Relevant bibliographies by topics / Convention People's Party (Ghana)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Convention People's Party (Ghana)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Convention People's Party (Ghana)"

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AHLMAN, JEFFREY S. "A NEW TYPE OF CITIZEN: YOUTH, GENDER, AND GENERATION IN THE GHANAIAN BUILDERS BRIGADE." Journal of African History 53, no. 1 (March 2012): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000047.

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ABSTRACTThis article analyzes one key feature of the Convention People's Party's youth policy in postcolonial Ghana: the Ghana Builders Brigade. Founded as a response to rapid urbanization and growing unemployment, the Builders Brigade aimed to create a new productive and modern citizenry by returning the country's young men and women to the land through a network of mechanized work camps and state farms. Remembered as both a locus for party intimidation and indiscipline as well as a source for political and social opportunity, the Brigade emerged as a key site for a generationally-defined and gendered debate over the roles and responsibilities of the country's youth in the first decade of self-rule. Through an interrogation of this debate, this article argues that the Brigade provided a space for its members to explore a socially recognized yet politically conceived notion of adulthood under Kwame Nkrumah's rule.
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Madsen, Diana Højlund. "Gender, Power and Institutional Change – The Role of Formal and Informal Institutions in Promoting Women’s Political Representation in Ghana." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 1 (July 16, 2018): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618787851.

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The article explores the role of formal and informal institutions in influencing the representation of women in the two major political parties in Ghana – NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party) – as well as the small party CPP (Convention People’s Party). Paradoxically, with its first president, Kwame Nkrumah (CPP), Ghana was one of the first countries in Africa to introduce a quota in 1959, reserving ten seats for women in Parliament. With a representation of 11% women after the election in 2012 and 13% after the election in 2016, however, Ghana has not been part of the positive development on the continent. Drawing on the body of literature on feminist institutionalism, the article explores the dynamics of power and change relating to the low representation of women in politics in Ghana. It further investigates responses to initiatives to promote more female candidates in Parliament – the reduction of filing fees and the introduction of women’s seats. The article argues that the formal institutions in the form of party structures work both as an obstacle and an opportunity to promote more women in politics, and that the informal structures in the form of the gender culture in Parliament and verbal abuse work against more women in politics.
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Akyeampong, Emmanuel. "What's in a Drink? Class Struggle, Popular Culture and the Politics of Akpeteshie (Local Gin) in Ghana, 1930–67." Journal of African History 37, no. 2 (July 1996): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035209.

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This article examines the history of akpeteshie (local gin) in Ghana from its illicit origins and widespread distillation in the 1930s to about 1967, when the Convention People's Party – seen as the ‘champion’ of the akpeteshie industry – was overthrown. Akpeteshie distillation proliferated when temperance interests succeeded in pressuring the colonial government into raising tariffs on imported liquor in 1930, just before the onset of a world-wide depression. Urban and rural workers, unable to afford expensive imported gin, became the patrons of akpeteshie. For urban workers, akpeteshie came to underpin an emerging popular culture.Akpeteshie distillation threatened the colonial government's prior dependence on revenue from imported liquor, raised the specter of crime and disorder, compromised colonial concerns about urban space, exposed the weakness of colonial rule and eventually led the British government into the embarrassing diplomatic position of seeking an alteration of the Saint Germain Convention of 1919 that had banned commercial distillation of spirits in the African colonies.By the 1940s, akpeteshie had emerged as an important symbol of African grievances under colonial rule. It became entwined in nationalist politics from the 1940s, and its legalization was one of the first legislative acts passed by the independent Ghanaian government. But the overwhelming African support for akpeteshie as an indigenous drink aside, the drink conjured images of class and popular protest that divided Ghanaian society and would unnerve independent African governments. As a cheap drink, akpeteshie became associated with the working-class experience, reflecting the social inequities within Ghanaian society and the undelivered promises of the independence struggle.
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Asiedu-Acquah, Emmanuel. "“We Shall Be Outspoken”: Student Political Activism in Post-Independence Ghana, c.1957–1966." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618806542.

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This paper looks at student political activism in Ghana in the late 1950s and 1960s. Using Ghanaian and British archives, it examines how students of Ghana’s universities politically engaged with the government of Kwame Nkrumah and his ruling Convention People’s Party (CPP). Student activism manifested most in the conflict between the Nkrumah government, on one hand, and university authorities and students, on the other hand, over the purpose of higher education, university autonomy, and nationalism. The conflict coalesced around the idea of educated youth as model citizens. Contrary to the denial in existing literature, the paper argues that a nascent student movement and tradition of student political activism had emerged since the late 1950s. University student activism established itself as a fulcrum of the country’s evolving postcolonial political order and a bulwark against governmental authoritarianism. In the larger context of the global 1960s, Ghanaian student activism belonged to the wave of youth protests against governments that favored stability and opposed all dissent.
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Afful, Joseph Benjamin Archibald, and Rexford Boateng Gyasi. "Schematic Structure of Manifesto Launch Speeches of Three Political Parties." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 12 (January 10, 2021): 672–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.712.8783.

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A key pre-election spoken genre in several modern democracies is unarguably the manifesto launch speech. Yet, it has surprisingly received either very little or no scholarly attention. Consequently, from a rhetorical perspective, this study examined the schematic structure of three keynote speeches delivered by presidential aspirants of three leading political parties in Ghana – New Patriotic Party (NPP), National Democratic Congress (NDC), and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) – to launch their political parties’ manifestos in 2016. The three speeches delivered by the presidential candidates of the three parties constituted the data set for the study. Applying the popular Swalesean rhetorical move analysis, originally meant for the academic setting, the study identified the use of a nine-move pattern as the schematic structure for the genre across the three speeches, with four ambiguous moves. These findings of the study have implication for the standardizing of the schematic structure of manifesto launch speeches worldwide and, thus, contributes to the scholarship on the political manifesto genre, political communication as well as further research on manifesto launch speeches in other democracies around the world.
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BOAKYE, Peter, and Kwame Osei KWARTENG. "Education for Nation Building: The Vision of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah for University Education in the Early Stages of Self-Government and Independence in Ghana." Abibisem: Journal of African Culture and Civilization 7 (December 5, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ajacc.v7i0.38.

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The Gold Coast was renamed Ghana by the political leadership on the attainment of Independence. But before 1957, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah had become Prime Minister of the Gold Coast in 1952, and by this arrangement ruled alongside the British Colonial Governor. Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah set out to rebuild the new nation, and by doing so, Education, especially University Education, became a significant tool for the realization of such an objective. He, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) Government saw education as “the keystone of people’s life and happiness.’’1 Thus, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah wanted the University Colleges in the Gold Coast to train intellectuals capable of combining both theory and practice as well as use their energies to assist in the task of national reconstruction.2 This explains why Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah clearly spelt out the visions of University Education in Ghana. This paper, which is multi-sourced, uses archival documents, newspapers, interviews and scholarly secondary works such as articles, book chapters and books to examine the visions of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah for University Education in the early stages of self-government and independence in Ghana. The paper particularly focuses on measures adopted by the first Prime Minister of Ghana such as establishment of an International Commission on University Education (ICUE), making the existing University Colleges independent, the rationale for setting up the University College of Cape Coast (UCCC), the Africanization of the University staff, establishment of the Institute of African Studies and the formation of the National Council for Higher Education to transform the University Colleges to reflect the needs and aspirations of Ghanaians. _________________________________________ 1 H. O. A. McWilliam, & M. A. Kwamena-Poh, The Development of Education in Ghana. (London: Longman Group Ltd., 1975), 83. 2 Samuel Obeng, Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah, Vol. 1 (Accra: Aframs Publication Ltd., 1997), 74.
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Rosbrook-Thompson, James, and Gary Armstrong. "FIELDS AND VISIONS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, no. 2 (2010): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x10000299.

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AbstractThe concept of the “African Personality” was celebrated by the continent's first post-colonial President, Kwame Nkrumah. Sweeping to power in Ghana's first general election in 1951, Nkrumah and his Convention People's Party—inspired by Marcus Garvey and W. E. B. Du Bois—espoused the doctrines of nationhood and self-reliance. The conceptual dimensions of Nkrumah's “African Personality” and the role he had in mind for Association Football (soccer) as an instrument of its expression are crucial points of this analysis. Here we attempt to locate Nkrumah's political ideal within the contemporary realities of the migration of young Ghanaian soccer talent, examining at the same time the socio-economic processes which act as “push” and “pull” mechanisms in the context of such migratory trends. While Nkrumah's “race-conscious,” pan-African forces have been utilized in the face of post-colonial identifications, soccer loyalties and objectives which are far more immediate and parochial in character continue to supersede those surrounding national or “racial” interests. Ghana's domestic game and national selection are riven by ethnic and regional hostilities while interlopers from Europe—some acting alone, others as emissaries for European soccer clubs—have laid down roots in Ghana, recognizing the nation as a breeding ground for talented, and comparatively cheap, young soccer talent. We argue that such inveterate ethno-regional rivalries, along with the conditions of neoliberal capitalism and its instrumental system of uneven geographical development, have provided entry points for the post-colonial forces so maligned by Nkrumah. Furthermore, we question the wisdom of notions of belonging based on bounded units such as “race” and attendant expressions of “race-consciousness.”
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Lawler, Nancy. "Reform and repression under the Free French: economic and political transformation in the Côte d'Ivoire, 1942–45." Africa 60, no. 1 (January 1990): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160428.

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Opening ParagraphFew dispute the proposition that the Second World War marked the beginning of the end of colonialism in Africa. The thesis developed by Hodgkin (1956), Crowder (1968, 1978) and Schachter-Morgenthau (1964)—that coalitions of African veterans, disgruntled planters, peasants and chiefs gave rise to anti-colonialist, nationalist political movements in the immediate post-war era—has not been seriously challenged. The general acceptance of this view has resulted in a neglect of the history of the colonies during the war years themselves. While there is now a growing interest in this subject, most studies of the independence movements begin with the emergence, in 1946, of recognisable political parties in British and French Africa. They take as starting points such visible events as the Brazzaville Conference, the 1946 French Constitution, the launching of the Convention Peoples Party in Ghana, or the founding of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africaine (RDA) in Bamako. What is needed now are thorough case studies of the specific policies and practices of the imperial powers during the Second World War and a consideration of the extent to which they acted as internal catalysts in the struggle for independence. This article, which is offered as a contribution to that end, looks at one chapter in the war experience of the Cote d'Ivoire.
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Sipress, Joel. "A Narrowing of Vision: Hardy L. Brian and the Fate of Louisiana Populism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (January 2008): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001729.

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In the 1890s, Hardy L. Brian was among Louisiana's leading Populists. He was a key founder of the Louisiana People's Party and served as state party secretary and editor of the organization's weekly newspaper. Son of a prominent agrarian dissident from the Louisiana piney woods, Brian believed deeply in the power of an aroused populace to bring fundamental changes to American political and economic life. Over time, however, he abandoned social movement organizing in favor of conventional party politics. The climax of this journey came in 1896, when Brian joined fellow delegates to the Populist national convention to give the People's Party presidential nomination to Democratic candidate William Jennings Bryan. The Bryan nomination cost the Populists their independent political identity and precipitated a collapse of their party organization. Hardy L. Brian's journey from agrarian rebel to conventional reform politician reflects a loss of faith in the power of the Populist vision. While he never abandoned the goal of fundamental change, Brian lost faith in the power of this goal to inspire and arouse. Instead, he embraced the logic of conventional party politics, and upon that logic the Populist vision foundered.
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Baynham, Simon. "Divide et Impera: Civilian Control of the Military in Ghana's Second and Third Republics." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 4 (December 1985): 623–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055002.

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Anearlier contribution to thisJournaladdressed itself to the question of how Kwame Nkrumah tried to subordinate his military forces to the civil authority of the Convention People's Party during the Ghanaian First Republic, 1960–6.1It was argued that the pattern of objective control inherited from the British colonial authorities was cast aside in favour of an entirely new subjective mechanism: ‘This involved the orchestration of a programme of military diversification in which new security organisations were formed and existing ones split up’.2Thisarticle will continue that theme by examining how civilian politicians attempted to confront the same dilemma in the Second and Third Republics during 1969–72 and 1979–81, respectively.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Convention People's Party (Ghana)"

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Gueye, Marie. "Kwame N'Krumah : le "Gold Coast Convention People's Party" et les rapports avec la Grande-Bretagne. Étude d'une pensée et d'une action." Paris 4, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040423.

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La rencontre entre Nkrumah et la Grande-Bretagne se fit à travers la colonisation britannique en Côte de l'or, son pays d'origine. Après des années d'étude aux États-Unis et en Grande-Bretagne il retourne chez lui en 1947 pour combattre la puissance britannique. En 1949 il fonde le Parti de la convention du peuple, et réclame l'autogestion à la Grande-Bretagne. Après trois années de conflit, il fut nommé "chef des affaires du gouvernement" par l'administration coloniale : ce fut le début de la collaboration entre l'administration britannique et Nkrumah pour diriger le pays. En 1957, la Côte de l'or est proclamée indépendante et baptisée Ghana, mais reste un dominion britannique. En 1961, Nkrumah change de constitution, le Ghana devient une république socialiste, et rejette la politique africaine de la Grande-Bretagne. En 1965, c'est la rupture entre les deux pays ; en 1966, Nkrumah est destitué par des militaires ghanéens ; mais il continue à combattre la Grande-Bretagne à travers ses écrits
The idea of the movement of independence has to be understood in relation to the contact with the British Empire. The first conflict between Nkrumah and Great Britain began in 1947, after his studies when he returned from United States and Britain. In 1945 he launched the Gold Coast convention people's party. After three years of conflict with the British Empire, he was nominated "leader of government business". Then it was the years of compromise with the British Empire. In 1957 the Gold Coast became independent, and called Ghana, a dominion within the commonwealth. In 1961, Nkrumah changes the constitution, and proclames Ghana a socialist republic. From then, up to 1965, he rejects British policy in Africa, as being a capitalist one. In 1966, he was overthrown by the army, but keeps on fighting British power through his works
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Books on the topic "Convention People's Party (Ghana)"

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(Ghana), Convention People's Party. Convention People's Party (CPP) manifesto 2008: New dawn, new vision. [Accra]: Convention People's Party, 2008.

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(Ghana), Convention People's Party. Convention People's Party (CPP): Manifesto 2008 : new dawn, new vision. [Accra]: Convention People's Party, 2008.

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Budu-Acquah, K. Toll for the brave: Tributes to fallen comrades : cy K. Budu-Acquah. Accra: K. Budu-Acquah, 1988.

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People's National Convention (Political party : Ghana). People's National Convention (PNC): Manifesto 2008 : economic prosperity now!!!, youth empowerment & economic independence soonest!!!. [Accra]: People's National Convention, 2008.

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The new Ghanaian: A mandate for change. [Ghana]: E.N. Mahama, 2000.

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Nkrumah & the chiefs: The politics of chieftaincy in Ghana, 1951-60. Accra, Ghana: F. Reimmer, 2000.

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The spark: Times behind me : from Kwame Nkrumah to Hilla Limann. London: R. Collings, 1985.

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(Nigeria), People's Democratic Party. Guidelines for the conduct of ward, LGA, and state congresses and the National Convention of the Peoples Democratic Party. Nigeria: Peoples Democratic Party, 1999.

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Panaf, Editors. Convention People's Party Handbook. Panaf LTD, 2011.

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Jingzhou, Tao. 4 China. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199655717.003.0005.

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This chapter evaluates the merits of China as a venue for international arbitration proceedings. It discusses the history and development of arbitration in China; the processes and rules involved as well as the role of courts in the conduct of arbitration proceedings; and rules for arbitral awards. It concludes for foreign investors, arbitration is a better choice than litigation to resolve disputes. Choosing a Chinese arbitration commission instead of the People's Court not only provides the common advantages of arbitration, but also better shields the foreign party from the strong local protectionism in the local judiciary and from the professional incompetence of some judges. More importantly, arbitral awards rendered by arbitration institutions in China are more easily recognized and enforced in other countries than judgments issued by Chinese courts, as China is a signatory to the New York Convention, but has not yet entered into to judgment recognition and enforcement treaties with most of the major world economies.
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Book chapters on the topic "Convention People's Party (Ghana)"

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Rathbone, Richard. "The Convention People’s Party (CPP) in Ghana, Late 1950s to the 1970s: Mobilisation for Transformation." In Everyday Life in Mass Dictatorship, 227–49. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137442772_14.

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Manuh, Takyiwaa. "Women and Their Organizations during the Convention People’s Party Period." In The Ghana Reader, 285–91. Duke University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv125jqp2.61.

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Manuh, Takyiwaa. "Women and Their Organizations during the Convention People’s Party Period." In The Ghana Reader, 285–91. Duke University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822374961-057.

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Onaci, Edward. "Birth of the New Afrikan Independence Movement." In Free the Land, 15–42. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656144.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 provides a historical overview of the NAIM from its inception into the 1980s. It explains how two brothers from South Philadelphia helped organize a Black Government Convention in 1968. Tracing the birth and early development of the NAIM clarifies how political geography, historical context, and personal circumstance helped shape activism. After relocating to the Detroit metropolitan area in the 1950s, brothers Milton and Richard Henry became community activists and political leaders. Working through the Group on Advanced Leadership and the Freedom Now Party, political struggle taught them the limits of seeking full entry into a nation that circumscribed their political power. At the same time, the Henry brothers witnessed decolonization in Africa, especially Ghana, which challenged them to reconsider the meaning of black liberation. Under the tutelage of people like Malcolm X and “Queen Mother” Audley Moore, they shifted their politics from reform and inclusion to revolution and self-determination. Changing their names to Gaidi and Imari Abubakari Obadele, they called for the 1968 convention. Convention participants declared black people’s right to independence from the United States of America, formed a provisional government with Robert F. Williams as the nominal president, and demanded reparations.
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Tignor, Robert L. "The Gold Coast." In W. Arthur Lewis and the Birth of Development Economics, 109–43. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691202617.003.0005.

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This chapter details how, at the end of 1952, shortly after returning from a tour of Asia where his intellectual breakthrough led to the article on unlimited supplies of labor, W. Arthur Lewis received an invitation to advise the government of the Gold Coast on industrialization. The invitation came not from British colonial offices in the Gold Coast, but the rising nationalist party, the Convention People's Party (CPP), led by its charismatic political leader, Kwame Nkrumah. The vitality of the Gold Coast nationalists impressed Lewis, and the opportunity to advise Africans, rather than British officials, was new and exciting. Although he spent only several months of 1952 in the Gold Coast, preparing the report, and immediately returned to his teaching position at Manchester, his stay linked him to the Gold Coast and its leaders. From then onwards, British officials and Gold Coast nationalists alike regarded him as the top expert on their economy and turned to him to evaluate economic projects. Ultimately, the decision to advise the Gold Coast on its industrial prospects led Lewis away from purely academic endeavors and placed him squarely in the public arena.
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