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Journal articles on the topic 'Copan, Honduras'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Davis-Salazar, Karla L. "LATE CLASSIC MAYA DRAINAGE AND FLOOD CONTROL AT COPAN, HONDURAS." Ancient Mesoamerica 17, no. 1 (January 2006): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536106060019.

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Recent research on pre-Hispanic Maya water management has revealed a diverse array of water-control techniques that were employed in the Maya Lowlands. Since much of this research has focused on water management for consumption and agriculture, other forms of water management—namely, for drainage and flood control—remain poorly understood. This report describes the various water-control techniques dedicated to drainage and flood control at Late Classic Copan, Honduras (a.d.600–900), and explores the social implications of this form of water control. Technological variation in water control throughout urban Copan and between Copan and Palenque, the other major Maya center where drainage and flood control have been investigated, suggests that water management at Copan may have been organized differentially across the urban center.

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2

Pineda de Carías, María C., Nohemy L. Rivera, and Cristina M. Argueta. "STELA D: A SUNDIAL AT COPAN, HONDURAS." Ancient Mesoamerica 28, no. 2 (2017): 543–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536116000286.

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AbstractThe Maya of Copan, Honduras used Stela D, its altar, and the surrounding structures as a sundial to record time. Archaeological investigations show that wooden posts and stelae could have been used to measure time and to perform associated rites in the northern sector of the Main Plaza of the Copan Archaeological Park. We constructed a digital model of Stela D to study the shadows cast at different times of day and on different dates of the year, such as solstices, equinoxes, and solar zenith passages. The size and orientation of the shadows may have served as a time marker that ancient residents of Copan used to accurately track the tropical year. We also found evidence that supports the iconographic interpretation of an analogy between serpents’ bodies that adorn the figure of the ruler on Stela D and shadows and sun positions on dates of major solar events that form a solar calendar that counts years from winter solstice day.

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3

Hodder, Ian, and David Webster. "The House of the Bacabs, Copan, Honduras." Journal of Field Archaeology 17, no. 3 (1990): 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530033.

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4

Manahan, T. Kam, and Marcello A. Canuto. "Bracketing the Copan Dynasty: Late Preclassic and Early Postclassic Settlements at Copan, Honduras." Latin American Antiquity 20, no. 4 (December 2009): 553–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104566350000287x.

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AbstractArchaeological research within the Classic Maya center of Copan and in its surrounding rural regions has generated new data relating to the periods both preceding and following the center’s Classic period dynasty. Recent excavations at both Late Preclassic and Early Postclassic settlements have revealed more similarities between the inhabitants of these two “non-Classic” time periods than to the inhabitants of the intervening and better known Classic period. We explore this striking set of similarities in terms of settlement pattern, spatial organization, architecture, material culture, and ritual deposits and spaces. We suggest that the similarities between the Copan region’s Late Preclassic and Early Postclassic populations and their mutual differences with intervening Classic period peoples reflecta cultural connection between these two populations.

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Webster, David, Nancy Gonlin, and Payson Sheets. "Copan and Ceren." Ancient Mesoamerica 8, no. 1 (1997): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001565.

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AbstractThe volcanic eruption that buried Cerén, El Salvador, ata.d.590 preserved an extraordinary array of artifacts and features in or near their original positions. Household inventories are virtually complete, and activities can be reconstructed in almost ethnographic detail. It is therefore tempting to think that Cerén will automatically make less-well-preserved contexts at similar sites more explicable. This proposition is tested by comparing Cerén with a well-excavated set of household remains from seven small rural sites in the Copan Valley, Honduras, which have been much more heavily transformed by cultural and natural processes. Comparison is especially attractive because both the Cerén and Copan sites were small domestic places with similar social, residential, and economic functions. Both sets of sites also share a common basic cultural tradition on the southern periphery of Mesoamerica, and are in reasonably similar upland environmental settings.

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6

Abrams, Elliot M. "Economic Specialization and Construction Personnel in Classic Period Copan, Honduras." American Antiquity 52, no. 3 (July 1987): 485–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281595.

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The degree of development of specialist positions associated with large-scale construction at the Maya site of Copan, Honduras, is evaluated. The methodology used involves the quantification of energy, in human labor, which was expended in the construction of Str. 10L-22, a major palace in the Main Center of Copan. The results suggest that few specialists were required, and that the vast majority of construction personnel were unspecialized conscripts. Moreover, the absolute energetic investment was low, suggesting that energetic expenditures in largescale architecture could not have been a major source of stress on the Late Classic Maya socioeconomic system.

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7

Rue, David J., AnnCorinne Freter, and Diane A. Ballinger. "The Caverns of Copan Revisited: Preclassic Sites in the Sesesmil River Valley, Copan, Honduras." Journal of Field Archaeology 16, no. 4 (1989): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530277.

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8

Cheek, Charles D. "MAYA COMMUNITY BUILDINGS: Two Late Classicpopal nahsat Copan, Honduras." Ancient Mesoamerica 14, no. 1 (January 2003): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536103141028.

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The Spaniards described a particular type of Maya building found in the center of Maya cities that served multiple functions, from temporary homes for men and boys to council houses. This type of building, labeled apopol nahat Copan, was noted in Yucatan and the highlands of Guatemala. Two probablepopol nahs, Structures 10L-223 and 10L-22A, have been identified at Copan, Honduras, suggesting continuity in this building type into at least the Maya Late Classic period. The differences between the two structures in both location and form support the idea of competing lineages in the Late Classic. These differences also suggest that the later rulers may have transformed earlier multifunction buildings into more specific functions that served their political needs.

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9

Fash, William L. "A new look at Maya statecraft from Copan, Honduras." Antiquity 62, no. 234 (March 1988): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00073646.

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The revelations in the study of the Ancient Maya made possible by the revolution in hieroglyphic decipherment have not occurred in isolation. Archaeological investigations within the last three decades have produced a much broader vision of Maya society during the Classic Period than previously possible. Particularly, the study of settlement patterns in conjunction with environmental studies has opened new vistas onto the size and organization of the populations which supported the rulers in their civic-ceremonial centres (Ashmore 1981; Culbert & Rice n.d.). The challenge for the present, and future, is to combine the archaeological record with the studies of inscriptions and politico-religious symbolism, to build a more complete and incisive reconstruction of the past. Where the two records are particularly clear and abundant, we may also aspire to explaining the past.

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10

Gorokhovich, Yuri, Karin A. Block, Cameron L. McNeil, Edy Barrios, and Maria Marionkova. "Mercury source in Copan (Honduras): Local mining or trade?" Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 33 (October 2020): 102471. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2020.102471.

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11

Joyce, Rosemary A. "Terminal Classic Interaction on the Southeastern Maya Periphery." American Antiquity 51, no. 2 (April 1986): 313–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/279942.

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A review of material from Copan, originally assigned a post A.D. 1000 date, suggests the existence of two separate temporal episodes, one a Terminal Classic equivalent. A rare trade ceramic found in this Copan Terminal Classic and at contemporary Seibal is also present in a ceramic group of Lepa phase (A.D. 625–1000) Quelepa, El Salvador. This identification supports the placement of the Copan material in the Terminal Classic. New data from the Ulua Valley, northwest Honduras, document an extreme southeastern extension of the Terminal Classic Altar Fine Orange ceramic sphere of Seibal. Two networks of interaction linking the southeastern extreme of Mesoamerica and the western Maya area suggested by these ceramic correlations are examined, and the processes involved are discussed.

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12

Fash, Barbara, William Fash, Sheree Lane, Rudy Larios, Linda Schele, Jeffrey Stomper, and David Stuart. "Investigations of a Classic Maya Council House at Copan, Honduras." Journal of Field Archaeology 19, no. 4 (1992): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530426.

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13

Rue, David, David Webster, and Alfred Traverse. "LATE HOLOCENE FIRE AND AGRICULTURE IN THE COPAN VALLEY, HONDURAS." Ancient Mesoamerica 13, no. 2 (July 2002): 267–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653610213210x.

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Pollen and charcoal analysis of a 5.3-m sediment core from Aguada Petapilla, a peat bog, provides evidence of late Holocene vegetation and fire history in the Copan Valley, Honduras. Low concentration and preservation problems characterized the pollen flora, but there are taxa present indicative of major agricultural trends, including Zea mays. Microscopic charcoal fragments are well represented and record continued burning in the region since the lowest level of the core (5700 B.P. [3750 B.C.]). Presence of Zea indicates that maize farming was initiated by as early as 2300 B.C. Three peaks in charcoal-fragment frequencies occur in periods centered approximately at 900 B.C., 400 B.C., and A.D. 600. Fires in this relatively dry region of the southern Maya Lowlands (whose mean annual rainfall is about 1,400 mm) could have resulted from natural forest fires or human agricultural clearing at any time in the Holocene. This contrasts with wetter areas of tropical Central and South America (mean annual rainfall of about 2,500–4,000 mm) where significant climatic drying is required to ignite primary tropical forest.

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14

Nystrom, K. C., J. E. Buikstra, and E. M. Braunstein. "Radiographic evaluation of two Early Classic elites from Copan, Honduras." International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 15, no. 3 (2005): 196–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/oa.769.

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15

Canuto, Marcello A., and Ellen E. Bell. "ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS IN THE EL PARAÍSO VALLEY: THE ROLE OF SECONDARY CENTERS IN THE MULTIETHNIC LANDSCAPE OF CLASSIC PERIOD COPAN." Ancient Mesoamerica 24, no. 1 (2013): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536113000011.

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AbstractInvestigations of Classic period (a.d. 400–900) settlement in the El Paraíso Valley, western Honduras, have identified a pattern of paired centers that suggests a previously unrecognized model of political organization in the Maya area. In the El Paraíso Valley, the largely contemporary, equally-sized, and proximate centers of El Cafetal and El Paraíso differ radically from one another in their spatial organization, construction techniques, architectural embellishment, use of open space, and portable material culture. Analysis of these differences suggests that El Cafetal was inhabited by an autochthonous population while El Paraíso was founded under the auspices of the Copan dynasty as an administrative outpost. We suggest that the juxtaposition of these two sites results from a regional strategy of sociopolitical integration implemented by Copan rulers that was adapted to the ethnically diverse regions along the edge of the Copan kingdom.

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16

Sugiyama, Nawa, William L. Fash, and Christine A. M. France. "Creating the Cosmos, Reifying Power: A Zooarchaeological Investigation of Corporal Animal Forms in the Copan Valley." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 29, no. 3 (March 15, 2019): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774319000040.

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Throughout Mesoamerica, corporal animal forms (a term encompassing living animals, animal-derived by-products and artifacts made from animal bodies) have long played essential roles in state-level ritualized activities. This paper focuses on three zooarchaeological assemblages from the Classic Period Maya kingdom of Copan, Honduras (ad 426–822), to describe how corporal animal forms were implemented to mediate power, express social identities and encapsulate contemporary socio-political circumstances. Two of these fundamental assemblages relate to world-creation myths associated with the Starry Deer-Crocodile, a mythological entity prominent in both contexts which was materialized into the ritual arena through a formalized process of commingling and translating animal body elements. The third context was deposited some three centuries later during the reign of Yax Pasaj, the last ruler of the Copan dynasty. This assemblage, extravagant with powerful felids conjuring the authority of the royal dynasty, reflects a period of acute socio-political struggle faced by the Copan dynasty. Detailed zooarchaeological analysis of corporal animal forms at Copan facilitates a more comprehensive reconstruction of some of the socio-political power negotiations in play.

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17

Abrams, Elliot M., and AnnCorinne Freter. "A Late Classic lime-plaster kiln from the Maya centre of Copan, Honduras." Antiquity 70, no. 268 (June 1996): 422–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00083381.

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Under and behind the splendours of Maya ceremonial buildings are the craft skills of the artisans who put them up. A first find of a lime-plaster kiln, from Copan in Honduras, illuminates one of those technologies, the burning of lime in a closed oven rather than on an open-air pyre.

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18

Webster, David, and AnnCorinne Freter. "Settlement History and the Classic Collapse at Copan: A Redefined Chronological Perspective." Latin American Antiquity 1, no. 1 (March 1990): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971710.

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Surveys, test pitting, and large-scale excavation carried out since 1975 around the Classic Maya center of Copan, in western Honduras, have yielded a wealth of settlement data. A total of 2,048 obsidian-hydration dates have redefined the Late Classic Coner ceramic phase, showing it to extend well into the Early Postclassic. Sites with Coner ceramics exhibit much more intraphase chronological variation than expected. The Classic “collapse” at Copan was much more protracted than thought previously. There is an abrupt royal collapse at about A.D. 800, but subroyal elite activity continues for another 200 years, and population declines gradually over a period of four centuries.

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19

Aoyama, Kazuo. "CLASSIC MAYA WARFARE AND WEAPONS: Spear, dart, and arrow points of Aguateca and Copan." Ancient Mesoamerica 16, no. 2 (July 2005): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536105050248.

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To provide some insights into the nature and role of warfare in the rise, development, and decline of Classic Maya civilization, this article discusses spear, dart, and arrow points used by the Classic Maya elites at the rapidly abandoned fortified city of Aguateca, Guatemala, and their temporal and spatial distribution patterns in and around Copan, Honduras. Both the royal family and elite scribes/artists at Aguateca used spear and dart points for intergroup human conflict as well as for artistic and craft production under enemy threat. An important implication is that the ruler and elite scribes/artists were also warriors. The unusually high concentrations of identifiable weaponry at the Early Classic hilltop center of Cerro de las Mesas as well as the Acropolis and other Late Classic locations in the Copan Valley, along with other lines of evidence, indicate that warfare was critical in the development and downfall of Classic Maya civilization at Copan.

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20

Fash, William L., and Robert J. Sharer. "Sociopolitical Developments and Methodological Issues at Copan, Honduras: A Conjunctive Perspective." Latin American Antiquity 2, no. 2 (June 1991): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972276.

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Results of 16 years of archaeological research at Copán, Honduras, based on different methods and theoretical perspectives, can be used in combination to better understand the developmental trajectory of Classic period sociopolitical evolution in the Copán Valley. Although research continues, findings to date demonstrate the advantage of conjunctive research that applies archaeological, epigraphic, and iconographic data in a crosscutting, self-corrective strategy. While the use of any single data set may produce incomplete or inaccurate conclusions, as in the use of settlement data alone to reconstruct Middle Classic population size and assess the developmental status of the Copán polity, more complete conclusions can be reached by applying a fuller range of data from excavations in both the valley and Acropolis of Copán's urban core, along with epigraphic and iconographic evidence. These combined data show that from its beginning in the fifth century, the Classic Copán polity was ruled by powerful kings who controlled large populations and, quite likely, an extensive territory that may have included the site of Quiriguá in the Motagua Valley to the north.At the other end of the developmental trajectory, the combination of research findings from the Acropolis and surrounding elite residential compounds and valley settlement data, has led to a redefinition of the Classic “collapse” at Copán, now seen as a long-enduring process involving the decentralization of political authority, the end of centralized dynastic rule, and gradual depopulation of the valley. This reconstruction, in combination with evidence for the end of the Classic period at other Lowland Maya sites, supports the long-standing conclusion that there was no single cause for the collapse, but rather that a complex and long-operating series of processes was responsible for the end of lowland Classic Maya civilization.

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Davis-Salazar, Karla L. "Late Classic Maya Water Management and Community Organization at Copan, Honduras." Latin American Antiquity 14, no. 3 (September 2003): 275–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3557561.

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AbstractRecent research on prehispanic water management throughout the Americas has made significant contributions to our understanding of the diversity of adaptive systems employed in regions where water is seasonally scarce, such as the Maya Lowlands. Since much of this workfocuses on large-scale technologies, the political and economic consequences of these systems for smaller social units remain poorly understood. Social dynamics associated with less-intensive forms of water use and control are investigated at Late Classic (A.D. 600–900) Copán, in a water-rich setting of western Honduras. Ethnographic, iconographic, and archaeological datasets suggest that lagoons located in Copán’s urban residential sectors may have been conceptualized, utilized, and maintained as communal property with ancestral ties by the inhabitants of surrounding domestic groups. By shifting the scale of analysis from the polity to the community level, these lagoons can be viewed as forms of communal property that created an economic and ideological basis for local social integration but offered limited opportunity for the centralization of power through monopolistic control. Yet, toward the end of the Late Classic, the appropriation of water-related dynastic symbolism and possibly ritual seems to have provided nonroyal elites with a means for creating local social identities, which undercut and eroded royal authority.

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22

Goodall, Rosemary A., Jay Hall, Rene Viel, F. Ricardo Agurcia, Howell G. M. Edwards, and Peter M. Fredericks. "Raman microscopic investigation of paint samples from theRosalila building, Copan, Honduras." Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 37, no. 10 (2006): 1072–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jrs.1606.

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23

McNeil, Cameron L. "Recovering the color of ancient Maya floral offerings at Copan, Honduras." Res: Anthropology and aesthetics 61-62 (March 2012): 300–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/resvn1ms23647837.

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24

Paine, Richard R., and AnnCorinne Freter. "Environmental Degradation and the Classic Maya Collapse at Copan, Honduras (a.d. 600–1250): Evidence From Studies of Household Survival." Ancient Mesoamerica 7, no. 1 (1996): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001279.

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AbstractThe Late Classic Maya abandonment of the Copan Valley, Honduras, began in the ninth century a.d. and lasted approximately 250–300 years. The relationship between local ecological setting and residential group abandonment is examined by applying event-history analysis to the known occupation spans of 140 residential mound groups, dated by obsidian hydration. Late Classic households in ecologically vulnerable sections of the Copan Valley—as measured by slope, soil type, and natural vegetation—had significantly higher risk of abandonment than households in more ecologically stable settings. Abandonment risk rises sharply in all regions at the end of the seventh century a.d. Both computerized agricultural simulations and settlement demographic reconstructions indicate that increased levels of agricultural intensification necessary to meet the subsistence needs of Copan's growing population would have led to large-scale erosion in upland areas and a significant reduction of soil fertility in all regions of the valley at that time. Mound-group abandonment patterns tend to support the hypothesis that environmental degradation played a dominant role in the collapse of the Copan polity.

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25

Freter, AnnCorinne. "MULTISCALAR MODEL OF RURAL HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES IN LATE CLASSIC COPAN MAYA SOCIETY." Ancient Mesoamerica 15, no. 1 (January 2004): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536104151109.

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A variety of models contribute to our understanding of Classic Maya sociopolitical structure. Few, however, consider the variability that existed within Maya systems, and the temporal and spatial scales of analysis have often been limited, especially with respect to the commoner segment of society. One model that has focused attention on this component of the Maya is thesian otot, described by Charles Wisdom (1940The Chorti Indians of Guatemala. University of Chicago Press) and introduced for the Copan Maya by William Fash (1983 Deducing Social Organization from Classic Maya Settlement Patterns: A Case Study from the Copan Valley. InCivilization in the Ancient Americas: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey. University of New Mexico Press and Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University). Based on data from a 135-km2regional settlement survey and excavations of the Copan Valley in Honduras, it is argued that this model, in conjunction with other, broader models of Classic Maya society, offers a useful perspective from which to construct a multiscalar model of ancient Copan social organization. The variability amongsian otot, particularly in terms of economic production, is considered. The ceramic data from Copan suggest that ceramic production among commoner units was communal, and the possibility for community cooperatives is raised. Finally, the dynamic scale and productive relations among the commoners are considered in light of broader sociopolitical changes in the processual history of the Copan polity. It is concluded that the intersection of social, political, and economic institutional frameworks needs to be more comprehensively investigated from varied scales, both temporal and settlement, to appreciate fully the diversity of Maya social organization during the Late Classic/Terminal Classic transition.

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MIZOGUCHI, YUJI, and SEIICHI NAKAMURA. "Maya skeletal remains from the Copan and El Puente sites in Honduras." Anthropological Science 114, no. 1 (2006): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1537/ase.040331.

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27

Braswell, Geoffrey E. "Obsidian-Hydration Dating, the Coner Phase, and Revisionist Chronology at Copan, Honduras." Latin American Antiquity 3, no. 2 (June 1992): 130–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971940.

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The technique of obsidian-hydration dating contains great potentials for error, from both laboratory determinations of rate constants and measurements of effective hydration temperatures (EHTs) in the field. The rate constants used to determine these dates are of questionable validity and need to be independently verified. Significantly, no measurements of EHTs were taken at the site of Copán, Honduras, until the majority of the obsidianhydration dates were calculated. An error of but a few Kelvins in estimated EHT can lead to dates that are in error by several centuries. In view of the likelihood of large errors in the Copán obsidian dates, the assertion that the Late Classic Coner phase should be extended beyond A. D. 900 (Webster and Freter 1990a) is premature.

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Houston, Stephen, Barbara Fash, and David Stuart. "Masterful hands: Morelli and the Maya on the Hieroglyphic Stairway, Copan, Honduras." Res: Anthropology and aesthetics 65-66 (March 2015): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/691024.

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Price, T. Douglas, Seiichi Nakamura, Shintaro Suzuki, James H. Burton, and Vera Tiesler. "New isotope data on Maya mobility and enclaves at Classic Copan, Honduras." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 36 (December 2014): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2014.02.003.

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30

Sheehy, James J. "Structure and Change in a Late Classic Maya Domestic Group at Copan, Honduras." Ancient Mesoamerica 2, no. 01 (March 1991): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653610000033x.

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Brady, James E. "A Reassessment of the Chronology and Function of Gordon's Cave #3, Copan, Honduras." Ancient Mesoamerica 6 (1995): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653610000208x.

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AbstractRecent excavations in the first chamber of Gordon's Cave #3 encountered a use floor with a substantial quantity of sherds and artifacts. Middle Preclassic, Gordon subphase sherds were recovered, but overall the ceramics suggest that Preclassic use of the cave was minor with the most intensive use occurring during the Classic period. The artifact assemblage provides a fuller picture of cave rituals which appear to be similar in many respects to those practiced by modern groups in the Guatemalan highlands.

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32

Aoyama, Kazuo. "Microwear Analysis in the Southeast Maya Lowlands: Two Case Studies at Copan, Honduras." Latin American Antiquity 6, no. 2 (June 1995): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972148.

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Based on the results of 267 replication experiments with obsidian, chalcedony, and agate tools conducted with a range of working materials, I have classified use-wear patterns using Keeley's high-resolution approach to establish a framework for interpretation of stone-tool use. This paper describes the results of microwear analysis of two assemblages of lithic artifacts from the late Late Classic period (A. D. 763-850) at Copán, western Honduras, and shows how the use-wear data can be interpreted within the archaeological contexts and help to investigate how ancient complex societies functioned as well as how and why they changed. Microwear analysis of chipped-stone artifacts collected in front of Structure 10L-16 and artifacts from Structure 10L-22A show clear differences between the two assemblages. In accordance with the archaeological, epigraphic, and iconographic evidence, the low use-intensity of chipped stone from the first structure could have originated from special use such as ritual, production of marine shell ornaments, etc., during the reign of Yax Pac. Marine shell craft production may have been carried out by members of the royal family or attached specialists serving the ruler. The relatively high use-intensity observable in the second assemblage may reinforce the hypothesis that the building was a Classic Maya popol na (council house) in which feasts or banquets were prepared. If this was the case, use-wear data might support epigraphic and iconographic evidence that suggests the weakening and eventual demise of centralized political authority at Copán in the ninth century.

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Silva Águila, Manuel. "Sociedad plural, escuela y cooperativismo." Revista Enfoques Educacionales 9, no. 1 (January 9, 2018): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0717-3229.2007.48190.

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Esta presentación en el Seminario se refiere a la búsqueda de establecer interconexiones entre la sociedad actual, de naturaleza plural; la denominada segunda modernidad, como contexto histórico; la escuela como espacio de lo público; la nostalgia de la comunidad que agobia a los entes virtuales y el espíritu cooperativo que puede aglutinar y dar sentido a la existencia actual. *Presentada en el X Seminario Internacional Red UNIRCOOP, LA INTERCOOPERACIÓN: DE LA TEORÍA A LA PRÁCTICA, Copan Ruinas, Honduras, 2 de noviembre de 2006

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Paine, Richard R., AnnCorinne Freter, and David L. Webster. "A Mathematical Projection of Population Growth in the Copan Valley, Honduras, A.D. 400-800." Latin American Antiquity 7, no. 1 (March 1996): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3537014.

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Demographers use mathematical projections to estimate both future and past population in areas where they lack quality data. Such projections may be very useful in archaeological situations. In this analysis, we mathematically project population growth rates from Classic Maya settlement in the Copán Valley, Honduras, from A.D. 650-800 backward to A.D. 450 to estimate valley population levels during the Middle Classic. Projections based on the growth rate (r = .0098) that best describes Late Classic growth yield population estimates that are from 40 to 100 percent higher than the unsmoothed estimates for the Middle Classic calculated by Webster et al. (1992:189). However, they still indicate that Middle Classic Copán was a relatively small polity, with a population of approximately 2,400 by A.D. 550 and 6,400 by A.D. 650. The fact that population growth at Copán from the period A.D. 400-800 conforms well to exponential growth indicates that population growth in the valley was relatively unaffected by episodic events. Each of the three growth rates considered would have been sustainable in a preindustrial agrarian society.

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Webster, David, Barbara Fash, Randolph Widmer, and Scott Zeleznik. "The Skyband Group: Investigation of a Classic Maya Elite Residential Complex at Copan, Honduras." Journal of Field Archaeology 25, no. 3 (1998): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530536.

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Nystrom, Kenneth C., and Jane E. Buikstra. "Trauma-induced changes in diaphyseal cross-sectional geometry in two elites from Copan, Honduras." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 128, no. 4 (2005): 791–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.20210.

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Manahan, T. Kam. "THE WAY THINGS FALL APART: Social organization and the Classic Maya collapse of Copan." Ancient Mesoamerica 15, no. 1 (January 2004): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536104151092.

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While the recent application of the house model to archaeology (Joyce and Gillespie 2000Beyond Kinship: Social and Material Reproduction in House Societies. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia) has renewed interest in the nature of Classic Maya social organization, the relationships between Classic Maya social units and Classic Maya polities remain poorly understood. This article examines the effects of the Classic Maya collapse of Copan, Honduras on its constituent social units in an effort to ascertain the flexibility and resilience of these groups within larger political structures. Previous researchers suggested that Copan's collapse was limited largely to the ruling elite. However, the Copan Postclassic Archaeological Project has documented a distinct, possibly foreign occupation in the site center froma.d.950 to 1100. These data suggest that the longevity of all Classic Copaneco social groups in the wake of dynastic collapse was significantly shorter than some have postulated. These data demonstrate that Classic Maya social units were not semiautonomous groups but, instead, were integrated within polities. Thus, they must be understood within larger political frameworks.

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Lentz, David L. "Maya Diets of the Rich and Poor: Paleoethnobotanical Evidence from Copan." Latin American Antiquity 2, no. 3 (September 1991): 269–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972172.

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Analysis of plant remains recovered from excavations at Copán in western Honduras has provided substantive data regarding agroeconomic systems of the prehistoric inhabitants. The time span of the deposits ranges from the Gordon/Uir phase (900-400 B. C.), which may have been non-Maya, to the Coner phase (A. D. 700-900+), which encompasses the collapse of the Classic Maya cultural manifestation in the valley. Several traditionally recognized mesoamerican cultigens were identified including corn, beans, and several species of Cucurbitaceae. In addition, remains of a number of economic tree species were discovered, suggesting a reliance on arboriculture as part of the subsistence strategy. Pine charcoal predominated in all deposits and may have been the preferred wood for fuel and construction. Analysis of edible-plant-species distributions from low- and high-status Late Classic dwellings using the Shannon-Weaver index revealed that elite individuals had a higher diversity of available foods, a situation that may have led to nutritional stress among lower-status individuals and, ultimately, social unrest.

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Madrigal Ballestero, R., and F. Alpizar Rodriguez. "Adaptative design and management of a payment for ecosystem services scheme in Copan Ruinas, Honduras." Investigación Agraria: Sistemas y Recursos Forestales 17, no. 1 (July 4, 2008): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5424/srf/2008171-01025.

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Sugiyama, Nawa, William L. Fash, and Christine A. M. France. "Jaguar and puma captivity and trade among the Maya: Stable isotope data from Copan, Honduras." PLOS ONE 13, no. 9 (September 12, 2018): e0202958. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202958.

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von Schwerin, Jennifer, Heather Richards-Rissetto, Fabio Remondino, Maria Grazia Spera, Michael Auer, Nicolas Billen, Lukas Loos, Laura Stelson, and Markus Reindel. "Airborne LiDAR acquisition, post-processing and accuracy-checking for a 3D WebGIS of Copan, Honduras." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 5 (February 2016): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2015.11.005.

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Webster, David, AnnCorinne Freter, and David Rue. "The Obsidian Hydration Dating Project at Copan: A Regional Approach and Why It Works." Latin American Antiquity 4, no. 4 (December 1993): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972070.

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Settlement research at Copán, Honduras, since 1984 has produced the largest set of obsidian-hydration dates from excavated contexts available for Mesoamerica (Webster and Freter 1990). Geoffrey Braswell (1992) has criticized the methodology underlying our research, specific associations of our published data, and particularly our reconstruction of a demographic and political decline at Copán that extended well beyond A.D. 900. Braswell has incorrectly characterized the Copan Obsidian Hydration Dating Project’s methodology, and makes many factual errors in assessing the Copán data. In this paper the authors correct these errors, discuss basic issues of obsidian-hydration-dating methodology, and offer new data from Copán to evaluate the efficacy of hydration dating as a method and its potential future application for Mesoamerica as a whole.

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Dietz, Thomas, Andrea Estrella Chong, Paulino Font Gilabert, and Janina Grabs. "Women’s empowerment in rural Honduras and its determinants: insights from coffee communities in Ocotepeque and Copan." Development in Practice 28, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614524.2018.1402862.

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Whittington, Stephen L. "Detection of significant demographic differences between subpopulations of prehispanic Maya from Copan, Honduras, by survival analysis." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 85, no. 2 (June 1991): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.1330850206.

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Zalaquett Rock, Francisca Amelia, and Dulce Sugey Espino Ortiz. "FLAUTAS TRIPLES DE JAINA Y COPÁN. UN ESTUDIO ARQUEOACÚSTICO." Ancient Mesoamerica 30, no. 3 (July 13, 2018): 419–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536118000020.

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AbstractLos sonidos producidos por los seres humanos, así como los de su medio, son percibidos y codificados por las personas dependiendo de sus experiencias como parte de un grupo cultural; por esta razón, es esencial incorporarlos como un medio de comunicación entre los grupos sociales. En este trabajo presentamos el estudio arqueoacústico de dos flautas triples mayas. La primera proviene de las excavaciones en el sitio arqueológico de Jaina, y la segunda de un entierro en Copan, Honduras (Nakamura 2004). Ambas emiten una gran variedad sonora, la cual puede dar indicios de esta comunicación, tipo de manufactura y preferencias sonoras para el caso de los mayas prehispánicos. Este estudio es totalmente nuevo para el área maya y tiene una gran relevancia para incluir los sonidos como parte sustancial de la comunicación maya.

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von Schwerin, Jennifer. "THE SACRED MOUNTAIN IN SOCIAL CONTEXT. SYMBOLISM AND HISTORY IN MAYA ARCHITECTURE: TEMPLE 22 AT COPAN, HONDURAS." Ancient Mesoamerica 22, no. 2 (2011): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536111000319.

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AbstractDid Mesoamerican temples really symbolize sacred mountains? If so, what accounts for their varying forms across space and time? Through a socio-historical and iconographic approach, it is now becoming possible to explain the social and historical factors for why design in ancient Maya temples varied. Using these methods, this paper reconstructs and reinterprets one famous “sacred mountain” in the Maya region: Temple 22, at Copan, Honduras, dedicated by king Waxaklajuun Ub'aah K'awiil ina.d.715. Since 1998, the author has led a project to conserve, document, analyze, and hypothetically reconstruct thousands of sculptures from the building's collapsed façades. In design and symbolism, the building probably represented not just a mountain, but the Maya universe. In its more specific historical context, Temple 22 was designed as royal rhetoric to affirm order at a disorderly moment, and used both traditional and innovative forms to assert Copan's leading role on the boundary of the Maya world.

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Viel, René H. "The Pectorals of Altar Q and Structure 11: An Interpretation of the Political Organization at Copan, Honduras." Latin American Antiquity 10, no. 4 (December 1999): 377–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971963.

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The internal structure of Maya governing elites has been much debated over the last decade. In the perspective of that debate, I propose a model of political organization at Copán at the end of the Late Classic (A. D. 750-800) based on a reinterpretation of two monuments that depict members of the governing elite, each one wearing a pectoral. The analysis of the pectorals leads to the identification of two functional groups, priests and warriors. Sovereignty incorporates both functions and is embodied in a diarchy where a coruler is adjoined to the ruler. Rulers and corulers come from the two opposing groups who, with each succession to power, exchange these roles. The executive branch, which comprises the ruler and his coruler, four ministers and four war captains, is counterbalanced by a council of nine lords. Furthermore, there are some indications that each functional group was a corporate descent group that had its own territory in the valley and its own traditions. The relations between the two groups conditioned the history of the royal dynasty, from its foundation in A. D. 426 until its collapse in A. D. 822.

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McNeil, C. L., D. A. Burney, and L. P. Burney. "Evidence disputing deforestation as the cause for the collapse of the ancient Maya polity of Copan, Honduras." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107, no. 3 (December 14, 2009): 1017–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0904760107.

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Johnson, James M. "Participatory geographic information systems use in Copan Ruinas, Honduras: the development and evaluation of an environmental restoration public participatory Geographic Information System project." Revista Geográfica de América Central 3, no. 61E (November 26, 2018): 505–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/rgac.61-3.26.

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Sustainable development is the challenge of the 21st century, and public administration will play a part in finding new ways of meeting human needs within the constraints of natural resource systems. The nature of sustainable development has led to expanded forms of governance and new partnerships among non-governmental organizations (NGOs), non-profits, and governments at all levels. This paper examines a participatory geographic information system project being developed in Copan Ruinas, Honduras and its effect on the community stakeholders. pecifically, the participatory geographic information system project will focus on the development of a geodatabase and usable maps that integrate: small-scale (less than five hectares on average) agroforestry projects, and highland habitat restoration projects. During this research, we will focus on the geographic information system project, public participation and how the project meets the standards of the International Association for Public Participation (IAP2) pillars of participation and core values.

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Mayer, Christopher C., and George N. Wallace. "The Interpretive Power of Setting: Identifying and Protecting the Interpretive Potential of the Internal and External Setting at Copan Archaeological Park, Honduras." Journal of Interpretation Research 13, no. 2 (November 2008): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/109258720801300202.

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This study examined how differing levels of restoration and development within, and intensifying development adjacent to Copan Archeological Park would affect interpretive potential and the visitor experience at this World Heritage Site in Honduras. Surveys and interviews with visitors revealed that Latin Americans, North Americans, and Europeans all show a preference for a mixture of restored ruins and those being reclaimed by nature. Visitors described how this juxtaposition added to their experience. A majority of visitors indicated a strong preference for maintaining agricultural or forested lands between the park and the town of Copán Ruinas and described how the intensification of development would impact their experience. Implications for park management and interpretive planning are discussed and recommendations given. Protecting the interpretive potential of these settings will require interpreters to inform the protected area and local government planning decisions that will ultimately determine the content and quality of programmatic interpretation.

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