Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Contact Linguistics Language Contact and Sociolinguistic Variation'

Includes abstract.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 101-105).<br>The main goal of this study was to determine the extent to which (some of) Chambers' (1998) "Eight Rules of Dialect Acquisition", also discussed by Surek-Clark (1998) in her study of Brazilian Portuguese speakers, apply to Mozambique Portuguese learners and if sociolinguistic factors such as age, education, residence and sex, play a significant role in allophonic distribution and sociolinguistic variation in Portuguese in Mozambique, taking into account community-based patterns of use. The data used in this study is part of Panorama of Oral Portuguese of Maputo "PPOM - Panorama do Português Oral do Maputo", a linguistic survey comprised of individual interviews and group interviews carried out in 1997 in region of the City of Maputo and its surroundings undertaken by Christopher Stroud and Perpétua Gonçalves (1997).

This thesis investigates phonetic and phonological variation in the bilingual repertoire of adolescent Welsh-English bilinguals living in North Wales. It contributes to linguistic research by, firstly, providing an account of language variation in an under-studied area (N. Wales) and context (regional minority language bilingualism) and, secondly, by examining cross-linguistic variation, and the constraints on this variation, in bilingual speech. The two variables under discussion differ in how they are realised in the two languages: /l/ is thought to be heavily velarised in both languages as a result of long-term contact and phonological convergence. Variation in the production of /r/ and realisation of coda /r/ has hitherto been reported as language-specific, though frequent transfer is said to occur from Welsh to English in predominantly Welsh-speaking areas (e.g. Penhallurick 2004: 110; Wells 1982: 390).The first aim of the study is therefore to quantify claims of phonological convergence and transfer in the speech of Welsh-English bilinguals by using a variationist sociolinguistics methodology (e.g. Labov 1966), which also considers the influence of linguistic and extra-linguistic factors on variation. Particular attention is paid to differences between a majority Welsh-speaking town and a town where English is the main language. A further distinction is made between those from Welsh-speaking homes and those from English-speaking homes who have acquired Welsh through immersion education. The second aim is to make empirically-informed theoretical claims about the nature of phonological convergence and transfer, and conceptualise cross-linguistic interaction in the speech of Welsh-English bilinguals in light of existing frameworks. Data (sociolinguistic interviews and wordlists) were collected in Welsh and English from 32 Welsh-English bilinguals aged 16-18. The sample was equally stratified in terms of speaker sex, home language, and area. The two towns compared in the study are Caernarfon (N.W. Wales, where c.88% of the population speak Welsh) and Mold (N.E. Wales, where c. 20% Welsh of the population speak Welsh). The results indicate that English [ɫ] tends to be lighter than Welsh [ɫ] in word-initial onset position for females, and in word-medial intervocalic position for both males and females. The data also show linguistic influences on the realisation of [ɫ] in both languages, and differences between males and females. The realisation of coda /r/ and production of [r] and [ɾ] in English are confined to the speech of those from Welsh-speaking homes in Caernarfon. In Welsh, use of [ɹ] is widespread and is constrained by a more complex interaction between area, home language, and sex. On the basis of these findings, I conclude that features which have undergone phonological convergence due to long-term language contact may be subject to language-specific constraints when implemented phonetically. In terms of transfer, I argue for a ternary distinction between interference, transfer, and transfer which is constrained by linguistic and/or extra-linguistic factors (cf. Grosjean 2012). Finally, I suggest that Mufwene’s (2001) notion of the ‘feature pool’ is the most succinct way of conceptualising Welsh-English transfer and differentiate between more focussed accents of English and a less-focussed variety of North Wales Welsh.

The present study explores the role of interlingual identification in contact between speakers of Old Norse and Old English. The study focuses on the word get as it occurred throughout a selection of texts in the Middle English period. The Old English and Old Norse words for get were cognate, which meant that some phonological and morphological characteristics of the word were similar when the contact between the two speaker communities occurred. A Construction Morphology framework is applied where inflecting features of words are treated as constructions. Interlingually identifiable constructions in Old English and Old Norse are identified by comparing forms, such as vowel alternations or affixes, with the function (i.e., meaning) which they denote. The Middle English dialectal forms were furthermore compared synchronically, and a sociohistorical perspective was considered to establish whether the areas where the Vikings settled and that came under Scandinavian rule in the Danelaw displayed more advanced leveling and/or conformation with the Old Norse system of conjugation. Additionally, the present study sought to explore cognitive processes involved in letting specific forms remain in a contact situation. It was concluded that there were two interlingually identifiable constructions: the past tense vowel alternation from  in the present tense, to  in the 1st preterite, and the past participle -en suffix. These constructions had survived in all the Middle English dialects, and they are furthermore what is left in the contemporary modern paradigm of get. Moreover, it is plausible that these constructions survived the morphological leveling because interlingual identification allowed the same form to trigger the same intended cognitive representation in both speaker groups in the contact situation. The results concludingly suggest that morphological constructions that were not interlingually identifiable were discarded in the morphological leveling that resulted from contact between speakers of Old English and Old Norse.

<p> This dissertation will demonstrate that a variety of Dominican Spanish in contact with St. Thomas English Creole (STTEC) revealed many features which are consistent with Dominican Spanish in other contact environments and some new features which are emerging as the result of uniquely STTEC influences. The most notable feature is the appearance of the vowel [&epsiv;] in Dominican Spanish, which in STTEC is highly indexical to St. Thomian identity. In the present sociolinguistic analysis, it was found that the variability of [&epsiv;] was significantly influenced by the following phonological segment, syllable stress, the language of the token, and the speaker's&rsquo; social network ties and self-ascribed identity. This dissertation also includes a socio-historical background of St Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, a description of St Thomas English Creole, and a history of immigration patterns of people from the Dominican Republic to St Thomas, U.S.V.I.</p>

In the phonological integration of loanwords, the original structures of the donor language can either be adopted as innovations or adapted to the recipient language. This dissertation investigates how structural (i.e. phonetic, phonological, morpho-phonological) and non-structural (i.e. sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic) factors interact in determining which of these two integration strategies is preferred. Factors that affect the accuracy of the structure’s perception and production in the donor language as a result of its acquisition as a second language are given special consideration. The three studies in the dissertation examine how the same phonological structure from different donor languages is integrated into the same recipient language Turkish by two different types of initial borrowers: elite bilinguals in Turkey and heritage bilinguals in Sweden. The three investigated structures are word-final [l] after back vowels, long segments in word-final closed syllables, and word-initial onset clusters. The main hypothesis is that adoption will be more prevalent in heritage bilinguals than in elite bilinguals. Four necessary conditions for adoption are identified in the analysis. Firstly, the donor-language structure must have high perceptual salience. Secondly, the borrowers must have acquired the linguistic competence to produce a structure accurately. Thirdly, the borrowers must have sufficient sociolinguistic incentive to adopt a structure as an innovation. Fourthly, prosodic structures require higher incentive to be adopted than segments and clusters of segments. The main hypothesis is partially confirmed. The counterexamples involve either cases where the salience of the structure was high in the elite bilinguals’ borrowing but low in the heritage bilinguals’ borrowing, or cases where the structure’s degree of acquisition difficulty was low. Therefore, it is concluded that structural factors have the final say in the choice of integration strategy.<br><p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 3: Submitted. </p>

Spanish<br>Ph.D.<br>This dissertation will demonstrate that a variety of Dominican Spanish in contact with St. Thomas English Creole (STTEC) revealed many features which are consistent with Dominican Spanish in other contact environments and some new features which are emerging as the result of uniquely STTEC influences. The most notable feature is the appearance of the vowel [ɛ] in Dominican Spanish, which in STTEC is highly indexical to St. Thomian identity. In the present sociolinguistic analysis, it was found that the variability of [ɛ] was significantly influenced by the following phonological segment, syllable stress, the language of the token, and the speakers’ social network ties and self-ascribed identity. This dissertation also includes a socio-historical background of St Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, a description of St Thomas English Creole, and a history of immigration patterns of people from the Dominican Republic to St Thomas, U.S.V.I.<br>Temple University--Theses

" Kem ", " sôcôla ", " actisô ", " sơ mi ", " cà ra vát ", " cao su ", " buýt ", " ampli ", " xăng ", " xi măng ", etc.. Ces mots vietnamiens sonnent-ils plus ou moins français ? Une partie du lexique de la langue vietnamienne vient du français qui a marqué le Vietnam de sa présence par la colonisation française durant environ un siècle (XVIIIe-XIXe) en Indochine en général et au Vietnam en particulier. Aujourd'hui, le régime colonial relève d'ouvrages historiques mais ces traces francophones perdurent encore dans les usages linguistiques actuels au Vietnam. Toutefois, ces ressources sociolinguistiques, qui ouvrent un riche potentiel en matière linguistique et culturelle, sont ignorées en didactique du français aux apprenants vietnamiens. Dans le but de vérifier l'importance de ces éléments, notamment à travers leur perception sociale par les Vietnamiens à l'heure actuelle, une enquête sociolinguistique a été réalisée sur le terrain. Les propositions didactiques présentées par la suite permettent de confirmer que la mise en avant de ces ressources francophones ou d'origine francophone au Vietnam constitue un facilitateur d'appropriation du français dans ce pays et ouvre vers une dynamique didactique plurilingue.

The framework of the present PhD dissertation is the area that results from the overlap between the field of variationist sociolinguistics and forensic linguistics, which mainly concerns the study of variation between different individuals –inter-speaker variation– and variation within a single individual –intra-speaker variation– for forensic purposes. The primary objective of the present dissertation is twofold. On the one hand, it proposes a protocol for the creation of an Index of Idiolectal Similitude (IIS) for the phonological module of English that can effectively determine whether two oral samples show inter-speaker variation –which would indicate that the samples have been produced by two different individuals– or intra-speaker variation –which would allow to conclude that the samples have been produced by the same individual. On the other hand, the analysis of the fourteen variables proposed in a corpus that contains data on sixteen speakers and that is stratified according to measurement time –as a result of a real time study–, language contact and gender, provides an important contribution to the Base Rate knowledge, which constitutes one of the main challenges of current forensic linguistics. Results show that inter-speaker variation is generally higher than intra-speaker variation, and that a speaker’s idiolectal style remains relatively stable over time. Therefore, the IIS is presented as an innovative quantitative tool which, together with other quantitative and qualitative techniques that the linguist acting as expert witness may have at their disposition, can help reach a conclusion regarding the probability of two samples having been produced or not by the same speaker.<br>Aquesta tesi doctoral s’emmarca dins l’àrea comú on es troben els camps de la sociolingüística de la variació i la lingüística forense, en la qual es troba l’estudi de la variació entre diferents individus –variació inter-parlant– i la variació en del mateix individu –variació intra-parlant– amb finalitats forenses. La investigació té dos objectius principals. D’una banda, es proposa el protocol per a la creació d’un Índex de Similitud Idiolectal (ISI) per al mòdul fonològic de l’anglès que pot determinar de manera efectiva si dues mostres orals mostren variació inter-parlant –que indicaria que les mostres haurien estat produïdes per dos individus diferents– o variació intra-parlant –la qual cosa portaria a concloure que les mostres haurien estat produïdes pel mateix individu. D’altra banda, l’anàlisi de les catorze variables proposades en un corpus que conté setze parlants i que està estratificat per temps de mesura –com a resultat d’un estudi en temps real–, contacte de llengües i gènere biològic, comporta una contribució important a la referència de distribució poblacional (Base Rate Knowledge) que constitueix un dels grans reptes de la lingüística forense actual. Els resultats mostren que la variació inter-parlant és generalment més alta que la intra-parlant, i que l’estil idiolectal d’un individu es manté relativament estable malgrat el pas del temps. Per tant, l’ISI es presenta com una eina quantitativa innovadora que, juntament amb altres tècniques quantitatives i qualitatives que el lingüista forense pot tenir a la seva disposició, pot ajudar a prendre una decisió sobre la probabilitat que dues mostres hagin estat produïdes o no pel mateix parlant.

Le créole afro-portugais de Casamance reste encore méconnu. La présente étude constitue la première description des pratiques langagières des créolophones casamançais. Elle est fondée sur un corpus de première main recueilli lors de discussions spontanées entre des locuteurs créolophones dans des villes multilingues : Dakar, Thiès et Ziguinchor. Dans ce corpus, les principales langues en contact sont essentiellement le créole casamançais, le français et le wolof. Cette thèse décrit les changements induits par ce contact dans le corpus, notamment le repérage temporel et les phénomènes touchant spécifiquement les groupes nominaux (déterminants et génitifs). L’étude de ces champs m’a permis de constater que des éléments grammaticaux et lexicaux sont fournis à la fois par l’ensemble de ces langues. Ce cas de figure n'est pas souvent pris en compte dans les approches théoriques du contact de langues, lesquelles proposent souvent une séparation fonctionnelle des langues fondée sur une dichotomie entre langue matrice et langue insérée, et tendent à ignorer les situations de contact impliquant plus de deux langues. Cette thèse constitue une contribution à l’étude du contact de langues et permet en particulier de porter un regard neuf sur une situation de contact trilingue, impliquant une langue créole et deux autres langues qui en sont typologiquement éloignées. La prise en compte d’une telle configuration revêt un caractère particulièrement novateur dans le domaine des études créoles, où les chercheurs intéressés par le contact de langues se concentrent surtout sur des situations de contact entre les créoles et leurs langues lexificatrices respectives<br>Casamancese Afro-Portuguese Creole is still largely unknown. The present study is the first description of the language practices of Casamance Creole speakers. The study is based on a first-hand corpus collected during spontaneous discussions among Creole speakers in multilingual cities: Dakar, Thies and Ziguinchor. In this corpus, the main languages in contact are the Casamancese Creole, French and Wolof.This dissertation describes the changes induced by this contact in the corpus, especially the temporal deixis and phenomena specifically affecting noun groups (such as determiners and genitives). The study of these domains has led me to realize that all three languages involved both grammatical and lexical elements are provided by all these languages.Such a scenario is generally not taken into consideration in the theoretical approaches to language contact, which often posit a functional separation of the languages involved based on a dichotomy between matrix language and embedded language, and tend to ignore contact situations involving more than two languages.This dissertation is therefore a contribution to the study of language contact; more specifically, it allows for the possibility to take a fresh look at a trilingual contact situation involving a Creole language and two other languages typologically distant from the former. The inclusion of such a configuration is particularly innovative in the domain of Creole studies, where researchers interested in contact languages focus mainly on situations of contact between Creoles and their respective lexifier languages

<p>Abstract</p><p>This study investigates variable past tense marking patterns in an emerging variety of N.C. Hispanic English (n=44) spoken by language learners at three Length of Residency (LOR) groups in three schools in Durham, NC in terms of 1. lexical semantics (Andersen & Shirai 1996, Bayley 1999), 2. frequency (Guy & Erker 2012) 3. discourse structure (Bardovi-Harlig 1998) and 4. verb class and phonological environment (Wolfram 1985, Bayley 1994). Statistical results show significant effects of verb class, lexical aspect, and frequency and interacting effects of verb class and frequency (specifically, suppletives like copula are simultaneously highly frequent and highly phonetically salient). A subsample coded for the discourse factor shows some evidence for the correlation of copula and backgrounding function. A separate analysis of consonant cluster reduction patterns (CCR) demonstrates dialect acquisition of variable constraints (e.g. in terms of N.C. AAVE), namely phonological environment (_C > _V) and morphemic status (monomorpheme > bimorpheme). Pedagogical applications are discussed, including accurately identifying English Language Learners (ELLs) in the context of local/regional accommodation.</p><br>Dissertation

Over the past three decades, the Vietnamese language has undergone substantial changes, both in Vietnam, and in diasporic contexts such as Australia. Yet the nature of the variation resulting from those changes at the sociopragmatic level in expressing politeness is little researched. The question of whether there are differences in the politeness expressed by Vietnamese speakers living in Vietnam and Australia is the focus of this research.

Cette thèse a été financée par le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada (numéro de référence 767-2010-1310)<br>Dans le cadre de la théorie de l’accommodation communicative, ce travail consiste à évaluer, avec la méthodologie de la sociolinguistique comparative, dans quelle mesure les immigrants hispanophones des Andes boliviennes qui se sont établis à San Pedro de Atacama (Chili) accommodent leur langage aux hispanophones de ce pays. Pour ce faire, quatre traits grammaticaux caractéristiques de l’espagnol andin ont été choisis pour être analysés : l’usage du double possessif (e. g., He ido a su casa de mi marido), l’utilisation des adverbes de lieu comme particule finale de la préposition en (e. g., Entonces he vivido en allá así como diez años), la préférence du passé composé sur le passé simple pour exprimer des actions qui ont été accomplies dans le passé (e. g., El año pasado he ido a visitar a mi madre) et l’usage exclusif de formes verbales standard pour exprimer la deuxième personne du singulier (e. g., Tú puedes estar comiendo tu hamburguesa). Les résultats obtenus après avoir analysé statistiquement la variation dans les données empiriques qui ont été recueillies au moyen d’entrevues révèlent que, tandis que ces immigrants conservent l’usage du double possessif et l’utilisation des adverbes de lieu comme particule finale de la préposition en de manière pratiquement inchangée par rapport à un groupe de contrôle de Boliviens non-immigrants (c’est ce que l’on entend par « divergence »), ils substituent graduellement la préférence du passé composé sur le passé simple pour exprimer des actions qui ont été accomplies dans le passé par une prédilection du passé simple sur le passé composé (e. g., Esta mañana fui a la playa) et intègrent progressivement l’alternance entre les formes verbales standard et les formes verbales vernaculaires du voseo pour exprimer la deuxième personne du singulier (e. g., Cuando tú flotái… y no te sumerges hacia adentro), à l’instar de ce qui se fait dans l’espagnol parlé au Chili (c’est ce que l’on entend par « convergence »). En d’autres termes, on peut affirmer qu’ils incorporent de nouvelles ressources linguistiques dans leur langage, en même temps qu’ils en conservent d’autres sans modifications significatives. On remarque donc que le contact dialectal provoqué par l’immigration bolivienne au Chili a des conséquences linguistiques indéniables qui font ressortir le dynamisme de la langue. En effet, le fait que ces immigrants adoptent de nouvelles ressources linguistiques tandis qu’ils en gardent d’autres sans changements notables met en évidence que les processus de convergence et divergence dialectales ne sont pas exclusifs, mais plutôt inclusifs, c’est-à-dire qu’ils peuvent avoir lieu simultanément au sein de la même communauté linguistique. Enfin, le fait que ces immigrants parlent désormais un dialecte qui n’est équivalent ni au dialecte d’origine ni au dialecte du lieu d’accueil permet d’avancer qu’ils parlent une sorte de dialecte nouveau.<br>Within the framework of the communication accommodation theory, the present study evaluates the extent to which Spanish-speaking migrants from the Bolivian Andes to San Pedro de Atacama (Chile) accommodate their speech to Chilean Spanish, using a comparative sociolinguistics methodology. Four distinctive grammatical features of Andean Spanish were selected for the analysis: the use of the double possessive adjectives (e.g. He ido a su casa de mi marido), the use of adverbs of place as adjuncts of the Spanish preposition en (e.g. Entonces he vivido en allá así como diez años), the preference for the present perfect over the simple past to express the perfective aspect (e.g. El año pasado he ido a visitar a mi madre), and the exclusive use of standard verbal forms to express the second person singular (e.g. Tú puedes estar comiendo tu hamburguesa). Results were obtained from a statistical analysis of variation in the empirical data, which were collected through interviews, and compared with a non-migrant Bolivian control group. The data reveal that, while these migrants maintain a practically unaltered use of both the double possessive adjectives and the adverbs of place as adjuncts of the Spanish preposition en (this is understood as “divergence”), they gradually develop a preference for the present perfect over the simple past to express the perfective aspect by a predilection for the simple past over the present perfect (e.g. Esta mañana fui a la playa), and they progressively adopt an alternation between standard forms and vernacular ones (i.e. voseo) to express the second person singular (e.g. Cuando tu flotái… y no te sumerges hacia adentro), as occurs in Chilean Spanish (this is understood as “convergence”). In other words, the migrants have incorporated new linguistic resources into their speech, while they have simultaneously maintained others without any significant change. The dialect contact situation caused by migrants from the Bolivian Andes to Chile, therefore, has undeniable linguistic consequences, which bring out the dynamic character of the language. Indeed, the fact that these migrants integrate new linguistic resources into their speech while simultaneously maintaining others without serious changes highlights that the processes of dialectal convergence and divergence are not exclusive, but rather inclusive. That is, they can occur simultaneously within the same linguistic community. In conclusion, the fact that these migrants henceforth speak a dialect that is equivalent neither to their original dialect nor to the host dialect supports the claim that they speak a kind of new dialect.<br>Dentro del marco de la teoría de la acomodación en la comunicación, este trabajo consiste en evaluar en qué medida los inmigrantes hispanohablantes de los Andes bolivianos establecidos en San Pedro de Atacama (Chile) acomodan su habla a la de los hispanohablantes de este país, recurriendo a la metodología de la sociolingüística comparativa. Para ello, se seleccionaron para análisis cuatro marcas gramaticales del español de los Andes: el uso del posesivo doblado (e. g., He ido a su casa de mi marido), la utilización de los adverbios demostrativos de lugar como términos de la preposición en (e. g., Entonces he vivido en allá así como diez años), la preferencia del pretérito perfecto sobre el pretérito indefinido para expresar el aspecto perfectivo (e. g., El año pasado he ido a visitar a mi madre) y el uso exclusivo de las formas verbales del tuteo para referir a la segunda persona del singular (e. g., Tú puedes estar comiendo tu hamburguesa). Los resultados, que se obtuvieron después de haber analizado estadísticamente la variación en los datos empíricos que se recogieron mediante entrevistas, revelan que mientras que estos inmigrantes mantienen el uso del posesivo doblado y la utilización de los adverbios demostrativos de lugar como términos de la preposición en sin cambios aparentes con respecto a un grupo de control constituido por bolivianos que no han emigrado de la zona andina (esto es lo que se entiende por “divergencia”), sustituyen gradualmente la preferencia por el pretérito perfecto frente al indefinido para expresar el aspecto perfectivo por una predilección del pretérito indefinido sobre el perfecto (e. g., Esta mañana fui a la playa), e integran progresivamente la alternancia entre las formas verbales tuteantes y las formas verbales del voseo para referir a la segunda persona del singular (e. g., Cuando tú flotái… y no te sumerges hacia adentro), a la manera de lo que se hace en el español chileno (esto es lo que se entiende por “convergencia”). En otras palabras, se puede afirmar que estos inmigrantes incorporan nuevos recursos lingüísticos en su habla al mismo tiempo que mantienen otros sin modificaciones significativas. Así, pues, se puede considerar que el contacto dialectal provocado por la inmigración boliviana en Chile tiene consecuencias lingüísticas innegables que resaltan el dinamismo de la lengua. Efectivamente, el hecho de que estos inmigrantes adopten nuevos recursos lingüísticos mientras que mantienen otros sin cambios notables pone de manifiesto que los procesos de convergencia y divergencia dialectales no son exclusivos, sino que son más bien inclusivos, es decir, pueden acaecer simultáneamente en el seno de una misma comunidad lingüística. Por último, el hecho de que estos inmigrantes hablen ahora un dialecto que no es equivalente ni al dialecto original ni al dialecto del lugar de acogida permite postular que utilizan una suerte de dialecto nuevo.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2006.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0545. Adviser: Anna Maria Escobar. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-137) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

Generative linguists have mostly been concerned with either idealised data sets that nicely fit their theory, or an idealised relationship between speakers and their homogeneous speech community. Lexical-Functional Grammar is different from other formal theories. In allowing for a less rigid theory, structures and constraints can be linked to incorporate linear order and information structure. This constraint-based theory accommodates variation and change, it allows for my descriptive analysis of nonstandardised variation. The goal of this dissertation is to explore the complex relationship between differential object marking and clitic doubling in nonstandardised variation data from Lime{u00F1}o Spanish contact varieties (LSCV). The main focus of this study is on the microvariation of the person three clitic paradigm cooccurring with extended differential object marking in nonstandardised linguistic phenomena. In particular I focus on 'strange lo', a featureless and invariate form, which is part of the feature specifying third person direct object clitic paradigm, used to optionally crossreference animate and inanimate objects in LSCV. Contact speakers use a double object marking strategy that allows them to use either marked or unmarked forms. Dynamic competition of these morphosyntactic forms leads to competing grammars, a process that contributes to language change. Both mark essentially the same grammatical relation, however motivated by a difference in semantic and pragmatic strategies. In this work I argue that nonreferential grammaticalised direct object clitics are a vital part of a pragmatic marking strategy to mark the direct object in a monotransitive clause as the secondary topic. The motivation for these grammaticalisation processes is analysed as information packaging taking also into account the correlation between contact and inherent changes as trigger factors. Ultimately the syntactic strategy is twofold, firstly to mark the secondary topic of a monotransitive clause and secondly, to compete with the indirect object for the primary object space. The latter may lead to a new accusative case marker which would imply a typological change in monotransitive constructions only. This proposal is supported by similar findings from typologically related and related languages such as Hindi/Urdu, Persian, Basque, Ibizan Catalan and Mexican Spanish. The major linguistic elements for the historical development of the third person object clitics and object marking are multiple grammaticalisation processes of clitics and the differential object marker a, inherent diachronic instability of the clitic paradigm and prolonged contact mediated by Andean Spanish. All factors combined provide the setting for the variation found that may ultimately lead to change. An example for completed change would be the single clitic paradigm found in Ecuador and Paraguay. My hypothesis is based on two competing but not mutually exclusive theories. Alsina (1996b) proposes a binary distinction of [DAT+] and [DAT-] for Romance languages such Catalan and Spanish, where both objects are internal arguments, direct functions and distinct from the external arguments subject and oblique. In that case, the unmarked object is the semantically restricted theta role bearing object. In a new theory of differential object marking (Dalrymple & Nikolaeva, 2007), the differences between marked and unmarked objects are analysed as different information structures expressed in syntactic terms representing two different grammatical functions. Different from semantically-based theories, this new approach takes the communicative context into account. In these terms, marked direct objects can be analysed as the primary object and the secondary topic in a monotransitive clause. Both analyses are not mutually exclusive but complementary, signaling different stages of language change.

This work has taken the region of Qwaqwa as a case study. Through this study, the researcher attempted to join in the debate around language varieties that occur as a result of contact between different language groups. To achieve this objective, the factors that have an impact on Sesotho spoken in the Qwaqwa area and, in particular, in schools, have been assessed. The researcher provides a broad and general picture of the language situation and patterns of language use in the Qwaqwa area. A brief overview of the geographical description, historical background and economic development of Qwaqwa is given. Some of the linguistic phenomena that play a role in language variation in this area fall under the spotlight. Language contact, i.e. language and dialect, regional and social dialect, the use of language and the impact of language contact between languages is discussed. Patterns and the extent of language contact and the resultant effects of interference, codeswitching and borrowing as well as the processes and points at which these processes occur are identified. The major similarities and relationships between spoken and written Sesotho, as used by learners in Qwaqwa schools, is highlighted with the discussion focussing on the linguistic description of the similarities and relationships between the two forms.<br>African Languages<br>(M.A.(Afican Languages))

The initial purpose of this study was to describe and analyse the language situation at Baragwanath Hospital. This was seen as a microcosm of the language situation in urban South Africa. As such, this study set out to identify problems and offer suggestions in resolving the difficulties experienced in communication in this hospital as well as in other medical institutions in the rest of the country. Before attempting such an investigation, a sound theoretical framework had to be established. In order to gain familiarity with the research field, concepts on sociolinguistics had to be researched and described. In order to apply particular concepts to the situation under investigation, the concepts had to be defined and interpreted first. This study has made a contribution to the theoretical debate regarding various sociolinguistic concepts, in that it has shown how these concepts apply to the South African situation. The next step in the research process involved making a decision about which method would be most appropriate for collecting data. Therefore, various approaches were investigated in order to find the appropriate one. The techniques of data collection and the recruitment of respondents had to be refined before the main data collection process could begin. Then began the journey of discovery. The detailed description of the language situation at Baragwanath Hospital presented in chapter 3 forms the crux of this study. This is the first time that such a comprehensive, qualitative description of the entire language situation in this hospital has been done. An appropriate method for data analysis had to be devised. This entailed various levels of analysis and interpretation. A description of the language situation at Baragwanath Hospital would have been incomplete without presenting a few of the various scenarios that took place in this hospital. Many important conclusions were reached during the course of the research. The most important of these were: 1. A huge communication problem exists at Baragwanath Hospital. 2. Either interpreters will have to be hired to overcome this problem; or nurses will have to be paid more for their interpreting services.<br>African Languages<br>D. Litt. et Phil.

The main aim of this study is to extend our current understanding of the linguistic characteristics of student-centred distance education texts. This aim links directly with the shift in South Africa from an objectivistic, content-centred teaching approach towards an outcomes-based, studentcentred one. Partly because few guidelines exist as to what the linguistic characteristics of student-centred texts are, developers of such texts in a distance education environment face many challenges and thus, a secondary, more indirect aim of this study is to benefit developers of distance education study materials. In view of the educational context in which the study is situated, a brief overview of some of the most relevant pedagogic perspectives underlying the notion of student-centredness is provided. Student-centredness is then interpreted in terms of Biber's (1988) construal of `involvement' and also in terms of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL): more particularly, the interpersonal discourse semantic metafunction of SFL and on insights developed in Appraisal Theory. The focus of the study is thus on `involvement' and the expression of evaluative stance, and consequently on attitudinal language through `involvement' features. Of particular interest to the present study is how learning is advanced through the use of attitudinal language. The data for the study include six print-based distance education teaching texts (study guides) from three different academic departments at the University of South Africa. Two guides from each department are analysed and compared: one developed by way of a content-centred approach to teaching and the other by way of a student-centred approach. The linguistic construal of evaluative stance in these guides is analysed and interpreted in interpersonal terms. The thesis develops a theoretically motivated explanation of the linguistic characteristics of student-centred distance education texts, and in the process provides evidence of the interpersonal and pedagogic relevance of evaluative stance in the context of distance education. Some of the main conclusions reached are that student-centred texts differ from contentcentred ones with regard to: the extent to which the social presence of discourse participants is signalled in such texts; the extent to which solidarity is negotiated with students; the participation of students in the knowledge construction process; the relationship that prevails between lecturers and students; and the identity developed for both students as well as lecturers.<br>Linguistics<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (Linguistics)

The dissertation tries to explain why most of the Bapedi people do not feel free to speak their language when they are among other communities. It explains why the speakers of the so-called ‘inferior’ dialects of the Limpopo Province have an inferiority complex while the speakers of the ‘superior’ dialects are confident when speaking their dialects. The standardisation of the Northern Sotho Language Board and the missionary activities within the Bapedi communities led to the creation of 'superior' and ‘inferior’ dialects. A detailed discussion is presented of the social rural and urban varieties, which found in Bapedi culture. Some of these varieties are kept secret and therefore are unknown to the public; and others, which are not secretive in nature. The use of language and the impact of language contact between languages is discussed.<br>African Languages<br>M.A. (African Languages)

This study takes place within a school situated on the north eastern side of Soshanguve, a township to the north of the capital city, Pretoria, also called Tshwane. The school draws most of its learners from an area that started as an informal settlement. Certain parts of this settlement are now well structured and it is gradually becoming a formal settlement. The children who form part of this study are those whose parents have migrated from neighbouring provinces such as Limpopo, North West and Mpumalanga, as well as from neighbouring countries such as Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Owing to this migration, the community around this school is multilingual. Multilingualism has led to phonic, grammatical, semantic and stylistic language interference. This interference has caused language change, which in turn has led to variations that affect the standard form of Sesotho sa Lebowa, the first language of the school. The school selected for this study has achieved very average matriculation results since its establishment in 1994. Although the school generally achieves a 100% pass rate in the subject Sesotho sa Lebowa, marks are generally low despite the fact that the learners are supposedly first language speakers of Sesotho sa Lebowa. The aim of this study is to investigate the reasons for the poor quality of these results. Matriculation results over the past four years attest to the fact that something needs to be done in order to reverse the negative trend of these results.<br>Linguistics<br>M.A. (Sociolinguistics)