform and further modernisation of our economy” and that this inevitably meant “dislocation for communities”. This “reform-dislocation” package needed the palliative of a culture war, with his government preaching the “consistency and reassurance” of “our nation’s traditional values… pride in her history”; his government “became assertive about the intrinsic worth of our national identity. In the process we ended the seemingly endless seminar about that identity which had been in progress for some years.” Howard’s boast that his government ended the “seminar” on national identity insinuates an important point. “Seminar” is a culture-war cipher for intellection, just as “pride” is code for passion; so Howard’s self-proclaimed achievement, in Terry Eagleton’s terms, was to valorise “the blood and the body” over “theoretical analysis”. This speaks stratospheric contempt: ordinary people have their identity fashioned for them; they need not think about it, only feel it deeply and passionately according to “ritual values”. Undoubtedly this paved the way to Cronulla.The rubric of Howard’s speech—“Sharing Our Common Values”—was both a homage to international neo-conservatism and a reminder that culture wars are a trans-national phenomenon. In his address, Howard said that in all his “years in politics” he had not heard a “more evocative political slogan” than Ronald Reagan’s “Morning in America”—the rhetorical catch-cry for moral re-awakening that launched the culture wars. According to Lawrence Grossberg, America’s culture wars were predicated on the perception that the nation was afflicted by “a crisis of our lack of passion, of not caring enough about the values we hold… a crisis of nihilism which, while not restructuring our ideological beliefs, has undermined our ability to organise effective action on their behalf”; and this “New Right” alarmism “operates in the conjuncture of economics and popular culture” and “a popular struggle by which culture can lead politics” in the passionate pursuit of ritual values (31–2). When popular culture leads politics in this way we are in the zone of the image, myth and Adorno and Horkheimer’s “trigger words” that have lost their history. In this context, McKenzie Wark observes that “radical writers influenced by Marx will see the idea of culture as compensation for a fragmented and alienated life as a con. Guy Debord, perhaps the last of the great revolutionary thinkers of Europe, will call it “the spectacle”’ (20). Adorno and Horkheimer might well have called it “the authoritarian popular”. As Jonathan Charteris-Black’s work capably demonstrates, all politicians have their own idiolect: their personally coded language, preferred narratives and myths; their own vision of who “the people” might or should be that is conjured in their words. But the language of the culture wars is different. It is not a personal idiolect. It is a shared vocabulary, a networked vernacular, a pervasive trans-national aesthetic that pivots on the fact that words like “neo-Marxist”, “postmodern” and “Edmund Burke” have no historical or intellectual context or content: they exist as the ciphers of “values”. And the fact that culture warriors continually mouth them is a supreme act of contempt: it robs the public of its memory. And that’s why, as Lucy and Mickler’s War on Democracy so wittily argues, if there are any postmodernists left they’ll be on the right.Benjamin, Adorno, Horkheimer and, later, Debord and Grossberg understood how the political activation of the popular constitutes a hegemonic project. The result is nothing short of persuading “the people” to collaborate in its own oppression. The activation of the popular is perfectly geared to an age where the main stage of political life is the mainstream media; an age in which, Charteris-Black notes, political classes assume the general antipathy of publics to social change and act on the principle that the most effective political messages are sold to “the people” by an appeal “to familiar experiences”—market populism (10). In her substantial study The Persuaders, Sally Young cites an Australian Labor Party survey, conducted by pollster Rod Cameron in the late 1970s, in which the party’s message machine was finely tuned to this populist position. The survey also dripped with contempt for ordinary people: their “Interest in political philosophy… is very low… They are essentially the products (and supporters) of mass market commercialism”. Young observes that this view of “the people” was the foundation of a new order of political advertising and the conduct of politics on the mass-media stage. Cameron’s profile of “ordinary people” went on to assert that they are fatally attracted to “a moderate leader who is strong… but can understand and represent their value system” (47): a prescription for populist discourse which begs the question of whether the values a politician or party represent via the media are ever really those of “the people”. More likely, people are hegemonised into a value system which they take to be theirs. Writing of the media side of the equation, David Salter raises the point that when media “moguls thunder about ‘the public interest’ what they really mean is ‘what we think the public is interested in”, which is quite another matter… Why this self-serving deception is still so sheepishly accepted by the same public it is so often used to violate remains a mystery” (40).Sally Young’s Persuaders retails a story that she sees as “symbolic” of the new world of mass-mediated political life. The story concerns Mark Latham and his “revolutionary” journeys to regional Australia to meet the people. “When a political leader who holds a public meeting is dubbed a ‘revolutionary’”, Young rightly observes, “something has gone seriously wrong”. She notes how Latham’s “use of old-fashioned ‘meet-and-greet’campaigning methods was seen as a breath of fresh air because it was unlike the type of packaged, stage-managed and media-dependent politics that have become the norm in Australia.” Except that it wasn’t. “A media pack of thirty journalists trailed Latham in a bus”, meaning, that he was not meeting the people at all (6–7). He was traducing the people as participants in a media spectacle, as his “meet and greet” was designed to fill the image-banks of print and electronic media. Even meeting the people becomes a media pseudo-event in which the people impersonate the people for the camera’s benefit; a spectacle as artfully deceitful as Colin Powell’s UN performance on Iraq.If the success of this kind of “self-serving deception” is a mystery to David Salter, it would not be so to the Frankfurt School. For them, an understanding of the processes of mass-mediated politics sits somewhere near the core of their analysis of the culture industries in the “democratic” world. I think the Frankfurt school should be restored to a more important role in the project of cultural studies. Apart from an aversion to jazz and other supposedly “elitist” heresies, thinkers like Adorno, Benjamin, Horkheimer and their progeny Debord have a functional claim to provide the theory for us to expose the machinations of the politics of contempt and its aesthetic ruses.ReferencesAdorno, Theodor and Max Horkheimer. "The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception." Dialectic of Enlightenment. London: Verso, 1979. 120–167.Barthes Roland. “Myth Today.” Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. St Albans: Paladin, 1972. 109–58.Baudrillard, Jean. Simulations. New York: Semiotext(e), 1983.Benjamin, Walter. “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction.” Illuminations. Ed. Hannah Arendt. Trans. Harry Zorn. New York: Schocken Books, 1969. 217–251.Burke, Edmund. Reflections on the Revolution in France. Ed. Conor Cruise O’Brien. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969.Charteris-Black, Jonathan. Politicians and Rhetoric: The Persuasive Power of Metaphor. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.Debord, Guy. The Society of the Spectacle. Trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith. New York: Zone Books, 1994.Eagleton, Terry. The Ideology of the Aesthetic. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990.Frank, Thomas. What’s the Matter with Kansas?: How Conservatives Won the Heart of America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2004.Grossberg, Lawrence. “It’s a Sin: Politics, Post-Modernity and the Popular.” It’s a Sin: Essays on Postmodern Politics & Culture. Eds. Tony Fry, Ann Curthoys and Paul Patton. Sydney: Power Publications, 1988. 6–71.Hewett, Jennifer. “The Opportunist.” The Weekend Australian Magazine. 25–26 October 2008. 16–22.Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf. Trans. Ralph Manheim. London: Pimlico, 1993.Howard, John. “Sharing Our Common Values.” Washington: Irving Kristol Lecture, American Enterprise Institute. 5 March 2008. ‹http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,233328945-5014047,00html›.Lucy, Niall and Steve Mickler. The War on Democracy: Conservative Opinion in the Australian Press. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press, 2006.Pearson, Christopher. “Pray for Sense to Prevail.” The Weekend Australian. 25–26 October 2008. 30.Salter, David. The Media We Deserve: Underachievement in the Fourth Estate. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2007. Sereny, Gitta. Albert Speer: His Battle with Truth. London: Picador, 1996.Spotts, Frederic. Hitler and the Power of Aesthetics. London: Pimlico, 2003.Wark, McKenzie. The Virtual Republic: Australia’s Culture Wars of the 1990s. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin, 1997.Young, Sally. The Persuaders: Inside the Hidden Machine of Political Advertising. Melbourne: Pluto Press, 2004.

If thinking about home necessitates thinking about “place, space, scale, identity and power,” as Alison Blunt and Robyn Dowling (2) suggest, then thinking about home themes in popular music makes no less a conceptual demand. Song lyrics and titles most often invoke dominant readings such as intimacy, privacy, nurture, refuge, connectedness and shared belonging, all issues found within Blunt and Dowling’s analysis. The spatial imaginary to which these authors refer takes vivid shape through repertoires of songs dealing with houses and other specific sites, vast and distant homelands, communities or, less tangibly, geographical or cultural settings where particular relationships can be found, supporting Blunt and Dowling’s major claim that home is complex, multi-scalar and multi-layered. Shelley Mallett’s claim that the term home “functions as a repository for complex, inter-related and at times contradictory socio-cultural ideas about people’s relationships with one another…and with places, spaces and things” (84) is borne out heavily by popular music where, for almost every sentiment that the term home evokes, it seems an opposite sentiment is evoked elsewhere: familiarity versus alienation, acceptance versus rejection, love versus loneliness. Making use of conceptual groundwork by Blunt and Dowling and by Mallett and others, the following discussion canvasses a range of meanings that home has had for a variety of songwriters, singers and audiences over the years. Intended as merely partial and exploratory rather than exhaustive, it provides some insights into contrasts, ironies and relationships between home and gender, diaspora and loss. While it cannot cover all the themes, it gives prominence to the major recurring themes and a variety of important contexts that give rise to these home themes. Most prominent among those songs dealing with home has been a nostalgia and yearning, while issues of how women may have viewed the home within which they have often been restricted to a narrowly defined private sphere are almost entirely absent. This serves as a reminder that, while some themes can be conducive to the medium of popular music, others may be significantly less so. Songs may speak directly of experience but not necessarily of all experiences and certainly not of all experiences equally. B. Lee Cooper claims “most popular culture ventures rely upon formula-oriented settings and phrasings to attract interest, to spur mental or emotional involvement” (93). Notions of home have generally proved both formulaic and emotionally-charged. Commonly understood patterns of meaning and other hegemonic references generally operate more successfully than alternative reference points. Those notions with the strongest cultural currency can be conveyed succinctly and denote widely agreed upon meanings. Lyrics can seldom afford to be deeply analytical but generally must be concise and immediately evocative. Despite that, this discussion will point to diverse meanings carried by songs about home. Blunt and Dowling point out that “a house is not necessarily nor automatically a home” (3). The differences are strongly apparent in music, with only a few songs relating to houses compared with homes. When Malvina Reynolds wrote in 1962 of “little boxes, on the hillside, little boxes made of ticky-tacky,” she was certainly referring to houses, not homes, thus making it easier to bypass the relationships which might have vested the inhabitants with more warmth and individuality than their houses, in this song about conformity and homogeneity. The more complex though elusive concept of home, however, is more likely to feature in love songs and to emanate from diasporal songs. Certainly these two genres are not mutually exclusive. Irish songs are particularly noteworthy for adding to the array of music written by, or representational of, those who have been forced away from home by war, poverty, strife or other circumstances. They manifest identities of displacement rather than of placement, as studied by Bronwen Walter, looking back at rather than from within their spatial imaginary. Phil Eva claims that during the 19th Century Irish émigrés sang songs of exile in Manchester’s streets. Since many in England’s industrial towns had been uprooted from their homes, the songs found rapport with street audiences and entered popular culture. For example, the song Killarney, of hazy origins but thought to date back to as early as 1850, tells of Killarney’s lakes and fells, Emerald isles and winding bays; Mountain paths and woodland dells… ...her [nature’s] home is surely there. As well as anthropomorphising nature and giving it a home, the song suggests a specifically geographic sense of home. Galway Bay, written by A. Fahy, does likewise, as do many other Irish songs of exile which link geography with family, kin and sometimes culture to evoke a sense of home. The final verse of Cliffs of Doneen gives a sense of both people and place making up home: Fare thee well to Doneen, fare thee well for a while And to all the kind people I’m leaving behind To the streams and the meadows where late I have been And the high rocky slopes round the cliffs of Doneen. Earlier Irish songs intertwine home with political issues. For example, Tho’ the Last Glimpse of Erin vows to Erin that “In exile thy bosum shall still be my home.” Such exile resulted from a preference of fleeing Ireland rather than bowing to English oppression, which then included a prohibition on Irish having moustaches or certain hairstyles. Thomas Moore is said to have set the words of the song to the air Coulin which itself referred to an Irish woman’s preference for her “Coulin” (a long-haired Irish youth) to the English (Nelson-Burns). Diasporal songs have continued, as has their political edge, as evidenced by global recognition of songs such as Bayan Ko (My Country), written by José Corazon de Jesus in 1929, out of love and concern for the Philippines and sung among Filipinos worldwide. Robin Cohen outlines a set of criteria for diaspora that includes a shared belief in the possibility of return to home, evident in songs such as the 1943 Welsh song A Welcome in the Hillside, in which a Welsh word translating roughly as a yearning to return home, hiraeth, is used: We’ll kiss away each hour of hiraeth When you come home again to Wales. However, the immensely popular I’ll Take You Home Again, Kathleen, not of Irish origin but written by Thomas Westendorf of Illinois in 1875, suggests that such emotions can have a resonance beyond the diaspora. Anti-colonial sentiments about home can also be expressed by long-time inhabitants, as Harry Belafonte demonstrated in Island in the Sun: This is my island in the sun Where my people have toiled since time begun. Though I may sail on many a sea, Her shores will always be home to me. War brought a deluge of sentimental songs lamenting separation from home and loved ones, just as likely to be parents and siblings as sweethearts. Radios allowed wider audiences and greater popularity for these songs. If separation had brought a longing previously, the added horrors of war presented a stronger contrast between that which the young soldiers were missing and that which they were experiencing. Both the First and Second World Wars gave rise to songs long since sung which originated in such separations, but these also had a strong sense of home as defined by the nationalism that has for over a century given the contours of expectations of soldiers. Focusing on home, these songs seldom speak of the details of war. Rather they are specific about what the singers have left behind and what they hope to return to. Songs of home did not have to be written specifically for the war effort nor for overseas troops. Irving Berlin’s 1942 White Christmas, written for a film, became extremely popular with US troops during WWII, instilling a sense of home that related to familiarities and festivities. Expressing a sense of home could be specific and relate to regions or towns, as did I’m Goin’ Back Again to Yarrawonga, or it could refer to any home, anywhere where there were sons away fighting. Indeed the American Civil War song When Johnny Comes Marching Home, written by Patrick Sarsfield Gilmour, was sung by both Northerners and Southerners, so adaptable was it, with home remarkably unspecified and undescribed. The 1914 British song Keep the Home Fires Burning by Ivor Novello and Lena Ford was among those that evoked a connection between home and the military effort and helped establish a responsibility on those at home to remain optimistic: Keep the Homes fires burning While your hearts are yearning, Though your lads are far away They dream of home, There’s a silver lining Through the dark clouds shining, Turn the dark clouds inside out, Till the boys come Home. No space exists in this song for critique of the reasons for war, nor of a role for women other than that of homemaker and moral guardian. It was women’s duty to ensure men enlisted and home was rendered a private site for emotional enlistment for a presumed public good, though ironically also a point of personal hope where the light of love burned for the enlistees’ safe return. Later songs about home and war challenged these traditional notions. Two serve as examples. One is Pink Floyd’s brief musical piece of the 1970s, Bring the Boys Back Home, whose words of protest against the American war on Viet Nam present home, again, as a site of safety but within a less conservative context. Home becomes implicated in a challenge to the prevailing foreign policy and the interests that influence it, undermining the normal public sphere/private sphere distinction. The other more complex song is Judy Small’s Mothers, Daughters, Wives, from 1982, set against a backdrop of home. Small eloquently describes the dynamics of the domestic space and how women understood their roles in relation to the First and Second World Wars and the Viet Nam War. Reinforcing that “The materialities and imaginaries of home are closely connected” (Blunt and Dowling 188), Small sings of how the gold frames held the photographs that mothers kissed each night And the doorframe held the shocked and silent strangers from the fight. Small provides a rare musical insight into the disjuncture between the men who left the domestic space and those who return to it, and we sense that women may have borne much of the brunt of those awful changes. The idea of domestic bliss is also challenged, though from the returned soldier’s point of view, in Redgum’s 1983 song I Was Only Nineteen, written by group member John Schuman. It touches on the tragedy of young men thrust into war situations and the horrific after-affects for them, which cannot be shrugged off on return to home. The nurturing of home has limits but the privacy associated with the domestic sphere has often concealed the violence and mental anguish that happens away from public view. But by this time most of the songs referring to home were dominated once more by sentimental love, often borne of travel as mobility rose. Journeys help “establish the thresholds and boundaries of home” and can give rise to “an idealized, ideological and ethnocentric view of home” (Mallett 78). Where previously songsters had sung of leaving home in exile or for escape from poverty, lyrics from the 1960s onwards often suggested that work had removed people from loved ones. It could be work on a day-by-day basis, as in A Hard Day’s Night from the 1964 film of the same name, where the Beatles illuminate differences between the public sphere of work and the private sphere to which they return: When I’m home, everything seems to be alright, When I’m home feeling you holding me tight, tight, yeah and reiterated by Paul McCartney in Every Night: And every night that day is through But tonight I just want to stay in And be with you. Lyrics such as these and McCartney’s call to be taken “...home to the Mull of Kintyre,” singled him out for his home-and-hearth messages (Dempsey). But work might involve longer absences and thus more deepfelt loneliness. Simon and Garfunkel’s exemplary Homeward Bound starkly portrays a site of “away-ness”: I’m sittin’ in the railway station, got a ticket for my destination… Mundaneness, monotony and predictability contrast with the home to which the singer’s thoughts are constantly escaping. The routine is familiar but the faces are those of strangers. Home here is, again, not simply a domicile but the warmth of those we know and love. Written at a railway station, Homeward Bound echoes sentiments almost identical to those of (Leaving on a) Jet Plane, written by John Denver at an airport in 1967. Denver also co-wrote (Take Me Home) Country Roads, where, in another example of anthropomorphism as a tool of establishing a strong link, he asks to be taken home to the place I belong West Virginia, mountain momma, Take me home, Country Roads. The theme has recurred in numerous songs since, spawning examples such as Darin and Alquist’s When I Get Home, Chris Daughtry’s Home, Michael Bublé’s Home and Will Smith’s Ain’t No Place Like Home, where, in an opening reminiscent of Homeward Bound, the singer is Sitting in a hotel room A thousand miles away from nowhere Sloped over a chair as I stare… Furniture from home, on the other hand, can be used to evoke contentment and bliss, as demonstrated by George Weiss and Bob Thiele’s song The Home Fire, in which both kin and the objects of home become charged with meaning: All of the folks that I love are there I got a date with my favourite chair Of course, in regard to earlier songs especially, while the traveller associates home with love, security and tenderness, back at home the waiting one may have had feelings more of frustration and oppression. One is desperate to get back home, but for all we know the other may be desperate to get out of home or to develop a life more meaningful than that which was then offered to women. If the lot of homemakers was invisible to national economies (Waring), it seemed equally invisible to mainstream songwriters. This reflects the tradition that “Despite home being generally considered a feminine, nurturing space created by women themselves, they often lack both authority and a space of their own within this realm” (Mallett 75). Few songs have offered the perspective of the one at home awaiting the return of the traveller. One exception is the Seekers’ 1965 A World of Our Own but, written by Tom Springfield, the words trilled by Judith Durham may have been more of a projection of the traveller’s hopes and expectations than a true reflection of the full experiences of housebound women of the day. Certainly, the song reinforces connections between home and intimacy and privacy: Close the door, light the lights. We’re stayin’ home tonight, Far away from the bustle and the bright city lights. Let them all fade away, just leave us alone And we’ll live in a world of our own. This also strongly supports Gaston Bachelard’s claim that one’s house in the sense of a home is one’s “first universe, a real cosmos” (qtd. in Blunt and Dowling 12). But privacy can also be a loneliness when home is not inhabited by loved ones, as in the lyrics of Don Gibson’s 1958 Oh, Lonesome Me, where Everybody’s going out and having fun I’m a fool for staying home and having none. Similar sentiments emerge in Debbie Boone’s You Light up My Life: So many nights I’d sit by my window Waiting for someone to sing me his song. Home in these situations can be just as alienating as the “away” depicted as so unfriendly by Homeward Bound’s strangers’ faces and the “million people” who still leave Michael Bublé feeling alone. Yet there are other songs that depict “away” as a prison made of freedom, insinuating that the lack of a home and consequently of the stable love and commitment presumably found there is a sad situation indeed. This is suggested by the lilting tune, if not by the lyrics themselves, in songs such as Wandrin’ Star from the musical Paint Your Wagon and Ron Miller’s I’ve Never Been to Me, which has both a male and female version with different words, reinforcing gendered experiences. The somewhat conservative lyrics in the female version made it a perfect send-up song in the 1994 film Priscilla: Queen of the Desert. In some songs the absentee is not a traveller but has been in jail. In Tie a Yellow Ribbon round the Ole Oak Tree, an ex-inmate states “I’m comin’ home. I’ve done my time.” Home here is contingent upon the availability and forgivingness of his old girl friend. Another song juxtaposing home with prison is Tom Jones’ The Green, Green Grass of Home in which the singer dreams he is returning to his home, to his parents, girlfriend and, once again, an old oak tree. However, he awakes to find he was dreaming and is about to be executed. His body will be taken home and placed under the oak tree, suggesting some resigned sense of satisfaction that he will, after all, be going home, albeit in different circumstances. Death and home are thus sometimes linked, with home a euphemism for the former, as suggested in many spirituals, with heaven or an afterlife being considered “going home”. The reverse is the case in the haunting Bring Him Home of the musical Les Misérables. With Marius going off to the barricades and the danger involved, Jean Valjean prays for the young man’s safe return and that he might live. Home is connected here with life, safety and ongoing love. In a number of songs about home and absence there is a sense of home being a place where morality is gently enforced, presumably by women who keep men on the straight and narrow, in line with one of the women’s roles of colonial Australia, researched by Anne Summers. These songs imply that when men wander from home, their morals also go astray. Wild Rover bemoans Oh, I’ve been a wild rover for many a year, and I’ve spent all my money on whiskey and beer… There is the resolve in the chorus, however, that home will have a reforming influence. Gene Pitney’s Twenty-Four Hours from Tulsa poses the dangers of distance from a wife’s influence, while displaying opposition to the sentimental yearning of so many other songs: Dearest darlin’, I have to write to say that I won’t be home anymore ‘cause something happened to me while I was drivin’ home And I’m not the same anymore Class as well as gender can be a debated issue in meanings attached to home, as evident in several songs that take a more jaundiced view of home, seeing it as a place from which to escape. The Animals’ powerful We Gotta Get Outta This Place clearly suggests a life of drudgery in a home town or region. Protectively, the lyrics insist “Girl, there’s a better life for me and you” but it has to be elsewhere. This runs against the grain of other British songs addressing poverty or a working class existence as something that comes with its own blessings, all to do with an area identified as home. These traits may be loyalty, familiarity or a refusal to judge and involve identities of placement rather than of displacement in, for instance, Gerry and the Pacemakers’ Ferry Cross the Mersey: People around every corner, they seem to smile and say “We don’t care what your name is, boy. We’ll never send you away.” This bears out Blunt and Dowling’s claim that “people’s senses of themselves are related to and produced through lived and metaphorical experiences of home” (252). It also resonates with some of the region-based identity and solidarity issues explored a short time later by Paul Willis in his study of working class youth in Britain, which help to inform how a sense of home can operate to constrict consciousness, ideas and aspirations. Identity features strongly in other songs about home. Several years after Neil Young recorded his 1970 song Southern Man about racism in the south of the USA, the group Lynyrd Skynyrd, responded with Sweet Home Alabama. While the meaning of its lyrics are still debated, there is no debate about the way in which the song has been embraced, as I recently discovered first-hand in Tennessee. A banjo-and-fiddle band performing the song during a gig virtually brought down the house as the predominantly southern audience clapped, whopped and stamped its feet. The real meanings of home were found not in the lyrics but in the audience’s response. Wally Johnson and Bob Brown’s 1975 Home Among the Gum Trees is a more straightforward ode to home, with lyrics that prescribe a set of non-commodified values. It is about simplicity and the right to embrace a lifestyle that includes companionship, leisure and an enjoyment of and appreciation of nature, all threatened seriously in the three decades since the song’s writing. The second verse in which large shopping complexes – and implicitly the consumerism they encourage – are eschewed (“I’d trade it all tomorrow for a little bush retreat where the kookaburras call”), is a challenge to notions of progress and reflects social movements of the day, The Green Bans Movement, for instance, took a broader and more socially conscientious attitude towards home and community, putting forward alternative sets of values and insisting people should have a say in the social and aesthetic construction of their neighbourhoods as well as the impacts of their labour (Mundey). Ironically, the song has gone on to become the theme song for a TV show about home gardens. With a strong yet more vague notion of home, Peter Allen’s I Still Call Australia Home, was more prone to commodification and has been adopted as a promotional song for Qantas. Nominating only the desire to travel and the love of freedom as Australian values, both politically and socially innocuous within the song’s context, this catchy and uplifting song, when not being used as an advertisement, paradoxically works for a “diaspora” of Australians who are not in exile but have mostly travelled for reasons of pleasure or professional or financial gain. Another paradox arises from the song Home on the Range, dating back to the 19th century at a time when the frontier was still a strong concept in the USA and people were simultaneously leaving homes and reminiscing about home (Mechem). Although it was written in Kansas, the lyrics – again vague and adaptable – were changed by other travellers so that versions such as Colorado Home and My Arizona Home soon abounded. In 1947 Kansas made Home on the Range its state song, despite there being very few buffalo left there, thus highlighting a disjuncture between the modern Kansas and “a home where the buffalo roam” as described in the song. These themes, paradoxes and oppositional understandings of home only scratch the surface of the wide range of claims that are made on home throughout popular music. It has been shown that home is a flexible concept, referring to homelands, regions, communities and private houses. While predominantly used to evoke positive feelings, mostly with traditional views of the relationships that lie within homes, songs also raise challenges to notions of domesticity, the rights of those inhabiting the private sphere and the demarcation between the private and public spheres. Songs about home reflect contexts and challenges of their respective eras and remind us that vigorous discussion takes place about and within homes. The challenges are changing. Where many women once felt restrictively tied to the home – and no doubt many continue to do so – many women and men are now struggling to rediscover spatial boundaries, with production and consumption increasingly impinging upon relationships that have so frequently given the term home its meaning. With evidence that we are working longer hours and that home life, in whatever form, is frequently suffering (Beder, Hochschild), the discussion should continue. In the words of Sam Cooke, Bring it on home to me! References Bacheland, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1994. Beder, Sharon. Selling the Work Ethic: From Puritan Pulpit to Corporate PR. London: Zed Books, 2000. Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London: Routledge, 2006. Cohen, Robin. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. London: UCL Press, 1997. Cooper, B. Lee. “Good Timin’: Searching for Meaning in Clock Songs.” Popular Music and Society 30.1 (Feb. 2007): 93-106. Dempsey, J.M. “McCartney at 60: A Body of Work Celebrating Home and Hearth.” Popular Music and Society 27.1 (Feb. 2004): 27-40. Eva, Phil. “Home Sweet Home? The Culture of ‘Exile’ in Mid-Victorian Popular Song.” Popular Music 16.2 (May 1997): 131-150. Hochschild, Arlie. The Time Bind: When Work Becomes Home and Home Becomes Work. New York: Metropolitan/Holt, 1997. Mallett, Sonia. “Understanding Home: A Critical Review of the Literature.” The Sociological Review 52.1 (2004): 62-89. Mechem, Kirke, “The Story of ‘Home on the Range’.” Reprint from the Kansas Historical Quarterly (Nov. 1949). Topeka, Kansas: Kansas State Historical Society. 28 May 2007 http://www.emporia.edu/cgps/tales/nov2003.html>. Mundey, Jack. Green Bans and Beyond. Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1981. Nelson-Burns, Lesley. Folk Music of England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales and America. 29 May 2007 http://www.contemplator.com/ireland/thoerin.html>. Summers, Anne. Damned Whores and God’s Police: The Colonization of Women in Australia. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975. Walter, Bronwen. Outsiders Inside: Whiteness, Place and Irish Women. London: Routledge, 2001. Waring, Marilyn. Counting for Nothing: What Men Value and What Women Are Worth. Wellington, NZ: Allen & Unwin, 1988. Willis, Paul. Learning to Labor: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs. New York: Columbia UP, 1977. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Varney, Wendy. "Homeward Bound or Housebound?: Themes of Home in Popular Music." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/16-varney.php>. APA Style Varney, W. (Aug. 2007) "Homeward Bound or Housebound?: Themes of Home in Popular Music," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/16-varney.php>.

Media critics tend to think about reviews in two ways: either as autonomous acts of creative intervention or as necessary fodder for publicity campaigns. Rather than elevate either of these options, I offer an account of my own reviewing experience as anecdotal evidence of the interrelation between creative intervention and commodification at work in every printed newspaper review. As Frederick Jameson argued long ago in his essay “Reification and Utopia in Mass Culture”, capitalist culture always contains elements of utopian or counter-hegemonic fantasy, but these elements are quickly absorbed and squelched within the market. Indeed, the appearance of literary criticism itself is bound up with the transformation of cultural activity into commodity form. In order to appreciate how reviews function within the economy of literary journalism, one should underestimate neither the ease with which even the most insightful review has always already been absorbed into the process of commodification nor how this process can work against the market’s own best interests. (For a study of the economic impact of reviewing, see Cameron. For the complications involved in writing a history of reviews and reviewers, see Fosdick.) For the last few years, I have written book reviews primarily for my local newspaper, the Iowa City Press-Citizen. As a 15,000-run newspaper, the Press-Citizen is listed in the small newspaper category for journalism awards and is one of the smallest newspapers owned by the giant media conglomerate, Gannett. Because Iowa City is home to the Big Ten, 30,000-student University of Iowa, the Press-Citizen has a more highly educated audience than that of other newspapers with similar press runs. Yet the educated readership also means that the local population expects a journalistic product with the sophistication of the New Yorker while the marketplace is only slightly larger than that of the little old ladies in Dubuque. Because of budget limitations, the Press-Citizen’s cultural reporting occupies a small percentage of its local news pages. As a result, the editorial staff deems newsworthy only those reviews demonstrating a clear local angle. From one perspective, this decision represents a commitment to the community. In practical terms, however, the policy means that the newspaper solicits reviews only for the authors who participate in “Live from Prairie Lights”, a reading series jointly sponsored by the university’s not-for-profit, public radio station, WSUI, and one of the city’s independently owned bookstores, Prairie Lights. The reading series owes its reputation, in part, to the University of Iowa Writer’s Workshop, consistently hailed by U.S. News and World Report as the number one MFA creative writing program in the nation. Because the Workshop attracts established alumni (such as Michael Cunningham and John Irving) as well as ambitious younger writers, Prairie Lights has become a popular stop for authors touring in the geographical pentagram between Chicago, Minneapolis, Omaha, Kansas City, and St. Louis. Before I even type a word, therefore, any review I send to the Press-Citizen already has been commodified by the editorial staff’s decision to base its definition of newsworthiness on the publicity needs of a network of local businesses. Furthermore, if I decide not to write a review – or if the editorial staff decides it cannot afford to pay any correspondent for the review – the newspaper simply saves money and hassle by reprinting wire reviews published in any of the other 100 Gannett newspapers in the U.S. In order to add to the variety – to increase heterogeneity in the public sphere – I must first submit to a very restricted notion of what that sphere is. While Gannett’s business model involves absorbing and centralising local media outlets, Prairie Lights’s business model tends to undermine such a corporate mindset through its role as the area’s largest independent bookstore. Sponsoring “Live from Prairie Lights” is one way that the store, with help from the radio station, fights for its survival against superstore chains and discounted on-line giants. My review’s extra publicity for Prairie Lights, then, helps a brick-and-mortar independent bookstore maintain its independence. To the bookstore staff, the fact that my review appears in the local paper matters more than whether I denounce or celebrate a visiting writer. So, again, before I type a single word, my reviews simultaneously participate within a compromised commercial system and undermine the corporate policies of my newspaper’s parent company by helping support the independent mindset of a key local business. Just as my printed review is always already framed by the local editorial policies of a media conglomerate and the promotional needs of a large independent bookstore, it is also automatically placed in conversation with the paratextual press releases, plot synopses, and blurbs provided by the publishing houses. Even if I approach the work from a completely different angle than the publicists suggest, readers will readily align my perspective against the myriad of uncritical, press-release-based reviews to be found on Google News, Lexis-Nexis, or Metacritic.com. And even if local readers manage to avoid those reviews, they will still be exposed to the official publicity information if they listen to WSUI’s “Live from Prairie Lights”. Despite the commitment of Iowa Public Radio to an independent assessment of news and culture, the introductions provided by the program’s host nearly always regurgitate the publicity information as the homogenizing conceptual frame into which all aberrant discussions of the work become mere exceptions that prove the rule. The interrelation between creativity and commodification becomes apparent even in best-case scenarios. In September 2002, for example, the University of Iowa Press published a book of recently rediscovered Farm Service Agency photographs from the 1930s that proved complementary to the more familiar photographs of Dorothea Lange and Walker Evans. An Iowa writer worked with the photographer’s surviving family members and wrote a well-documented, insightful, historical narrative to contextualise the photos. Anticipating local interest in the collection, Prairie Lights ordered hundreds of copies and moved the radio broadcast from the bookstore to a larger auditorium. Because of the Iowa connections at every phase of the project, it was easy to convince the Press-Citizen to run a lengthy review accompanied by several photos. After sifting through the photographs, digesting the narrative, and skeptically perusing the university press’s promotional material, I challenged myself to do something more than regurgitate the information provided me. Giving a cultural studies twist to Anatole France’s romantic dictum of the good critic relating the adventures of his soul among masterpieces, I decided to provide my own analysis of the photographs as cultural objects and only then turn to the narrative as a contrasting explanation of the uncanny vibrancy of these images of the last century. While I was sometimes critical of her evaluation, the author was impressed enough with my efforts that she called my editor to inform him personally that my review was the best she had read and that I was the only reviewer who had actually looked beyond the press release. Having never before been so complimented by an author, I decided to attend the reading and meet her face-to-face. Not surprisingly, the experience proved disillusioning. The writer proved as insightful in the program’s question and answer session as she had been in her prose, and the photos were as intriguing on the video screen as they were in the book. Yet the mobile radio production equipment and the portable cashier station – even more so, its constant beeping – made clear just how my investment of time and intellect served crossed purposes. While I was helping my readership make sense of these rediscovered photos from the past, I was also helping the University of Iowa Press and Prairie Lights sell books even as I was helping the Press-Citizen sell ads for the press and bookstore. The photo collections brought enough pleasure that many of the audience members were buying several copies to give as gifts, but that pleasure was both preconditioned for and a by-product of the cycle of production and publicity. At the moment when my review proved insightful enough to warrant a commendatory phone call from the author, it was most at risk of becoming a mere cog in the process of commodification. Rather than declare with any finality that reviews are either inspired or ingratiating, media critics need to continue to account for such interconnections between the creative and commercial factors of publication. References Cameron, Samuel. “On the Role of Critics in the Culture Industry.” Journal of Cultural Economics 19.4 (December 1995): 321-31. Fosdick, Scott. “From Discussion Leader to Consumer Guide.” Journalism History 30.2 (Summer 2004): 91-7. Jameson, Fredric. “Reification and Utopia in Mass Culture.” Social Text 1 (1979): 130-48. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Charis-Carlson, Jeffrey. "Creativity, Commodification, and the Making of a Middlebrow Book Review." M/C Journal 8.5 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0510/04-charis-carlson.php>. APA Style Charis-Carlson, J. (Oct. 2005) "Creativity, Commodification, and the Making of a Middlebrow Book Review," M/C Journal, 8(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0510/04-charis-carlson.php>.

An elderly man of my acquaintance once told me that there was nothing much to recommend living beyond 90. Things have changed over the past two decades, however. These days all he'd need is a touch of Viagra, an attitude reorientation, a little bit of manifesting and he'd be feeling as fit as, as, well … as a man in his 60s. Had he been around now, as a knowledgeable nonagenarian, he need not have mourned the passing of the years. Instead, he could have concentrated on becoming daily younger. As Second Youth so blithely trumpets: "In your youth, your mind, body and spirit are capable of great recuperative powers but, as you get older, you believe that those powers diminish. Not true! As long as you have a will -- and a method -- to improve your life, you will find the power to make it happen." Lacking the method? Look no longer… Books entitled RealAge: Are You as Young as You Can Be? (Roizen 1999) appear at the top of the New York Times best seller list, arguing that some 70-year olds can have the health profile of average 44-year olds within three years of making the right choices. (www.RealAge.com) This is the book's manifesto: The whole point of RealAge is to promote old age. Healthy, vibrant and young old age. RealAge shows you how you can live at eighty with all the energy and vigor of a fifty-five year old, how you can be the ninety year old who still lives on your own, travels and forcefully expresses feisty opinions -- the person who leaves the 'kids' marveling, 'How does she do it?' Having respect for old age means wanting to end the suffering that so often goes along with it. No one wants to be bedridden, afflicted with heart disease, or undergoing cancer treatment. Everyone wants to be able to do all the things he or she has always done and more. [Italics, gendered language, original] (Roizen 1999, p. 10) This website-supported best seller is part of a burgeoning industry which includes Cassel and Vallasi (1999) The Practical Guide to Aging: What Everyone Needs to Know, and Perls and Silver (1999) Living to 100: Lessons in Living to Your Maximum Potential at Any Age. "‘People have gotten old before, but never this many people and never this many people with such a high level of education … [boomers] will become obsessed with health and prevention of all the infirmities that accompany aging’ predicts Russell." (Wetzstein 1999, citing Russell.) The hypothesis put forward by Russell, by Wetzstein (1999) and by others, is that this is an 'age and stage' issue. It represents a new generational perspective reflective of the mindset and the life experience of the post mid-1940s 'baby boomer'. This website-supported best seller is part of a burgeoning industry which includes Cassel and Vallasi (1999) The Practical Guide to Aging: What Everyone Needs to Know, and Perls and Silver (1999) Living to 100: Lessons in Living to Your Maximum Potential at Any Age. "‘People have gotten old before, but never this many people and never this many people with such a high level of education … [boomers] will become obsessed with health and prevention of all the infirmities that accompany aging’ predicts Russell." (Wetzstein 1999, citing Russell.) The hypothesis put forward by Russell, by Wetzstein (1999) and by others, is that this is an 'age and stage' issue. It represents a new generational perspective reflective of the mindset and the life experience of the post mid-1940s 'baby boomer'. Boomers refuse to see 40 as middle aged (Wetzstein 1999), and would perish the thought that the Rolling Stones would ever retire. They define 50s as ‘Second youth’. (Gabriel & Molli 1995) They continue to participate in adventure and encounter holidays and subscribe to complementary health care regimes and new age approaches to daily life. They sign up for www.lovinguniversity.net and marvel at how much younger 43-yr old founder Susan Bradley looks on her website than in a recent Who Weekly (2001, p. 71). This baby boomer refusal to age has manifested itself widely in general and specialist consumer magazines, in broadcast TV and radio shows concentrating on good health and super-fitness, and in other elements of popular culture. Even given the hype, however, this new perspective might have long-term beneficial health/medical effects. The aging of the boomer generation may not be accurately predictable from the data collected from other generations with other mindsets. The back cover of Second Youth proclaims: "Desperate and aging far too fast she staked everything on discovering a natural source of Young Women's Hormones. Now, her triumph gives you thirty extra years of Second Youth. Age moved backwards for this woman. Just as it can -- this very month -- for you". (Gabriel & Molli 1995, back cover) Did someone mention snake oil? Or Bluebeard? Coupled with an optimism that allows them to forecast health and happiness into double-digit decades, however, boomers have a demonstrable suspicion of conventional medical ‘authority’ and a willingness to do their own research on health topics of interest. According to Mycek (1999) "In 1998, the [US] bill for homeopathic remedies (chiropractic and massage therapy, vitamins, yoga, herbal remedies, hypnosis, acupuncture) exceeded the total gross domestic product of all [US] hospitals put together." For boomers, a greater emphasis on health is not going to mean more of the same health care products, delivered in the same way. It is going to mean doing things differently. But is this a healthy way for us to look at aging and (shall we mention the word) death? Is our desire/burning commitment to remain indefinitely young and healthy in some way 'sick'? It is eminently reasonable to hypothesise -- as many people approaching their 'middle years' do -- that baby boomers are aiming to reinvent the aging process. (Dychtwald, 1999) The past quarter century has seen the burgeoning growth of preventative/health promotion and complementary health promoting services including nutritionists, naturopaths, chiropractors, rebalancers, meditation teachers, physiotherapists, counsellors and life coaches. The oldest members of the richest, best informed, most numerous generation in history are turning 55. The boomers (born from 1946--1960) can't put off for any longer the fact that -- chronologically -- they are approaching middle age. But what does this mean to a generation with many members who would rather be dead than old? Does the denial of chronological age, and the espousal of 'physiological age' (the premise upon which the RealAge philosophy and empire is built) represent a sick fantasy to avoid accepting our mortality? Baby boomers are a specific, much researched, sociocultural phenomenon. Their aim is to move beyond actuarial projections to re-write expectations of aging. From the self-help movement to the success of the potency drug Viagra, there is ample evidence that boomers have plans and expectations for their own aging processes that differ radically from those adopted by their parents. People born into the prosperity and plenty of the early post-WWII years often police their health attitudes and behaviours in proactive ways. These patterns are likely to impact upon their health profiles in the future and to influence the creation of services tailored to meet different hopes, fears and expectations. Who says Cher can't look young forever? Most health care planning is based on actuarial data that examines past events and extrapolates from these events into the future. However, this is not likely to result in a valid prediction of the health and aging patterns of the boomer generation. Graham May is a futurologist. He suggests that (May 2000), in anticipating the future, we are attempting either to foresee it, to manage it, or to create it. The philosophical distinctions between these perspectives provide different rationales for those who wish to influence the future. Attempts to foresee, or predict, the future – for example by extrapolating trends – presuppose that in some very particular ways the future already exists and/or is closely related to the forces evident in the present and the past. Managing the present with the future in mind accepts that present actions and decisions influence the future, and suggests that the future does not exist and is capable of being influenced by our current choices. The creation of the future – through techniques such as ‘creative visioning’ – works on the basis that once situations that do not exist have been imagined they can be brought into existence. These three approaches, separately and in parallel, offer ways of negotiating the uncertainty and essential unpredictability of the future, and of longevity and fitness. The longevity and second youth approach combines the idea of managing the future and envisioning it: 'the manifestation' approach. Baby boomers have already created a different future for our society. They are credited with re-writing the institutions of marriage (via de factos, divorce, blended families, single parents, older pregnancies); marketing (psychodemographics rather than age, sex, socioeconomic status); religion (the decline of the Church and the rise of new age philosophies, faith healing, angels on demand); education (just-in-time learning, lifelong learning); work practices -- and health. The boomers are also rewriting what aging means for them, and to them. Using popular culture starting points, such as Second Youth and RealAge, it seems that a major boomer project of the next twenty years is working to defy/turn back the aging clock. This project is invested with the hopes, fears, dreams and expectations of millions of citizens in western societies. Boomers are practical, however, as well as ‘just in time’ and they know that a belief that they can do it is half the battle. Let's assume that although many boomers are already fitter and healthier than any generation before them at their age, others may be intending to ‘make a break’ for fitness as an early priority of their retirement. Boomers may also expect their retirement years to be years of health and plenty, and they seem to indicate that they're prepared actively to work with these goals in mind. However, not all will be successful in beating their biology. How do boomers expect to manage their own chronic ailments in the future: arthritis, failing hearing and sight, late onset diabetes, heart disease, incontinence, dementia etc? Will the stem cell implants solve all foreseeable problems? Excluding alternative and complementary medical strategies, the health care industry is one of the biggest sectors of the economy representing 8% GDP (and rising). As indicated by its growing place in popular culture, health is also a hobby, pastime and pleasure – and the contemporary obsession with health is … sick. Although the social advantage to be conferred by living as healthily as possible, and as well as possible, is self-evident, it may require a level of selfishness and self-absorption unparalleled in human history. More to the point, however, this approach to getting older brings problems of its own. Firstly, it is built on a fear of aging, and a wish to deny the aging process which may become more desperate as the years (and they will) take their toll. Far from increasing the pleasure and satisfaction of 'a good age' this dynamic, operating over the decades, is as likely to build frustration, depression and a sense of powerlessness. As a (breast) cancer patient once told me: 'It's bad enough having cancer without everyone else thinking it's my fault for not having a positive enough attitude!' Aging is going to happen -- will we go with the flow - or end up like King Canute, with wet feet, trying to turn back the tide? Secondly, this perspective is counter-productive in fetishising a numerical age. When we're so focused on chronological age, biological age and the celebrating of our first, second and third 'year younger' parties (with fruit and water, please) we're not coming to terms with what's real for us in our ecological niche. Humanity is comprised of sentient, vertebrate, mammals. Far better to know our life cycle, and plan our lives to fit within it, than to pretend it can be revered. Much better to accept that we can be a very fit seventy year old (or a very unfit seventy year old) than to persuade ourselves that 'That's just my chronology, my real age is 44.' I'm sure we'll all be able to tell the difference… If anyone seriously believed the hype of living 26 years younger, you'd have to feel more than sorry for them. You'd have to suspect that maybe, even if they were blissfully unaware of it, they're a little bit sick. I gather that there's a Centre for Positive Aging recently started up in Perth: that's something altogether healthier References Cassel, C. and Vallasi, G. The Practical Guide to Aging: What Everyone Needs to Know. New York: New York University Press, 1999. Dychtwald, K. 'Age power': how the new-old will transform medicine in the 21st century, Geriatrics, vol. 54, no. 12, 1999, 22—7. Gabriel, V. and Molli, J. Second Youth, Melbourne: Bookman Press, 1995. May, G. Worldviews, assumptions and typologies of the future, Journal of Future Studies, vol. 5, no. 2, November, 2000, 37—51 Mycek, S. We’re not in Kansas anymore, Trustee, vol. 52, no. 8, 1999, 20—4 Perls, T. and Silver, M. Living to 100: Lessons in Living to Your Maximum Potential at Any Age, New York: Basic Books, 1999. Roizen, M. RealAge: Are You as Young as You Can Be? London: Thorsons, 1999 Wetzstein, C. Boomers’ new quest: to be forever young, Insight on the News, vol. 15, no. 24, 28th June, 1999, 40 Who Weekly Love is in the air, no. 474, 2 April, 2001, 71