Journal articles on the topic 'Convention on Psychotropic Substances (1971)'

New/novel psychoactive substances (NPS) are defined as new narcotic/psychotropic drugs which are not controlled by the United Nations’ 1961 Narcotic Drugs/1971 Psychotropic Substances conventions, but which may pose a public health threat [...]

The author studies the definitions of manufacture and processing of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances enshrined in national laws of the Russian Federation and international treaties. Based on the analysis of scientific publications and the law enforcement practice, the author concludes that it is expedient to use the definition of “manufacture” of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances enshrined in the Single Convention On Narcotic Drugs, 1961.

SommaireLa Convention des Nations unies contre le trafic illicite de stupéfiants et de substances psychotropes a été adoptée le 19 décembre 1988. L’adoption de cette Convention marquait l’aboutissement de plus de deux années de négociation. Les conventions internationales sur les drogues qui sont présentement en vigueur, notamment la Convention unique sur les stupéfiants de 1961 telle que modifiée par le Protocole de 1972 et la Convention de 1971 sur les substances psychotropes, sont reconnues comme étant insuffisantes pour contrôler un trafic illicite de drogue devenu de plus en plus complexe et sophistiqué. La nouvelle Convention contre le trafic illicite comporte plusieurs éléments essentiels à l’exercice d’un contrôle efficace sur le trafic illicite de la drogue à l’échelon international. La Convention comprend trois parties, la première, soit les articles 1 à 19, traite des questions de fond. La deuxième partie, soit les articles 20 à 25, traite de la mise en œuvre de la Convention. La dernière partie, soit les articles 26 à 34, comporte les dispositions finales de la Convention et traite notamment de l’adhésion, de la ratification, de l’entrée en vigueur et du règlement des différends. Les articles les plus importants de cette Convention traitent de l’établissement des infractions en matière de drogue et des sanctions, des questions de compétence, du gel et de la confiscation des produits, de l’extradition, de l’entraide judiciaire et des livraisons surveillées. La Convention contient les éléments nécessaires pour constituer un instrument efficace dans la lutte contre le trafic international de la drogue. L’avenir seul nous dira combien de pays y accéderont et dans quelle mesure divers pays sont disposés à voir ces dispositions s’appliquer chez eux.

Commonly, this legal instrument, which serves as the foundation for the current global drug enforcement structure centred by the UN System, is misunderstood as merely a convention to integrate all previous international security agreements. This is a fallacious position that provides no historical background for contemporary discussions concerning the modification of a similar international agreement system. From a historic and international relations approach, this essay recreates the development of the Convention. A criticism of fundamental pre-1961 agreements is preceded by a comprehensive evaluation of the government records of a United Nations gathering for adopted families of the a Single Symposium on Narcotic Drugs as well as an examination of a status of the treaty as a "solitary" conference in light of successive treaties. The Single Conference on Controlled Substances constitutes a substantial departure from of the locus of control of earlier international conventions; a shift to a more prohibitive perspective that, in terms of international interactions, could be regarded as a transitional government as opposed to the a mere formalisation of earlier instruments. In this way, the essay stresses the eradication of drug use, which has been deeply ingrained in the cultural, economic, and religious traditions of numerous non-Western societies for millennia. In addition, despite being frequently disregarded, this Agreement has failed to perform its stated function as the "only" international instrument for drug control. As a result of the additional treaties signed in later years and the shifting socioeconomic and political settings, the control system contains substantial inconsistencies. Even if a shift of prescriptive focus has happened, this paper suggests that a single panel discussion of Controlled Drugs should be revived in order to correct past mistakes and contradictions within the government, especially with relation to scheduling and conventional narcotic use. Keywords : — Narcotic Drugs, Psychotropic Substances policy, traditional drug.

Introduction: The United Nation Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) defines "new psychoactive substances" (NPS) as substances for abuse that are not under the control of the 1961 Convention on Narcotic Drugs or the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances, but may constitute the definition of a group of different substances, which have been developing very rapidly since 2000 and are difficult to identify due to frequent changes in pharmacological and toxicological properties.The health risk assessment of consumers has been insufficiently researched.The use of NPS is reaching epidemic proportions worldwide and poses an increasing danger to the individual and public health. There are several basic groups of NPS, according to their chemical composition and pharmacological properties. All NPS cannot be safely differentiated according to these groups, and their effects, potency and risk profile are not similar to the substances from which they are derived. The highest percentage of abused NPS is from the group of synthetic cathinones and synthetic cannabinoids. Clinicaly, NPS abuse is categorized as acute intoxications, which is more common, because NPS is most often used on certain occasions (outings, musical events) or as an addiction. Acute intoxications with different types of NPS are severe, with numerous mental and physical symptoms, often life-threatening and with fatal outcomes. Adequate diagnosis is uncertain, diagnostic laboratory tests for drugs are generally not applicable to NPS. Symptomatic internal medicine and psychiatric therapy are used in the treatment because there are no specific antidotes, except for the group of synthetic opioids, (naltrexone). Patients with more serious complications are taken care of in intensive care units. Addiction to certain types of NPS is diagnosed and treated according to the principles of treatment of addiction to already known drugs. Methods: The paper presents an overview of available foreign and domestic literature and experiences of various authors on the topic of NPS from the previous 10 years, as well as the latest reports of regulatory bodies in the USA and Europe, in charge of monitoring epidemiological data on NPS. Topic: The main goal of the paper is to draw the attention of the professional public to the problem of the epidemic wave of new psychoactive substances in the world, as well as significant amounts of knowledge and experience and developing new strategies for registration, monitoring, diagnosis and treatment of abuses and dependence on these substances. Conclusion: These facts impose the need to raise the vigilance of the health and legal system according to the presence of NPS on the market and the prevalence of use in the population, their health risks, as well as connecting with European organizations for monitoring NPS and developing new strategies for their control and prevention.

Zum Beitrag: Der Hype um Cannabidiol und Hanf – auf der Suche nach klaren Regeln und realistischen RichtwertenDer Beitrag von Niermann et al. 1 zu realistischen Grenzwerten widerspricht im Grunde nicht dem, was wir in unserem Artikel „Ist Cannabidiol ein Lebensmittel oder ein Arzneimittel?“ gesagt haben 2. Die Ausführungen zur Toxizität von CBD und den Grenzwertberechnungen sind nachvollziehbar. Interessant ist das Urteil des BGH vom 24.3.2021, das uns zum Zeitpunkt der Manuskripterstellung nicht vorlag. Wenn dieses Urteil richtig wiedergegeben wurde, dann steht es im direkten Widerspruch zur Formulierung des BtMG, das dann aus unserer Sicht geändert werden müsste. Hier geht es um die aus dem Gesetz ableitbare Aussage, dass auch Nutzhanf nicht an Endverbraucher abgegeben werden darf. Trotz BGH-Urteil verspricht dies also noch weitere Diskussionen. Zu bedenken ist vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen Liberalisierungsdebatte auch, dass das deutsche BtMG vor dem Hintergrund der „United Nation Convention on Psychotropic Substances“ von 1971 zu sehen ist, Deutschland also die internationale Vereinbarung nicht einseitig abändern kann.

AbstractThe objective of this study is to analyze the legal form of the drug scheduling decisions made by the United Nations' Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) to place a given narcotic drug or psychotropic substance under international control in accordance with the drug control treaties. In particular, this study will focus upon the historical evolution of the legal form of the decisions of the CND from the inception of the 1961 Single Convention until the latest decision on this matter in 2007. This study will also seek to show how and to explain why the form of the decisions 'evolved' from a very informal and vague way to a strict and concrete legal form. By doing so, this study will interpret these decisions, systematizing them within the general framework of UN law. This exercise will lead, ultimately, to the determination of the meaning of the decisions.

Objective: This study aimed to evaluate annual consumption during 2004-2013 of diazepam, an essential medicine which is controlled under the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances in Indonesia and to investigate factors influencing its use in health facilities.Methods: This was a case study with quantitative and qualitative approaches. Annual consumption was calculated from the quantity of exports and imports. The use of diazepam was calculated from consumption deducted by 20% buffer stock. The consumption and use of diazepam were presented in kilogram and also in defined daily doses for statistical purposes (S-DDD). In-depth interviews were conducted to investigate factors that influence the use of diazepam. Triangulation was conducted to confirm the qualitative and quantitative findings.Results: The annual average consumption in 2004-2006 was 530 kg. Furthermore, it decreased 38% during 2011-2013 to 329 kg. Calculated use of diazepam also decreased. The average consumption for the 10-year period of diazepam was 470 kg, and the calculated use was 376 kg (0.45 S-DDD). Considering the approximate need of diazepam to treat various health problems, its use should ideally be around 1-2 S-DDD. Therefore, the calculated use of diazepam was considered too low as confirmed by frequent stockouts. The interviews revealed that among the factors influencing its use was its limited production. There was an increased use of alprazolam, but it was unlikely to compensate for the diazepam stockouts.Conclusion: Consumption and use of diazepam for medical purposes in Indonesian decreased over 10 years, and stockouts are often reported. The government should improve its availability and correct impediments for adequate production and supply of diazepam.

In 1991 the United Kingdom became a Party to the 1988 United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, one of the purposes of which is “to improve international co-operation in the suppression of illicit traffic by sea”.1 Article 17 of that Convention has, as its central purpose, the establishment of international standards, procedures and practices designed to facilitate the obtaining of enforcement jurisdiction whereas Article 4 addresses the closely associated issue of prescriptive jurisdiction.2 The Criminal Justice (International Co-operation) Act 1999 contains a number of provisions of relevance in this latter context. These include the taking of extraterritorial jurisdiction over certain drugs offences taking place on board the vessels of other Convention parties.3

The United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances devotes Article 17 to combating illicit traffic by sea. It establishes a mechanism for the suppression of such activities when they are carried out outside the territorial sea of States in accordance with the International Law of the Sea. Among the tools envisaged is the possibility for the Parties to establish bilateral and multilateral agreements to make the provisions of the Convention more effective. Due to its location and geographical characteristics, Spain has become the gateway for drugs into Europe. For this reason, taking the aforementioned provision as a reference, it has concluded bilateral treaties with Italy and Portugal to try to speed up the intervention of vessels flying the flags of the States Parties that are carrying out this type of activity. Similarly, Colombia, as a major exporter of illicit substances from the South American continent, has signed an agreement with the United States for the same purpose. This study analyses the different Agreements, contrasting the cooperation mechanisms established, as well as those issues that are addressed from different perspectives, such as the use of force and firearms.

The article considers the international legal norms and legislation of Ukraine in the field of responsibility for pollution of the marine environment during the transportation of dangerous goods, the main trends in the development of maritime navigation and environmental protection. The concept and essence of ecological safety of the World Ocean is defined. The author considers the main provisions of the Merchant Shipping Code of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine "On Transportation of Dangerous Goods", as well as international norms contained in the International Convention on Civil Liability for Oil Pollution (1969), the International Convention on the Establishment of an International Fund for Compensation for Oil Pollution Damage (1971), the Convention on Limitation of Liability for Maritime Claims (1976), the International Convention on Liability and Compensation for Damage in Connection with the Carriage of Dangerous and Harmful Substances by Sea (1996), the International Convention on the Prevention of Pollution from Ships (1973). The above regulations contain recommendations and regulate the liability of the shipowner for damage from oil pollution from ships, release of the shipowner from liability for damage from pollution by oil and other harmful substances from ships, intent or gross negligence of the victim in cases of oil pollution. or more vessels for damage from pollution, the issue of limiting the liability of the shipowner for damage from pollution, loss of the right to limit liability for damage from pollution by hazardous substances from ships, as well as insurance and other financial support for liability for damage from pollution from ships. The analysis of normative acts of international and domestic legislation allowed to study the conceptual provisions of the problem, as well as to conclude that it is necessary to implement international law in the national legislation of Ukraine on ways to solve the problem of marine pollution from ships.

The purpose of this research is to find out how the implementation of the use of forms of freedom on the high seas according to the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention (UNCLOS 1982) and how the exceptions to freedom on the high seas according to the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention (UNCLOS 1982). The research method used in this research is using normative legal research methods and it can be concluded that the regulation regarding the high seas is contained in Part VII Article 86 to Article 120 of the 1982 Sea Law Convention to take advantage of the high seas. State freedoms on the high seas are freedoms in accordance with article 87, namely freedom of navigation, flight, laying submarine cables and pipelines, freedom to build artificial islands and other installations, freedom to fish, and freedom to conduct scientific research. Every given freedom can be used by every country but every country is obliged to maintain and utilize the high seas for peaceful purposes for the survival of human life. In addition to providing freedom to use the high seas, the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention provides exceptions to this freedom. Where every country is free to use the high seas but is not allowed to take illegal actions or violate the law, both national law and international law, which in its application are often violated by countries in the world. There are several exceptions to the freedom of the high seas such as the prohibition of slavery, piracy, trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, instant pursuit, illicit broadcasting, and pollution of the marine environment. So every country, both coastal and non-coastal countries, is required to cooperate in eradicating all forms of abuse of freedom on the high seas.

Beginning with the 1988 UN Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (Vienna Convention), states agreed to establish anti-money laundering (AML) measures in their domestic law for drug-related offenses. The criminalization of money laundering was considered a necessary weapon in the fight against money laundering and its predicate offences. In addition, efforts by the FATF and other international instruments for encouraging countries to criminalize money laundering continued to spread across the world. This article focuses on the process of criminalization and the extent to which the anti-money laundering regime concern to the repressive measures in fighting money laundering criminality. Key words: money laundering, predicate offences, harmonization, money laundering offences, corruption Türkan Nadir qızı Babazadə Avropa İttifaqında çirkli pulların yuyulmasına dair cinayət qanunu müddəalarının uyğunlaşdırılması Xülasə BMT-nin 1988-ci il tarixli “Narkotik vasitələrin və psixotrop maddələrin qanunsuz dövriyyəsinə qarşı mübarizə haqqında” Konvensiyasında (Vyana Konvensiyası) başlayaraq, dövlətlər narkotiklərlə bağlı cinayətlər üçün öz daxili qanunlarında çirkli pulların yuyulmasına qarşı (AML) tədbirləri müəyyən etməyə razılaşdılar. Çirkli pulların yuyulmasının kriminallaşdırılması çirkli pulların yuyulmasına və onun əsas hüquqpozmalarına qarşı mübarizədə zəruri silah hesab edilirdi. Bundan əlavə, FATF və digər beynəlxalq sənədlərin ölkələri çirkli pulların yuyulmasını cinayət hesab etməyə təşviq etmək səyləri bütün dünyaya yayılmağa davam etdi. Bu məqalədə diqqət kriminallaşma prosesinə və çirkli pulların yuyulmasına qarşı mübarizə rejiminin çirkli pulların yuyulmasına qarşı cinayətkarlıqla mübarizədə repressiv tədbirlərə nə dərəcədə diqqət yetirdiyinə yönəlmişdir. Açar sözlər: çirkli pulların yuyulması, predikativ cinayətlər, uyğunlaşdırılma, pulların yuyulması əməlləri, korrupsiya

AbstractThis article provides an analysis of the normative framework for Spanish cannabis clubs by contextualizing it within the growing body of comparative constitutional law that recognizes legal obstructions to personal drug consumption as intrusions of the right to privacy. Article 3(2) of the United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, 1988 relieves State parties from the Article's obligation to criminalize drug possession and cultivation for ‘personal consumption’ when doing so would conflict with their constitution or basic concepts of their legal system. Spain relied on Article 3(2) in its decision not to criminalize conduct involving personal consumption. The Spanish judiciary has had to consider the legal implications of collective consumption and cultivation in the form of cannabis clubs. In addition to operating in a grey area of domestic law, Spain's cannabis clubs straddle the blurred boundary in international and European legal instruments between ‘personal consumption’ and ‘drug trafficking’. This article explores the theoretical and doctrinal implications of both Spanish law on cannabis clubs and comparative human rights law on drug use to outline the potential contours of a constitutionally protected zone of privacy pertaining to cannabis use in a social context.

Human rights and the UN drug control regime have long had an uneasy relationship, which is evident today in the tensions that exist between criminal justice reform advocates, the institutions of the UN drug control regime, and economic interests that stand to benefit from decriminalization and legalization efforts. The UN drug control regime's relationship with human rights cannot be properly discussed without acknowledging its colonial and racist roots. From the earliest agreement on drug control in 1909, born out of the crisis of opium dependency caused by the forced opening of China to trade in opium by the British, to the 1988 United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, which was a product of America's war on drugs, international efforts to regulate drugs have never been for the benefit of those who have suffered the most from both the supply of drugs and its criminalization. The war on drugs has been a global war from the beginning, arising out of colonial structures that centered white/European racial dominance. The inadequacies of the international drug regime and current efforts to reform it are rooted in this historical legacy. In light of this, we argue that efforts by international bodies to center human rights in the discussion on reforming the UN drug control regime are, so far, insufficient. Only through recognizing the power imbalances at play can we advance the possibility of a system that values individuals and responds to a changing landscape where corporate interests are coming to the table in the context of decriminalization and legalization.

The medical cannabis has been used for many of years for medicinal purpose, in different pharmaceuticalformulation, mostly as a magistral preparation for the relief of pain in cancer patients or chronical painful diseases.Over than 540 substances were found from which more than 100 that have been found to be cannabinoids due totheir similar chemical structure. The component with the most psychotropic action is Δ9 -tetrahydrocannabinol (Δ9 -THC), and the major non-psychoactive ingredient is cannabidiol (CBD). Δ9 -tetrahydrocannabinol firstly wasisolated in 1969 by Robert Mechoulm and Yechiel Gaoni. In 2003 World Health Organization put Δ9 -tetrahydrocannabinol in Schedule IV of the convention. Several therapeutic indications relate to the Δ9 -THC andCBD as analgesia, inflammatory and neurodegenerative diseases, and many other cases. In some studies, there arereported safety concerns about the registered side effects of Δ9 - THC as a psychoactive. For that reason, the legalusage of cannabis for medicinal purposes and for recreational use is regulated differently. The most relevantexplanation is related to the not enough sufficient results and data obtained from the pharmacokinetic studies andresearch in pharmacological behavior. Extracts of cannabis was used from many years ago. Nowadays inpharmaceutical industry as the development of technology there are many dosage forms in where extracts,cannabinoids, flower are used. Medicinal cannabis products can come in many different forms, including capsules,drops, chewable, creams, crystals, flower, lozenges, oil (most common), oro-mucosal sprays, tinctures and manymore. Also, there are synthetic analogs to nature cannabinoids in pharmaceutical market. In this study will bediscussed about production of semisolid pharmaceutical forms obtained from medical cannabis. They are producedin pharmaceutical grade equipment, high-pressure homogenizer mixer. In this study it will be discussed about theprocess of equipment qualification. Firstly, by the user requirement specification, design qualification protocol wasapproved. Then factory acceptance test was performed in production site of equipment and site acceptance test wasperformed in costumer’s site. Then installation qualification protocol was look through and then operationalqualification protocol also. All the qualification protocols were approved by both sides. In different qualificationprotocols, different tests were performed, and they are explained separately. During the qualification process, thereare considered some of the parameters which later during the production process can affect in the quality of finishedproducts. These parameters are called critical process parameters and accent will be put on this process parametersthat are with a critical effect on quality of the final products. This critical process parameters were considered andconcluded from qualification protocols where all the parameters that can affect quality of the product wereseparately examine.

The supposed ice melting process leads to a fundamental change in the geopolitical status of the Arctic region: it is becoming more open to different kinds of maritime activities implementation, including navigation, commercial fishing, mineral and energy resources extraction. Not only the Arctic Five (A5) countries, whose coasts are directly washed by the Arctic Ocean, are interested in their realization, but non-regional states also. The 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) gives them such opportunities. According to UNCLOS, the central part of the Arctic Ocean beyond the 200-mile exclusive economic zones (EEZ) of the Arctic countries can be considered as a high seas enclave, with all freedoms of the high seas: of navigation; of overflight; of fishing; of scientific research; freedom to lay submarine cables and pipelines; to construct artificial islands and other installations. The high seas are open to all states, whether coastal or land-locked, which have equal rights here. In addition, it should be noted that other countries have a right to carry out certain practical activities associated with three (out of six) freedoms named above: of navigation (with some restrictions under Article 234 of UNCLOS); of overflight; freedom to lay submarine cables and pipelines – within the Arctic states EEZ. The appearance of new Arctic players interested in its spaces and resources is connected with significant increase in risks and threats, primarily non-military. This is largely due to fundamental differences between the Arctic Ocean and other sea areas, such as the Indian or Atlantic Ocean. Among these differences: only five Arctic states are washed by the Arctic Ocean’s waters; shallow depth; small total area; a significant length of the shelf zone; special climate conditions, including ice cap; finally – ecological vulnerability. In this regard, the process of the Arctic region’s opening for different kinds of maritime activities implementation poses a problem of the environmental security, protection and preservation of the marine environment and its biological diversity. Despite the fact that security issues in their traditional interpretation are not under the jurisdiction of the Arctic Council, its primary environmental focus indicates that these issues are directly correlated with the main area of its activities. Anyway, the modern interpretation of the "security" concept includes not only a "military", but also an “environmental” component. For the Arctic states, whose geographical position makes them the first victims of any environmental disaster in the region, the provision of environmental security should be the main priority in their mutual policies. The most effective model for the non-military security threats response in the Arctic is cooperation and coordination between all Arctic states at the regional level. One of the problems in the way is that the Arctic Ocean could not be compared with the Baltic and Mediterranean Seas, to which the Article 123 of the UNCLOS "Cooperation of States Bordering Enclosed or Semi-Enclosed Seas" provides the states' right to “coordinate the management, conservation, exploration and exploitation of the living resources of the sea”, and to “coordinate the implementation of their rights and duties with respect to the protection and preservation of the marine environment”. However, the recent transformation of the international maritime law gives Arctic countries some opportunities in this area. First, the regime of the high seas is becoming less conducive for implementation of specific types of maritime activities. In the future, we can expect that the extent of regulation in this area of the World ocean will be significantly increased. The implementation of the high seas freedoms is largely conditioned by the realization of the tasks to protect and preserve the marine environment and its biodiversity. Second, there is a continuing practice of expanding the authority of coastal states in their jurisdiction zones, especially in the EEZ. Despite the fact that the coastal state is not granted any competence in the field of the EEZ security, the practice of a broad interpretation of the “security” concept includes food, resource and environment security. The enforcement of such security regimes is becoming an increasingly common practice, even though it imposes certain restrictions for third countries’ rights in these sea areas. Finally, the adoption of security measures in the EEZ, on one hand, and at the high sea, on the other, should be recognized interdependent and considered all together. In the near future, the number of potential security threats can be significantly expanded due to the increase in the number of maritime activities participants. In addition to the already existing non-military threats (pollution of the marine environment; illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing), new threats may appear: armed robbery of ships (piracy); acts of terrorism affecting both the shipping and offshore installations (oil and gas platforms); illegal transportation of weapons, including weapons of mass destruction (WMD); illegal transportation of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances; illegal movement of people by sea, including illegal migration. An effective response to these types of threats requires not only individual efforts of the Arctic Five countries, but also collective security measures. In this regard, in order to create a regional security model, the development of collaboration and cooperation between the Arctic countries is essential. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the Russian Humanitarian Scientifi c Foundation Project No. 14-07-00050 “Institutions and Principles of Supranational Governance Formation in World Politics: Concepts and Activities”.

Uruguay has ratified the international drug control conventions that consist of Single Convention on narcotic drugs 1961 as amended 1972 protocol, the convention on psychotropic substance 1971, and United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances 1988. Since then, the Uruguayan government has been a part of the ‘War on Drugs" campaign. In 2012, Jose Mujica proposed the policy of cannabis legalisation. The proposal was signed and passed into Uruguay law no 19172 that allow and regulate the plant, consumption and sale of cannabis on December 20th, 2013. This policy has violated international drug control conventions and received critics from the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB), the body of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Despite the critics from INCB, the government stood against the norm of the treaty. This article analyses the causative factors that trigger this behavioural change. The increasing number of drugs users caused many problems in Uruguay especially the increasing numbers of criminal acts. It created national problems and hampering the government's efforts to fight drug trafficking and ensuring the safety of society. By all mean, it became threats to their national interest. Thus, the government believed that compliance with the conventions could not help them to overcome these threats. Uruguay case has shown that state behaviour towards international law will change along its changing national interest.

A new psychoactive substance is defined as a new narcotic or psychotropic drug, in pure form or in preparation, that is not controlled by the United Nations drug conventions (1961, 1971), but which may pose a public health threat comparable to that posed by substances listed in these conventions. The author researched and analyzed: 1.History of new psychoactive substances in Latvia; 2.Legislative approaches for restricting new psychoactive substances in Latvia; 3.Advantages and disadvantages of criminal liability against new psychoactive substances in Latvia.

The global drug control system, enshrined by the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs of 1961, the Convention on Psychotropic Substances of. 1971, and the United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances of 1988. The UN body mandated to monitor the implementation of the Conventions, the International Narcotics Control Board, and the various control mechanisms prescribed by the Conventions provide a robust control system for the licit trade, production and manufacture of drugs. With the development of new psychoactive substances (NPS), in particular non-scheduled synthetic opioids such as fentanyl and its analogues, create new risks and dangers to the general public, as well as to the front-line officers most directly exposed to them in the drug supply chain. Author's of this paper wishes is to present to the general public the organization and operation of the International Narcotics Control Board and the various control mechanisms prescribed by the said conventions.Also, as mass drug use and drug offenses impair the security of each country, this problem is of global importance. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to present this problem in the right way, but also to show the unity of humanity in the fight against this problem. At the same time, this paper contains several recommendations that are current for every country in the world and for the Republic of Serbia.

: New psychoactive substances (NPS) constitute a group of psychotropic substances, designed to mimic the effects of traditional substances like cannabis, cocaine, MDMA, khat, which is not regulated by the 1961 United Nations Convention on Narcotics or the 1971 United Nations Convention on Psychotropic Substances. Illegal laboratories responsible for their production regularly develop new substances and place them on the market to replace the ones that have been banned; for this reason, during the last decade this class of substances has represented a great challenge for the public health and forensic toxicologists. The spectrum of side effects caused by the intake of these drugs of abuse is very wide since they act on different systems with various mechanisms of action. To date most studies have focused on the neurotoxic effects, very few works focus on cardiotoxicity. Specifically, both synthetic cannabinoids and synthetic cathinones appear to be involved in different cardiac events, including myocardial infarction and sudden cardiac death due to fatal arrhythmias. Synthetic cannabinoids and cathinones cardiotoxicity are mainly mediated through activation of the CB1 receptor present on cardiomyocyte and involved with reactive oxygen species production, ATP depletion and cell death. Concerns with the adrenergic over-stimulation induced by this class of substances and increasing oxidative stress are mainly reported. In this systematic review we aim to summarize the data from all the works analyzing the possible mechanisms through which synthetic cannabinoids and synthetic cathinones damage the myocardial tissue.

Saat ini, muncul fenomena baru dalam bidang narkotika. Ada jenis baru yang disebut dengan New Psychoactive Substance atau NPS. NPS merupakan narkotika yang tidak tercantum dalam Single Convention on Narcotics Drugs tahun 1961 atau Single Convention on Psychotropics Substances tahun 1971 oleh UNODC. Di Indonesia, beberapa jenis NPS dicantumkan oleh Kementrian Kesehatan dalam Permenkes no 02 tahun 2017 dan Permenkes no 03 tahun 2017 tentang penambahan daftar lampiran undang-undang narkotika dan psikotropika. Dengan beredarnya NPS di Indonesia, maka ada berbagai macam efek yang ditimbulkan, temasuk ancaman kesehatan, efek psikologis dan ancaman bahaya lainnya. Berdasarkan kajian tersebut, maka muncul sebuah penelitian mengenai penggunaan NPS di kalangan mahasiswa di Universitas Padjadjaran. Penelitian ini menggunakan beberapa konsep, yaitu mengenai NPS, permasalahan NPS di Indonesia, dan dampak dari NPS tersebut. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah melalui pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif. Penelitian bertujuan untuk mengetahui mengenai keberfungsian sosial bagi penyalahguna NPS. Adanya fenomena mengenai penyalahgunaan NPS menjadi alasan dipilihnya kualitatif sebagai suatu metode yang digunakan untuk penelitian ini.

Background: Methamphetamine (METH) is classified as a Schedule II stimulant drug under the United Nations Convention on Psychotropic Substances of 1971. METH and other amphetamine analogues (AMPHs) are powerful addictive drugs. Treatments are needed to treat the symptoms of METH addiction, chronic METH use, and acute METH overdose. No effective treatment for METH abuse has been established because alterations of brain functions under excessive intake of abused drug intake are largely irreversible due in part to brain damage that occurs in the course of chronic METH use. Objective: Modulation of brain histamine neurotransmission is involved in several neuropsychiatric disorders, including substance use disorders. This review discusses the possible mechanisms underlying the therapeutic effects of histamine H3 receptor antagonists on symptoms of methamphetamine abuse. Conclusion: : Treatment of mice with centrally acting histamine H3 receptor antagonists increases hypothalamic histamine contents and reduces high-dose METH effects, while potentiating low-dose effects, via histamine H1 receptors that bind released histamine. On the basis of experimental evidence, it is hypothesized that histamine H3 receptors may be an effective target for the treatment METH use disorder or other adverse effects of chronic METH use.

Abstract The phencyclidine derivative 3-methoxyphencyclidine (3-MeO-PCP) is a potent dissociative hallucinogen. Sought for recreational use as a novel psychoactive substance, it can also induce acute psychological agitation and pathophysiological cardiorespiratory effects. Due to the harms associated with its use, 3-MeO-PCP was added to the “Green List” of materials covered by the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances as a Schedule II substance by the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs in April 2021. There have been 15 previous reports of fatal intoxications following 3-MeO-PCP use, but only one was attributable to 3-MeO-PCP intoxication alone. In this report, we detail the first fatality due to 3-MeO-PCP intoxication to be reported in the UK, along with a review of the surrounding literature. While the blood concentrations associated with 3-MeO-PCP toxicity and fatality remain unclear, by providing details of sample collection and storage conditions, this case will aid in future interpretations. Furthermore, this case suggests that 3-MeO-PCP toxicity may be exacerbated by exercise. Users of 3-MeO-PCP should be cautioned against its use as a “club drug” or in a similar setting where elevations in heart rate, body temperature and blood pressure may occur.

By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 490(b)(1)(A) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, (“the Act”), I hereby determine and certify that the following major drug producing and or major drug transit countries/dependent territories have cooperated fully with the United States, or taken adequate steps on their own, to achieve full compliance with the goals and objectives of the 1988 United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substances: Aruba, The Bahamas, Bolivia, Brazil, Cambodia, China, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Hong Kong, India, Jamaica, Laos, Malaysia, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Taiwan, Thailand, Venezuela, and Vietnam.

Tras más de seis décadas del inicio de la mal denominada «war on drugs», las Convenciones Antidrogas (CA) perseveran en la línea trazada pese a su constatada ineficacia y conflictos entre los diferentes Estados signatarios. De la lectura de la Convención Única de 1961 (CU) y de las consecuentes legislaciones internas, comprobaremos que taxativamente se han sobrepasado los límites de la propia Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos (DUDH), mediante la criminalización y consecuente discriminación per se, hacia los pequeños productores y consumidores tradicionales o voluntarios, resultando así estos, de iure, víctimas directas de «delitos de odio». Consecuencia directa de esta discriminación internacional, son las conocidas desorbitadas cifras económicas que rodean el mundo del narcotráfico, refugiadas bajo el conocido secreto bancario que año tras año, colaboran al sostenimiento y fortalecimiento del crimen organizado. Sin obviar el denotado animus negocialis de la industria farmacéutica, monopolizada de lex lata, mediante la restricción internacional a la producción y consumo voluntarios o tradicionales, trataremos de exponer, como la comunidad internacional fijó unos objetivos de imposible cumplimiento, sin respetar su propio ius naturale, dando lugar a disparidad de interpretaciones y contundentes legislaciones, como las de la región Indochina, en las que las medidas de prevención y rehabilitación se confunden con la prisión permanente. After more than six decades since the beginning of the wrongly denominated «war on drugs» against the widespread consumption of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, United Nations Drug Conventions persevere –and this despite their proven ineffectiveness of persecution against a diffused enemy and severe conflicts of interests among the signatory states. A reading of the 1961 Convention (SC ) and the consequent legislation shows that limits of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) itself have been clearly exceeded. Proof of this is the criminalization, and consequent discrimination per se, of small producers and traditional or voluntary consumers of some of the substances prohibited in the Drug Conventions– being as a result de iure direct victims of «hate crimes». A direct result of this international discrimination are the exorbitant sums surrounding the world of drug trafficking, sheltered under the well-known bank secrecy in tax havens, which year after year collaborate in the maintenance and reinforcement of organized crime. All this without forgetting the so-called animus negocialis of the pharmaceutical industry, monopolized by international restriction of production and of voluntary or traditional consumption. With this study, we try to expose how the international communities have fixed some excessive goals, without taking into account the resulting collateral damage and without guaranteeing the respect of their own jus naturale, which can lead to numerous possible interpretations in the different legislations –like in Indochina, where prevention and rehabilitation centers are often understood as livelong imprisonment.

Since the isolation of morphine by Sertümer in 1805 more than 40 alkaloids have been isolated from the poppy (Papaver somniferum L.). Some of them have high biological-pharmacological activity and economical importance, while others have none, or restricted ones. The increasing demand for poppy alkaloids is the consequence of the widening of the medical application of morphine and its related compounds: the quantity of morphine used for the treatment of pain reached a record level of 17.9 tonnes in 1997, compared with an annual average of 2.2 tonnes used during the period 1978-1983. However, the production of raw material (either opium, or dried capsule is produced) has to be re-evaluated taking into consideration the UN Convention signed in 1988 against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances. The countries were forced by the Convention to introduce new arrangements in poppy production including selection and introduction of new cultivars. In the present work up to date results of poppy selection are reviewed explaining the biosynthetic and eco-physiological background of their alkaloid accumulation. The effectiveness and the possibilities of traditional selection methods as well as the probability of the application of biotransformation for producing cultivars accumulating low or high alkaloid content or plant material with special alkaloid spectrum (codeine, thebaine, narcotine) are discussed. The examples of Hungarian cultivars 'Monaco', 'Kék Gemona' and 'Tebona' are given in more detail.

Abstract Financial crimes are debilitating problems for economies, especially emerging ones. The scourge of financial crimes includes money laundering, fraud, drug and human trafficking, terrorism financing, bribery, embezzlement, market manipulation, tax evasion, identity theft, forgery and cybercrime. These problems are so intractable and potentially destructive that the collective effort to prevent or contain them has gone global. The imperative of enhanced transparency and financial system integrity, not only in national financial systems but also in the international financial order, has become inevitable. This has resulted in the landmark frameworks of the United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances and the G7’s Financial Action Task Force. This paper discusses the legal combat of financial crimes in two major African economies: Nigeria and South Africa, with particular emphasis on money laundering and terrorism financing due to their direct negative macro-economic implications for any economy. The focus on the twin problems in those two economies is based on their pre-eminent position in Africa. The paper examines the legal frameworks for the prevention or containment of the scourge in the two countries and interrogates measures that could engender their effective control.

The article considers the main stages of the evolution of the system of anti-money laundering of illegally obtained funds. The object of article analysis is activity of international general legal and profile institutions for the system of anti-money laundering. Based on object of the article it was determined modernized look of the system at the international and national levels. During the research, it was considered the significance of the main documents adopted at the international level for the improvement of the system of anti-money laundering of illegally obtained funds. Among them it was determined the most important: the European Convention on Extradition, Principles for the Prevention of Criminal Use of the Banking System for Money Laundering, the UN Convention against Illicit Traffic in Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, the Council of Europe Convention on Laundering, reports, Seizure and Confiscation of the Proceeds from Crime through the reports, typologies and recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on the prevention of the use of the financial system for the purpose of money laundering and terrorist financing. Based on research it was identified the main evolutionary stages of the system of anti-money laundering. These stages are: general awareness of the importance of international cooperation in combating financial crimes and highlighting the significant destructive impact of criminal legalization on the financial systems of countries. Awareness of the importance of counterterrorism, especially in terms of overlapping the channels of terrorist financing, which is carried out through the channels of money laundering and the transition to a risk-oriented approach to money laundering and transforming the counter-legalization system based on risk assessment we also considered as main stages of the system of anti-money laundering. It was analyzed the main international normative legal acts which are taken place in government legislative base. Based on performed analysis, it was detected the influence of international regulation on the development of the system of legalization of criminal proceeds in Ukraine.

ABSTRACT Alpha-pyrrolidinoisohexanophenone (α-PHiP/α-PiHP) is a synthetic drug structurally related to cathine, a natural psychoactive alkaloid, isolated from Khat plant. The α-PiHP is a structural isomer of α-PHP and both α-PHP and α-PiHP could be considered as an analogue of α-PVP, a Schedule I drug under the Convention on Psychotropic Substances by the United Nations. This α-pyrrolidinophenone was first reported to EMCDDA by Slovenia in December 2016. In Hungary it was initially reported in August 2016 and until 2021 it had been detected in seizures only twice and never been identified in biological samples. However, in 2021 its consumption became prevalent in Hungary. This study aims to investigate the α-PiHP metabolites by performing in vitro and in vivo metabolite identification studies of human liver microsome (pHLM), S9 fraction (pS9) and urine samples (from control and users), using liquid-chromatography in conjunction with high-resolution mass spectrometry. Ten in vivo urinary metabolites of α-PiHP were tentatively identified and confirmed by in vitro metabolites detected in pHLM and pS9 samples. Among the eight Phase I and the two Phase II metabolites, five were more abundant in urine than the parent compound. The two major metabolites via reduction of the keto moiety (M01) and via oxidation of the pyrrolidine ring combined with aliphatic hydroxylation and keto reduction (M06) were identified. The metabolites via the combination of keto reduction and aliphatic hydroxylation (M04), via ring-opening followed by carboxylation (M09) and via glucuronidation of the keto reduced metabolite (M07) were also dominant. The minor metabolites were one Phase II metabolite (M08), two metabolites via aliphatic hydroxylation (M02, M03), one metabolite via the combination of keto reduction and oxidation of the pyrrolidine ring (M05) and one metabolite via oxidation of the pyrrolidine ring (M10).

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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