Academic literature on the topic 'Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change'

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Journal articles on the topic "Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change"

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Wilks, M. ""Greenwash" at the climate change summit in Copenhagen." BMJ 339, dec30 1 (December 30, 2009): b5616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.b5616.

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Paul, Arpan. "Copenhagen Climate Change Summit, 2009: A Content Analysis of Two National English Dailies of India." International Journal of Scientific Research 3, no. 4 (June 1, 2012): 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778179/apr2014/80.

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Godbole, Avinash. "Paris Accord and China’s Climate Change Strategy: Drivers and Outcomes." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 72, no. 4 (December 2016): 361–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928416684922.

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From the UNFCCC Copenhagen Climate Summit to the Paris Climate Summit, China has changed its position in global climate change talks in a substantive manner. There are three distinct drivers behind this change of strategy: domestic challenges of pollution, China’s search for an international leadership position on emerging issues and the US–China climate cooperation. This article looks at these three issues in detail.
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Agibalov, S., and A. Kokorin. "Copenhagen Agreement - A New Paradigm of Climate Problem Solving." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 9 (September 20, 2010): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2010-9-115-132.

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Copenhagen summit results could be called a failure. This is the failure of UN climate change policy management, but definitely the first step to a new order as well. The article reviews main characteristics of climate policy paradigm shifts. Russian interests in climate change policy and main threats are analyzed. Successful development and implementation of energy savings and energy efficiency policy are necessary and would sufficiently help solving the global climate change problem.
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Xueqin, Wu, and Chengping . "The Analysis of the International Climate Change on Environmental Justice." Tattva - Journal of Philosophy 5, no. 1 (August 24, 2013): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12726/tjp.9.7.

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Since the Club of Rome published "Limits to Growth" in 1972, the environmental problems have caused the attention of people around the world and become a global issue. The international community has also organized special meetings to promote the study of environmental issues. One of the most important meetings is the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, held every year since 1972. The most important issue is on how to deal with climate change, which has become an international mainstream issue. From the perspective of the environmental justice, the following is a brief analysis of the negotiations on international climate changes, based on the opportunities of the 2009 Copenhagen Summit, the 2010 Cancun Summit and the 2011 South Africa Bender Climate Summit.
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Bone, Gemma. "The Copenhagen Global Summit on Climate Change: A View from the Ground." Globalizations 7, no. 1-2 (June 2010): 313–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731003593919.

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Nash, Chris. "Atolls in the ocean—canaries in the mine? Australian journalism contesting climate change impacts in the Pacific." Pacific Journalism Review 21, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i1.149.

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This article has two complementary aspects, empirical and theoretical. Empirically, it examines the reportage of the two most prolific Australian journalists on the threat posed by climate change to low-lying Pacific island states, reporting over the two-year period leading up to and following the high-profile COP15 summit in Copenhagen in 2009. It was at that summit that the concerns of the Association of Small Island States (AOSIS) were given extensive media coverage and managed to dominate the agenda for several days, to the consternation of some other summit participants. COP15 affords a good case study because the media coverage of this issue was variegated and heavily contested, contrary to earlier scholarly claims about an allegedly mono-dimensional quality to the journalism about climate change in the Pacific Ocean (Nash & Bacon, 2013).
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Immervoll, Thomas. "Climate Change Policy in Chinese Online Media Discourse: The Case of the Debate on the Copenhagen Climate Summit 2009." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2016-0003.

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Abstract This paper discusses the debate in Chinese online media on both climate change policy and the 2009 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen (COP15). Based on the results of a discourse analysis of Chinese language weblogs, the paper argues that at the time of COP15 there was a dominant single discourse coalition, while also identifying alternative discourse formations. The main reasons for this discursive structure seem to be the ways in which actors are participating in the political process, the sensitivity of the topic of climate change in the Chinese discussion, and the influence of foreign debates.
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Carter, Chris, Stewart Clegg, and Nils Wåhlin. "When science meets strategic realpolitik: The case of the Copenhagen UN climate change summit." Critical Perspectives on Accounting 22, no. 7 (October 2011): 682–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cpa.2011.04.002.

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Wahlström, Mattias, Magnus Wennerhag, and Christopher Rootes. "Framing “The Climate Issue”: Patterns of Participation and Prognostic Frames among Climate Summit Protesters." Global Environmental Politics 13, no. 4 (November 2013): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00200.

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Did the protests surrounding recent climate summits mark the emergence of a climate justice movement? We analyze responses to surveys of three large demonstrations in Copenhagen, Brussels, and London, organized in connection with the 2009 UN Climate Change Conference (COP-15) to determine who demonstrated, and how and why the collective action frames employed by demonstrators varied. The demonstrations were products of the mobilization of broad coalitions of groups, and we find significant variation in demonstrators' prognostic framings—the ways in which they formulated solutions to climate problems. Most notably, there was a tension between system-critical framings and those oriented around individual action. A large proportion of demonstrators expressed affinity with the global justice movement (GJM), but we find little evidence of an emerging “climate justice” frame among rank-and-file protesters. Individual variations in framing reflect differences between the mobilization contexts of the three demonstrations, the perspectives and values of individual participants, and the extent of their identification with the GJM.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change"

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Raposas, Marites. "Civic Advocacy Journalism in Practice: Reports on the Copenhagen Climate Change Summit." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-136970.

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With the changing political, economic, cultural and environmental landscape of global societies, journalistic writings on social development issues and concerns have become more relevant in recent times. Through civic advocacy journalism (CAJ), the agenda and programs of social development movements, civil society groups, international development organizations and non-government organizations are promoted and advanced. It is essential to understand the forms and representations of CAJ in practice, concepts and theories in the light of its relevance to media practice and to society at large. However, there is very little literature on the scope and extent of CAJ knowledge and practice. A researcher needs to look into actual practice and connect this with available literature to establish the application of CAJ. For this study, a qualitative content analysis method was used to assess CAJ practice in online print media reports at the Copenhagen Climate Change Summit.
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Dübeck, Helena. "What does one drop of oil really cost? : A study of climate change, social movements and global politics with a didactic perspective." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-5116.

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This essay aims to research the climate change issue and the relationship social movements, scientist and policymakers have to climate change. Furthermore, this essay has a didactic perspective and aim to illuminate how the climate change issue can be used within the school subject social studies. The policy decided upon by the world leaders during the climate summit in Copenhagen, Cop15, will stand further from the scientific view of climate change in relation to sustainable development than what the social movements’ demands are. To find the relationship a case study have been made, where an observation at the alternative forum Klimaforum09 was made to establish what relationship social movements have with policymakers and scientists. A close reading of the IPCC Synthesis Report (AR4) was made to see the scientific view on climate change and the relationship to policymakers and social movements. The relationship policymakers have with science and social movements have not been researched, since the Cop15 did not result in a global deal. Despite that there was no deal the thesis have been investigated, and the result is that social movements have a close, but critical relationship towards both world leaders and politicians, and to the scientific view of climate change. It is also suggested that science have a relationship to social movements. The thesis cannot be refuted or confirmed.

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Azarch, Anna. "Climate change negotiations and the North-South relationship : an exploration of continuity and change." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5202.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The politics of climate change has thus far been marked by controversy and a lack of consensus in regards to the best manner in which to comprehend and mitigate this problem. This is further aggravated by the characterisation of climate change as a global problem requiring a global solution which has served to only further complicate inter-state relations. While a number of analysts have remarked that the North-South relationship is no longer a meaningful analytical tool in international relations, it will be the purpose of this study to explore this contention within the field of climate change negotiations and to identify both the transformation and continuity within the relationship between the North and South. The unsuccessful nature of climate negotiations are largely held to be the result of the rift between the North and South, where the issues relating to the global political economy are largely responsible for the lack of consensus being reached between developing and developed countries. All climate negotiations since the 1972 UN Conference on the Environment and Development have showcased the tension between the two regions in regards to climate change mitigation and their inability to overcome this fissure. More importantly, the ensuing Copenhagen Summit of 2009 further highlighted a rift amongst the developing countries of the South, and between the developed and developing countries. As a consequence, the main aim of the research will be to understand the character of the global interactions between the North and South in terms of the context of global environmental politics. It is also the purpose of this research to gain a more comprehensive account of the sequence of causation within this relationship which stalled the negotiating process and lastly, to understand the conceptual demarcations of the two terms in the post-Cold War era so as to better understand the nature of the relationship between the two regions. What may be surmised by the study is that there is still a continuity to be found in the international arena pertaining to the North-South relationship. However, the Copenhagen Summit has been instrumental in showcasing the growing stratification that is found within the South and as a result has highlighted the cross-alliances that have formed between the North and South in order to maintain economic growth. Overall, while the North-South relationship does impact the nature of climate mitigation negotiations, the stratification of states based upon economic and developmental divergences will result in states forming alliances based upon economic self-interest.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die politiek van klimaatsverandering is tot dusver gekenmerk aan kontroversie en ‟n gebrek aan konsensus met betrekking tot die mees effektiewe wyse waarop hierdie probleem verstaan en gemitigeer kan word. Die probleem word verder vererger deur die kenmerk van klimaatsverandering as ‟n globale probleem wat ‟n globale oplossing verg, wat tot die verdere komplikasie van interstaat-verhoudings gelei het. Verskeie analiste het opgemerk dat die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide nie meer dien as betekenisvolle analitiese gereedskap op die gebied van internasionale verhoudings nie. Die doel van hierdie ondersoek is gevolglik om hierdie aanname in oënskou te neem, en om beide transformasie en kontinuïteit binne die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide te identifiseer. Die onsuksesvolle aard van klimaatsonderhandelinge word grootliks toegeskryf aan die onenigheid tussen die Noorde en Suide, met kwessies rondom die globale politieke ekonomie grootliks verantwoordelik vir die gebrek aan konsensus tussen die streke. Sedert die 1972 VN Konferensie oor die Omgewing en Ontwikkeling het alle klimaatsonderhandelinge die spanning tussen die twee streke met betrekking to klimaatveranderingsversagtings en hul onvermoë om hierdie skeur te oorbrug, ten toon gestel. Die 2009 Kopenhagen-beraad het ‟n onenigheid ontbloot tussen die ontwikkelende lande in die Suide en tussen ontwikkelende en ontwikkelde lande. Gevolglik is die hoofdoelstelling van hierdie studie om die aard van globale interaksies tussen die Noorde en Suide te verstaan met betrekking tot die konteks van globale omgewingspolitiek. Die doel van die navorsing is ook om ‟n meer omvattende verklaring te verkry oor die volgorde van oorsaaklike verbande binne hierdie verhouding wat die onderhandelingsproses tot stilstand gebring het en laastens, om die konseptuele afbakening van hierdie twee terme in die post-Koue Oorlog era en die aard van die verhouding tussen die twee streke beter te verstaan. Hierdie studie wys dat daar steeds kontinuïteit in die internasionale arena is met betrekking tot die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide. Die 2009 Kopenhagen-beraad was egter instrumenteel om die groeiende stratifikasie wat binne die Suide gevind word uit te lig, en die kruisalliansies wat tussen die Noorde en Suide gevorm is om ekonomiese groei in stand te hou, te beklemtoon. Alhoewel die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide tog ‟n impak op die aard van klimaatsversagtingsonderhandelings uitoefen, sal die stratifikasie van state wat op ekonomiese- en ontwikkelingsafwykings gebaseer is tot gevolg hê dat state alliansies vorm op grond van ekonomiese selfbelange.
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Hauer, Moritz. "Climate Change Complexity: Broadening the Horizon from Copenhagen to Paris." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21387.

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In recent years climate change has been featured much more prominently in scholarly and public discourse. Especially since 2003 and 2007 the focus has shifted towards the security implications of climate change and the necessary measures to deal with climate change. The discourse commonly portrays climate change as a threat that substantially affects national and human security. Using frameworks of the Copenhagen School and Paris School, as well as discourse analysis, this thesis shows that climate change as a security issue is mainly understood in human security terms and seen to exacerbate already existing problems, such as poverty and food insecurity. The social and discursive construction of climate change as a security issue has influenced the policies and practices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees as well as the United Nations Development Programme, as it has become a central element of their work. It is argued that the Paris School’s climatization framework has more analytical value for the security analysis of climate change than the Copenhagen School’s securitization theory.
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Shankland, Michael. "Climate change, collective action, and state compliance : obstacles on the road to Copenhagen." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1598.

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Climate change is a type of prisoner’s dilemma. Reductions in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are a public good and are costly to provide. Consequently, nation-states generally have done little to curb their emissions. Countries could be encouraged to reduce their emissions if the international community of states were to sanction, or the world were to shame, states that did not act. However, financial and technological aid is more likely to induce states to impose tougher restrictions on GHG emissions. In order for Copenhagen to precipitate major action on climate change the treaty must either compel countries to fulfill their obligations or assist states in transitioning their economies away from fossil fuels toward alternative energy sources. If the treaty fails to do both of these things then we can only hope that the largest producers of greenhouse gases either take steps to reduce their emissions voluntarily or are forced to take action in response to domestic pressure from their citizens and/or sub-national governments. Otherwise, we will have no choice but to adapt to an increasingly warmer planet and the consequences thereof.
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Mcilwain, John Robertson. "The European Union at Copenhagen : actorness, leadership and the international climate change regime." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/33948.

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The European Union has gained a reputation in recent years as a ʻgreenʼ leader, especially within the UNFCCC. That reputation perhaps amplified the perceived failure that occurred at the 15th Conference of Parties in December 2009 in Copenhagen. Why was Copenhagen such a disappointment? The post-modern character of the European Union—as a polity somewhere between a federal state and a international organization —has often made it difficult for the organization to take on a leadership role, nay operate, within the traditional international relations structure. The reasons for the EUʼs recent difficulty within the climate change regime may reside with two factors. First, an undeveloped sense of ʻactornessʼ on the part of the EU and, second, systemic problems within the regime itself. Here we analyze what happened at the Conference by looking at the development of the EUʼs role and polices within the climate change regime
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Dickason, Jozanne. "The evolution of the climate change regime after the Copenhagen Accord / Jozanne Dickason." Thesis, North-West University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/8285.

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Climate change is a critical sustainable development issue with implications for the environment, economies and society as we know it. The problem of climate change is caused by some countries in parts of the world that has a direct effect on people and natural resources in other parts of the world. Climate change is the effect of increased production of Greenhouse gases (GHGs). Due to the vast complexity of the climate change regime the study does not attempt to be comprehensive or conclusive. The aim of the study is to critically evaluate and determine the purpose, enforceability, legal nature, shortcomings and strengths of the non-binding Copenhagen Accord and how the international climate change regime will evolve after the Copenhagen Accord. The study starts with a brief explanation of the international climate change regime and its development, including international environmental law principles, specifically the common but differentiated responsibility principle. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has the ultimate objective to achieve the stabilisation of GHG concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. The Conference of the Parties (COPs) is the ultimate decision-making and supreme body of the UNFCCC and is authorised to make and implement decisions to promote the implementation of the UNFCCC, it further has the power to adopt new protocols under the UNFCCC and plays a substantial role in the development of new obligations by the parties to the convention. Various COPs, their respective adopted decisions and resolutions which played an important role in the development of the climate change regime are discussed. This includes COP 1 that lead to the Berlin Mandate; COP 3 and the Kyoto Protocol; COP 7 and the Marrakech Accords; COP 11 that marked the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol; COP 13 and the Bali Action Plan. COP 15 in Copenhagen was internationally expected and intended to be the breakthrough in addressing the post 2012 period. As is evident from the content of this study the result of COP 15 at Copenhagen means different challenges for different countries and the “bottom up” architecture of the accord could help encourage and reinforce national actions. An overview of the effect of the Copenhagen Accord on the climate change regime, with specific reference to COP 16 in Cancun, is then done. The “bottom up” architecture of the Copenhagen Accord was brought into the official UNFCCC process by the Cancun Agreements that were reached at COP 16. The study mostly comprised of a literature study, which reviewed the relevant international environmental law dealing with climate change, taking into account customary international law; international treaties and conventions; government documents, policies and reports; textbooks and academic journals as well as electronic material obtained from various internet sources.
Thesis (LLM (Environmental Law and Governance))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012
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Naerbout, Nathalie Ehlerts. "China´s "New Normal" in International Climate Change Negotiations: Assessing Chinese leadership and climate politics from Copenhagen to Paris." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21325.

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Being the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitter and second largest economy, China’s role in international climate negotiations has been the topic of much heated debate over the past 10 years. However, few studies have sought to understand China ́s role in the Global Environmental Governance and Chinese leadership therefore remains a lacuna in need of further investigation. This generates one central question: How does leadership theory bring insight into China ́s role in the international climate change negotiations? The research is designed as a qualitative case study, applying an analytical framework by Young (1991). A content analysis in conjunction with the analytical framework is applied to policy documents, speeches and official reports produced by the Chinese Government, UNFCCC and IISD as a way to understand China ́s negotiation strategies and climate change goals. The findings suggest that China has shown weak leadership during the climate summit in 2009, since there was a huge lack of leadership capabilities applied in their negotiation strategies. However, in 2015 China met all leadership indicators to a certain degree and can therefore be seen to have exercised strong leadership capabilities. It can therefore be argued, that China has become a leading actor in the climate change regime due to their shift in negotiation approach from 2009 to 2015, through their influence and position in shaping the global climate change agenda.
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Nylander, Anna. "Where the real change happens? : Global climate governance from below: investigating the COP counter summit in Paris 2015." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-313312.

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Ever since the governments began to meet for the Conferences of the Parties (COP) to try to come to agreement over an international climate agreement, civil society organizations involved in the climate issue have also gathered for their own conferences in relation to the COP. Still the role of these re-occurring “COP counter summits” in global climate governance have not been researched in depth. In order to contribute to a better understanding of the role the COP counter summit in climate governance in general, the aim of this study is to conduct a qualitative single-case study of one of these meetings. This is carried out by a field study to the COP counter summit in Paris 2015 with methods of participatory observation and semi-structured interviews with informants. An analytical framework was developed based on theory within related research fields, like parallel summits, social movements and globalization studies. The study contributes with research about what functions of the COP counter summit in Paris had for civil society and how these functions were performed.
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Västermark, Axel. "The United Nation and the threat of climate change : A critical security study of UNFCCC, the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-182663.

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This thesis examines the language of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement through the lens of security. It departs from the observation that the securitized rhetoric on climate change is not matched with the kind of policies such rhetoric would suggest is necessary. Previous research on the impact off raming climate change in security terms have either argued that the security discourse has been rejected and thus also policies such an understanding would entail – or that the paradoxical nature of climate change as a threat (to continue the way we live we most change the way we live) makes a securitized understanding not yield in extra-ordinary policies. I argue that neither of these explanations are sufficient to explain the lack of ‘extra-ordinary policies’ on climate change. Instead, I claim that the reason for the lack of extra ordinary policies regarding climate change is that despite some of its rhetoric about the threat of climate change, the intersubjective understanding between the United Nation and its members expressed in the multilateral environmental agreements is structured in a way not to push a securitized understanding of climate change. By structuring the threat of climate change as threat to human security and development, as well as emphasizing the need for a fairness based approach, the agreements limits what policies are possible.
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Books on the topic "Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change"

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Babu, P. Ram. Copenhagen: Delivered climate for change. Singapore: General Carbon, 2010.

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Global climate change: Beyond Copenhagen. New Delhi: Pentagon Earth, 2010.

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Babu, P. Ram. Copenhagen: Delivered climate for change. Mumbai: EU India Chambers, 2010.

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Ahmad, Qazi Kholiquzzaman. Climate change negotiations: Bali to Copenhagen and towards Cancun. Dhaka: Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad, 2009.

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Nelson, Gerald C. Agriculture and climate change: An agenda for negotiation in Copenhagen. Washington, D.C: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2009.

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Nazrul Islam, A. K. M. and Centre for Policy Dialogue (Bangladesh), eds. Policy agenda for addressing climate change in Bangladesh: Copenhagen and beyond. Dhaka: Centre for Policy Dialogue, 2010.

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World Summit for Social Development (1995 Copenhagen, Denmark). Report of the World Summit for Social Development: Copenhagen, 6-12 March 1995. New York: United Nations, 1996.

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PhD, Nielsen Laura LLM, Pagh Peter, and Rønne Anita, eds. The Copenhagen protocol on climate change: An international negotiation competition : written submissions. Copenhagen: Djøf Pub., 2009.

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International, Conference on National Action to Mitigate Global Climate Change (1994 Copenhagen Denmark). International Conference on National Action to Mitigate Global Climate Change: 7-9 June 1994, Copenhagen, Denmark. Roskilde, Denmark: UNEP Collaborating Centre on Energy and Environment, 1995.

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Bratasida, Liana. Perspektif dan analisis Copenhagen Accord. [Jakarta]: Kementerian Lingkungan Hidup, Republik Indonesia, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change"

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Jones, Stephen. "Copenhagen City Government." In Cities Responding to Climate Change, 179–217. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64810-1_6.

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Leonardsen, Lykke. "Financing Climate Change Adaptation: The Copenhagen Case." In Resilient Cities 2, 415–19. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4223-9_44.

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McAlpine, Clive A., Leonie M. Seabrook, Christine Adams-Hosking, Karri H. Hartley, and Jozef Syktus. "Climate Change: lessons from Copenhagen and Cancun, and implications for Australia, its regional ecosystems and wildlife." In Wildlife and Climate Change, 1–2. P.O. Box 20, Mosman NSW 2088, Australia: Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.7882/fs.2012.003.

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Olutola, Oluwole. "Africa–European Union Climate Change Partnership." In African Handbook of Climate Change Adaptation, 2085–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-45106-6_178.

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AbstractThe need to heighten climate action momentum is a key outcome of the Climate Action Summit organized by the United Nations (UN) in September, 2019. The same concern reverberated in most of the presentations and discussions at the twenty-fifth Conference of Parties (COP 25) – the annual climate summit under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). This chapter seeks to investigate the relevance of the call for more climate action in terms of what further climate priorities and strategies are required in the context of the existing climate change partnership between Africa and the European Union (EU). It relies on liberal institutionalism as its theoretical framework and data from a range of purposely selected secondary sources as reference points. Beyond arguing the case for more climate action to further strengthening the Joint Africa-EU Strategy (JAES), particularly in the area of environmental partnership, this chapter emphasizes the need to align the required further climate action with the mitigation goals of the Paris Agreement and the UN transformative initiatives on the global climate action. It concludes with an insight into some policy recommendations, including the need for a dedicated and regional-based approach in tackling Africa’s climate change beyond the conventional worldwide UNFCCC (United Nations Convention on Climate Change) framework that has failed to deliver tangible results for some time past.
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Ayalew, Mulugeta Mengist, and Yacob Mulugetta. "The Prospects for Global Climate Change Reform After Copenhagen." In Better Business Regulation in a Risk Society, 57–81. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-4406-0_4.

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Pánovics, Attila. "From Copenhagen to Paris: The Way Towards a New International Climate Change Agreement." In International Climate Protection, 233–38. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03816-8_29.

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Kostadinov, Kosta, and Jagadish Thaker. "Sustainable Development and Climate Change: Beyond the Rio + 20 Summit." In Sustainable Development and Green Communication, 43–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329417_2.

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Dahan, Amy, and Stefan Aykut. "After Copenhagen, Revisiting Both the Scientific and Political Framings of the Climate Change Regime." In Integrated Science & Technology Program, 221–37. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6661-7_11.

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Pauli, Harald, Michael Gottfried, Karl Reiter, and Georg Grabherr. "High Mountain Summits as Sensitive Indicators of Climate Change Effects on Vegetation Patterns: The “Multi Summit-Approach” of GLORIA (Global Observation Research Initiative in Alpine Environments)." In Advances in Global Change Research, 45–51. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/0-306-48051-4_6.

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Groen, Lisanne, and Arne Niemann. "Challenges in EU External Climate Change Policy-Making in the Early Post-Lisbon Era: The UNFCCC Copenhagen Negotiations." In EU External Relations Law and Policy in the Post-Lisbon Era, 315–33. The Hague, The Netherlands: T. M. C. Asser Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-823-1_15.

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Conference papers on the topic "Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change"

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"Climate Change, Glaciers, and Water Resources in the Himalayan Region." In 1st Asia-Pacific Water Summit. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812833280_0006.

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Turan, Abdulmenaf, and Mahmut Güler. "Sustainable Environmental Policy in Turkey: Climate Change Case." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00603.

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Environmental problems have become the main agenda of all countries in the world since 1970’s. Various reports have been written, international meetings have been held and various contracts, agreements and action plans were accepted according to these decisions. Each of these arrangements has reflected to policies of countries. The most important issue of international meetings is that environmental values and natural resources should be used rationally and without extravagancy, should be protected and sustained considering the policy of using rights and benefits of current and future generations. In this sense, the concept of “sustainable development” which aims at enabling economic growth and is defined as an environmentalist view in included in the report called Our Common Future which is prepared by Bruntland in 1987 and presented to United Nations Commission of Environment and Development. Later on, this principle was accepted as the main principle of meeting in RIO Summit of 1992. Turkey which is one of the developing countries did not remain out of this process and determined environmental policies in accordance with decisions in global level. Turkey participated in both meetings mentioned above; carried out preparation studies according to these principles and adapted these principles to legal regulations and policies about environmental and economic development. In this study, first of all historical development of sustainable development concept in global sense will be explained and then it will be evaluated how this principle influences environmental policies in Turkey in analytical way together with examples of practice.
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Jessen, Asbjørn, and Anne Tietjen. "Reconfiguring welfare landscapes – A spatial typology." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.5963.

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The post-war Danish social housing estates were a cornerstone in the construction of the Danish welfare society. Green open spaces played a central role in creating a framework for “the good life” in the many new social housing estates, which is why we propose to call them welfare landscapes. Today, these welfare landscapes are facing new challenges such as social segregation, extreme rainfall caused by climate change and changing uses. Therefore, they are increasingly being transformed, yet often with little or no interest for their existing spatial qualities. The welfare landscapes are insufficiently researched and knowledge about their spatial characteristics needs to be developed and communicated to preserve their inherited spatial qualities and to use these qualities as a resource for developing contemporary welfare landscapes. This paper aims to contribute to understanding the spatial characteristics and qualities of Danish welfare landscapes in order to create a better basis for their reconfiguration. Based on typo-morphological case studies of three social housing areas in the metropolitan area of Copenhagen this paper proposes a preliminary spatial typology of welfare landscapes from the small scale of the individual green space to the territorial scale. This typology will provide a basis to explore possible future development scenarios for Danish welfare landscapes through research-by-design.
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Yanity, Brian B., and Jay S. Hermanson. "Integrated Energy Resource Plan for Alaska’s Northwest Arctic Borough." In ASME 2009 3rd International Conference on Energy Sustainability collocated with the Heat Transfer and InterPACK09 Conferences. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2009-90335.

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Straddling the Arctic Circle on the Chukchi Sea, the Northwest Alaska Native Association (NANA) region constitutes the boundaries of the Northwest Arctic Borough (NWAB), and has a population of about 7,600 people. The high cost of energy in the NANA region is one of the leading threats to the long term sustainability and well-being of the region. As a result of complex and lengthy logistics, the region has some of the highest energy prices in the nation. In addition to the cost of fossil fuels, NANA region residents are increasingly aware of the effects of greenhouse gases on climate change and the resulting coastal erosion along the Chukchi Sea. NANA Regional Corporation, along with other regional stakeholders, has developed a regional integrated energy plan. This approach includes community specific energy options analyses, benefit-cost analyses of competing alternatives, analysis of available literature and past experiences, surveying of professional opinion, and a regional energy summit that involved multiple stakeholders. Since the mid-1990s, the NANA region has been an Alaska leader in promoting and developing renewable energy resources with wind turbine installations in Kotzebue and Selawik. Promising wind energy potential is under investigation in several more communities, and other known energy resources being studied include geothermal, small-scale hydropower, and a substantial biomass potential in the upper Kobuk River area. Also under investigation are stranded natural gas sources and even solar PV installations for some communities. Energy security in the region will be achieved by a combination of infrastructure improvement and development of appropriate energy technologies, both traditional and renewable. It is the vision of NANA region stakeholders to be 75% reliant on regionally available energy resources for heating and electric generation purposes by the year 2030, and to decrease the need for transportation fuel imported into the region by 50% by the year 2030. As part of this vision, imported fossil fuels would remain as emergency/back-up fuel only. With proper planning, a synergy can be developed between different energy sources and uses, with the composition of the optimal ‘energy-mix’ custom-tailored for each community in the NANA region. The energy planning process will be conducted with the understanding that the optimum mix may change over time.
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Wong, Kau-Fui V., Thomas Hutley, and Emma Salgado. "Offshore Wind Power and its Potential for Development in the West Wind Drift." In ASME 2010 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2010-39825.

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Offshore wind power is an emerging technology capable of providing coastal cities, states, and countries with a substantial portion of their energy needs. The vast potential of offshore wind power has not been fully explored. This work endeavors to perform a review of the literature on offshore wind power. Structural, economic, and environmental aspects are discussed keeping in mind the current status of offshore wind power development around the world. Offshore wind power is a relatively new technology being used by countries such as Denmark, the United Kingdom, the United States, Germany, and China to provide larger and larger portions of their total energy needs. In 1991 Denmark opened its first commercial offshore wind farm in Vindeby producing a mere 4.95 MW of power. More ambitious projects followed and in 2001 the Middelgrunden, Copenhagen wind farm opened producing 40 MW of power. Then in 2000 the Horns Rev wind farm was put online producing 160 MW of power. The United Kingdom has many offshore wind power projects as well. The Blyth Offshore was opened in 2000 and produces 3.8 MW of power and several others in the United Kingdom produce anywhere from 10 to 90 MW of power. By 2007 end, Denmark had 402 MW and the UK had 395 MW, Ireland, Sweden and the Netherlands had varying amounts. Countries such as China and Germany are also leaders in the development of offshore wind power. In the United States, commercial offshore wind projects had a late start. The first operational offshore wind farms opened in 2007. However, the United States does not lag behind in wind power. In 2008 the United States produced more megawatt of wind power than any other country, making them the leader of wind power production. Offshore wind, however, only constitutes a tiny portion of the total wind power production of the United States. Recent advancements in the technology associated with wind power as a renewable energy source have made it a feasible form of climate change mitigation. Recent development has led countries such as Denmark, Portugal, and Spain to devote as much as 19% of their total energy production to wind power as of 2008, and is encouraging many other developed countries to do the same. This paper performs a review of the status of offshore wind projects internationally. It considers specifically the potential of the West Wind Drift near the southernmost tip of South America and the Antarctic Peninsula as a geographically and meteorologically advantageous location for the implementation of these wind technologies. Many of the more general problems associated with the use of wind turbines are eliminated by location alone. The winds that cause the Antarctic Circumpolar Currents (ACC) have a consistent west to east pattern and are some of the strongest winds on Earth, both ideal qualities when considering the possibility of wind power, and the wind in this area has very low intermittency. The average wind speed between 40°S and 60°S is 15 to 24 knots with strongest winds typically between 45°S and 55°S. Cape Horn is about 56°S [1]. Historically, the ACC has been called the ‘West Wind Drift’ because the prevailing westerly wind and current are both eastward. Owing to the remoteness of the Cape Horn area and Antarctica, many of the social matters associated with the development of wind farms are eliminated. Obvious factors must be considered when developing in such an area. The paper will cover the engineering requirements of turbines functioning in subzero temperatures consistently as well as the long distance transmission associated with development in this area and its economic feasibility. It will also cover the environmental and regulatory issues associated with the development in such an area.
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Reports on the topic "Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change"

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Fernández-Reyes, R., JL Piñuel-Raigada, and JC Águila Coghlan. Contrast of the journalistic coverage of climate change and global warming in Spain and in the international sphere: IV-V IPCC Reports and Bali-Copenhagen-Paris. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, October 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2017-1213en.

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Climate Change and Trade on the Road to Copenhagen. Geneva, Switzerland: International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.7215/gp_in_20100114.

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Climate Change and Trade on the Road to Copenhagen. Geneva, Switzerland: International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.7215/gp_pb_20090213.

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