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1

Granada, Miguel Ángel. "Thomas Digges, Giordano Bruno y el desarrollo del copernicanismo en Inglaterra." ENDOXA 1, no. 4 (January 1, 1994): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/endoxa.4.1994.4817.

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2

Lino, Alex. "As modificações na carta de Galileu destinada a Benedetto Castelli de dezembro 1613: uma tentativa de amenizar as acusações realizadas pela Igreja." Caderno Brasileiro de Ensino de Física 37, no. 1 (April 6, 2020): 219–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7941.2020v37n1p219.

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Este artigo tem o objetivo principal de discorrer sobre a carta de Galileu destinada a Benedetto Castelli, encontrada na biblioteca da Royal Society, em agosto do ano de 2018, pelo pesquisador Salvatore Ricciardo, da Universidade de Bergamo. Iremos discutir, principalmente, as modificações que Galileu realizou no texto da carta datada de 21 de dezembro de 1613. Esta carta já era muito conhecida pelos pesquisadores da área, no entanto, a descoberta de Ricciardo trouxe novas informações acerca da história do enfrentamento de Galileu com a Inquisição, na sua luta árdua em defesa ao copernicanismo e da autonomia da ciência em relação aos dogmas religiosos. A descoberta mostra que Galileu modificou o texto tentando amenizar suas duras críticas aos teólogos da época, que eram contra a ideia do heliocentrismo. A principal justificativa que os adversários do copernicanismo davam, centrava-se na subversão de algumas passagens da Sagrada Escritura, em especial na passagem de Josué. Até a descoberta de Ricciardo, a ideia mais aceita era a de que alguns clérigos rivais haviam modificado a carta para que Galileu fosse acusado mais facilmente de heresia pelo Tribunal da Inquisição e seus textos fossem proibidos pelo Index. No entanto, podemos verificar, a partir da descoberta, que, de fato, modificações na carta foram feitas, mas pelo próprio Galileu, como uma provável tentativa de se livrar de algumas acusações que a ele vinham sendo realizadas. Por fim, apresentaremos uma tradução da carta encontrada por Ricciardo, comentando as modificações realizadas por Galileu em relação à versão antiga.
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3

Levinas, Marcelo Leonardo, and Silvina Paula Vidal. "La cosmografía de Waldseemüller, la conceptualización de “América” y su relación con el copernicanismo." Scientiae Studia 14, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/s1678-31662016000200002.

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4

Powell, Russell. "Copernicanism and Its Biological Discontents." Quarterly Review of Biology 95, no. 1 (March 2020): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707955.

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5

Ćirković, Milan M., and Amedeo Balbi. "Copernicanism and the typicality in time." International Journal of Astrobiology 19, no. 2 (August 13, 2019): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1473550419000223.

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AbstractHow special (or not) is the epoch we are living in? What is the appropriate reference class for embedding the observations made at the present time? How probable – or else – is anything we observe in the fulness of time? Contemporary cosmology and astrobiology bring those seemingly old-fashioned philosophical issues back into focus. There are several examples of contemporary research which use the assumption of typicality in time (or temporal Copernicanism) explicitly or implicitly, while not truly elaborating upon the meaning of this assumption. The present paper brings attention to the underlying and often uncritically accepted assumptions in these cases. It also aims to defend a more radical position that typicality in time is not – and cannot ever be – well-defined, in contrast to the typicality in space, and the typicality in various specific parameter spaces. This, of course, does not mean that we are atypical in time; instead, the notion of typicality in time is necessarily somewhat vague and restricted. In principle, it could be strengthened by further defining the relevant context, e.g. by referring to typicality within the Solar lifetime, or some similar restricting clause.
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Weber, Alan S. "What Did Shakespeare Know About Copernicanism?" Romanian Journal of English Studies 9, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10319-012-0031-x.

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Abstract This contribution examines Shakespeare’s knowledge of the cosmological theories of Nicolaus Copernicus (1473-1543) as well as recent claims that Shakespeare possessed specialized knowledge of technical astronomy.
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7

Cirkovic, M. M. "Fermi's paradox: The last challenge for copernicanism?" Serbian Astronomical Journal, no. 178 (2009): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/saj0978001c.

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We review Fermi's paradox (or the 'Great Silence' problem), not only arguably the oldest and crucial problem for the Search for ExtraTerrestrial Intelligence (SETI), but also a conundrum of profound scientific, philosophical and cultural importance. By a simple analysis of observation selection effects, the correct resolution of Fermi's paradox is certain to tell us something about the future of humanity. Already more than three quarters of century old puzzle and a quarter of century since the last major review paper in the field by G. David Brin has generated many ingenious discussions and hypotheses. We analyze the often tacit methodological assumptions built in various answers to this puzzle and attempt a new classification of the numerous solutions proposed in an already huge literature on the subject. Finally, we consider the ramifications of various classes of hypotheses for the practical SETI projects. Somewhat paradoxically, it seems that the class of (neo)catastrophic hypotheses gives, on the balance, the strongest justification to optimism regarding our current and near-future SETI efforts.
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8

Hatch, Robert Alan. "Between Astrology and Copernicanism: Morin – Gassendi – Boulliau." Early Science and Medicine 22, no. 5-6 (January 18, 2017): 487–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02256p05.

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Jean-Baptiste Morin, arguably Europe’s most noted astrologer and anti-Copernican, was a key figure in a bitter controversy involving Pierre Gassendi, Ismaël Boulliau, and a dozen other notable savants. News of the dispute captivated Learned Europe for two decades (1630-1650). It was not a backwater affair. After a humiliating quarrel on longitude, Morin expressed his anger by publicly pitting astrology against Copernicanism, by counterpointing the Copernican Question and the Astrology Question in matters of theology and cosmology. His strategy failed. Capitalizing on Morin’s challenge, the New Science not only turned a bitter personal dispute into a fruitful public debate, it firmly established its autonomy and authority. In the end, astrology was not simply marginalized – it did not die from collateral damage – and it did not die a natural death. The death of astrology was by public execution.
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9

Danielson, Dennis. "Achilles Gasser and the Birth of Copernicanism." Journal for the History of Astronomy 35, no. 4 (November 2004): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860403500406.

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10

Drake, Stillman. "Galileo's steps to full Copernicanism, and back." Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 18, no. 1 (March 1987): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3681(87)90013-6.

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11

Wolff, Michael. "Impetus Mechanics as a Physical Argument for Copernicanism Copernicus, Benedetti, Galileo." Science in Context 1, no. 2 (September 1987): 215–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700000375.

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The ArgumentOne of the earliest arguments for Copernicanism was a widely accepted fact: that on a horizontal plane a body subject to no external resistance can be set in motion by the smallest of all possible forces. This fact was contrary to Aristotelian physics; but it was a physical argument (by abduction) for the possibility of the Copernican world system. For it would be explained if that system was true or at least possible.Galileo argued: only nonviolent motions can be caused by the smallest of all possible forces; hence resistance-free horizontal motions are nonviolent; this confirms Copernicanism insofar as it designates the rotations of celestial spheres (being resistance-free horizontal motions) as nonviolent.Galileo's argument was compatible with (and supportive of) the specific Copernican version of impetus mechanics; but it was also compatible with a (somewhat qualified) principle of inertia. Thus it promoted decisively the transition from impetus mechanics to classical inertial mechanics.
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12

Wilding, Nick. "Manuscripts in Motion: The Diffusion of Galilean Copernicanism." Italian Studies 66, no. 2 (July 2011): 221–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174861811x13009843386594.

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13

Baumgartner, Frederic J. "Scepticism and French Interest in Copernicanism to 1630." Journal for the History of Astronomy 17, no. 2 (May 1986): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868601700201.

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14

Holt, Lynn. "Rational Magic: Thomas Digges' Sixteenth Century Defense of Copernicanism." Modern Schoolman 79, no. 1 (2001): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/schoolman20017912.

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15

Van Helden, Albert. "Book Review: Copernicanism and Logic, Patterns, Thinking, and Cognition." Journal for the History of Astronomy 20, no. 3 (October 1989): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868902000308.

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16

McMullin, Ernan. "Book Review: Galileo: For Copernicanism and for the Church." Theological Studies 56, no. 2 (June 1995): 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056399505600217.

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17

galluzzi, paolo. "gassendi and l'affaire galilée of the laws of motion." Science in Context 14, s1 (June 2001): 239–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889701000369.

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in the lively discussions on galileo's laws of motion after the pisan's death, we observe what might be called a new “galilean affair.” that is, a trial brought against his new science of motion mainly by french and italian jesuits with the substantial adherence of m. mersenne. this new trail was originated by gassendi's presentation of galileo's de motu not simply as a perfectly coherent doctrine, but also as a convincing argument in favor of the truth of copernicanism.
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Galluzzi, Paolo. "Gassendi and l'Affaire Galilée of the Laws of Motion." Science in Context 13, no. 3-4 (2000): 509–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700003896.

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The ArgumentIn the lively discussions on Galileo's laws of motion after the Pisan's death, we observe what might be called a new “Galilean affair.” That is, a trial brought against his new science of motion mainly by French and Italian Jesuits with the substantial adherence of M. Mersenne. This new trail was originated by Gassendi's presentation of Galileo's de motu not simply as a perfectly coherent doctrine, but also as a convincing argument in favor of the truth of Copernicanism.
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19

Vassányi, Miklós. "Galilei életműve és kopernikánus eszméi. Eszmetörténeti áttekintés." Kaleidoscope history 11, no. 22 (2021): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2021.22.29-42.

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This study offers first a summary of Galileo’s life oeuvre, based on original sources. Second, it expounds on the arguments in detail he advanced while defending Copernicanism in five of his works, namely the Sidereus nuncius, the epistle addressed to Cristina di Lorena, the Dialogo, the Saggiatore, and the Discorsi e dimostrazioni. All interpretations endeavour to fine-tune Galilei’s points of view without the usual generalizations. Finally, a closing evaluation tries to clarify Galileo’s place in the history of European natural sciences.
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Avxentevskaya, Maria. "The Spiritual Optics of Narrative: John Wilkins’s popularization of Copernicanism." Journal of Literature and Science 8, no. 2 (July 1, 2015): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.12929/jls.08.2.01.

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21

Rothman, Aviva. "Forms of Persuasion: Kepler, Galileo, and the Dissemination of Copernicanism." Journal for the History of Astronomy 40, no. 4 (November 2009): 403–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860904000404.

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22

Wallace, William A. "Galileo: For Copernicanism and for the Church by Annibale Fantoli." Thomist: A Speculative Quarterly Review 60, no. 2 (1996): 317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tho.1996.0027.

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23

Nelson, Kevin. "How and how not to make predictions with temporal Copernicanism." Synthese 166, no. 1 (October 11, 2007): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11229-007-9259-5.

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24

van den Berg, Hugo A. "Beholding the cosmos: Huygens’ Cosmotheoros and the latter-day Copernicans." Science Progress 102, no. 3 (August 26, 2019): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0036850419872918.

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Christiaan Huygens, a founding father of modern physics and astronomy, speculated on extraterrestrial life toward the end of his life. Some of his speculations now seem quaint or naïve, but in other respects, Huygens was admirably enlightened. Huygens’ thought was permeated by Copernicanism and the associated way of thinking that may be termed the principle of indifference. Modern descendants of this statistical mode of generating speculations has given rise to speculations that are, in their own way, as naïve and untenable as Huygens’ argument for hemp on Jupiter.
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25

Cooper, Joshua. "Bioterrorism and the Fermi Paradox." International Journal of Astrobiology 12, no. 2 (January 16, 2013): 144–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1473550412000511.

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AbstractWe proffer a contemporary solution to the so-called Fermi Paradox, which is concerned with conflict between Copernicanism and the apparent paucity of evidence for intelligent alien civilizations. In particular, we argue that every community of organisms that reaches its space-faring age will (1) almost immediately use its rocket-building computers to reverse-engineer its genetic chemistry and (2) self-destruct when some individual uses said technology to design an omnicidal pathogen. We discuss some of the possible approaches to prevention with regard to Homo sapiens’ vulnerability to bioterrorism, particularly on a short-term basis.
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Ridder-Patrick, Jane. "The Marginalization of Astrology in Seventeenth-Century Scotland." Early Science and Medicine 22, no. 5-6 (January 18, 2017): 464–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02256p04.

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As evidenced by student notebooks, astrology was a core component of the university curriculum in Scotland until the late seventeenth century. Edinburgh University Library catalogues document that purchases of astrology books peaked in the 1670s. By 1700, however, astrology’s place in academia had been irrevocably lost. The reasons for this abrupt elimination include changes in natural philosophy as scholastic ideas and texts were shed and Cartesianism, Copernicanism, Newtonianism and the experimental and observational methods were adopted. The changing identity of astrological practitioners also played a major role, as did the personal animosity of influential individuals like the mathematician and astronomer David Gregory.
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NAYLOR, RON. "Galileo, Copernicanism and the origins of the new science of motion." British Journal for the History of Science 36, no. 2 (June 2003): 151–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087403004989.

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The remarkable developments in Galileo's theory of motion revealed by his letter to Guidobaldo del Monte in 1602 have never been easy to account for in view of the almost complete lack of direct evidence. By examining the nature of the empirical evidence for the new ideas he advanced in 1602 and his earliest writings on motion in De motu, it is argued that the source of this transformation was his Copernican beliefs. There exists evidence that those beliefs led him to start work on his theory of the tides by 1595, and by 1597 to state to Kepler that Copernicanism had allowed him to account for many otherwise inexplicable phenomena. These comments very probably related to his new study of rotary and linear motion, linked to his theory of circular fall, which it is argued was devised at this point, and to an investigation of the pendulum. Such an investigation would account for his new interest in isochronism and his discovery of the link between linear and circular motion and to the two laws of isochronism announced to Guidobaldo in 1602: that of the pendulum and the law of chords.
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Schmaltz, Tad M. "Galileo and Descartes on Copernicanism and the cause of the tides." Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 51 (June 2015): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.shpsa.2015.02.002.

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Raphael, Renée J. "Copernicanism in the Classroom: Jesuit Natural Philosophy and Mathematics after 1633." Journal for the History of Astronomy 46, no. 4 (October 30, 2015): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828615602413.

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Kubbinga, Henk. "Nicolaus Mulerius (1564-1630): Dissimulating Copernicanism in the Revolting Dutch Republic." Almagest 11, no. 2 (July 2020): 58–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.almagest.5.123110.

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31

Heller, Henry. "Copernican Ideas in Sixteenth Century France." Renaissance and Reformation 32, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v32i1.11775.

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The French religious wars were marked by intolerance and fanaticism. At the same time the ability of the established church and state to enforce religious and intellectual conformity was seriously undermined. In this atmosphere of crisis and relative intellectual freedom the old Aristotelian and scholastic certainties were shaken. As a result Copernicus' heliocentric theory became a subject of debate between different schools of thought. Conservatives regarded the notion of heliocentricity as a token of religious, moral and intellectual subversion. Neo-Platonists, sceptics and Ramists used the heliocentric idea as a means of attacking philosophical orthodoxy. The intellectual openness of the period prepared the ground for the reception of Galileo's version of Copernicanism at the beginning of the next century.
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Sytsma, David S. "Calvin, Daneau, and Physica Mosaica." Church History and Religious Culture 95, no. 4 (2015): 457–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09504005.

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This essay argues that there are overlooked lines of continuity between Jean Calvin (1509–1564) and the Mosaic physics of Lambert Daneau (ca. 1530–1595). Specifically, the essay demonstrates lines of continuity between Calvin and Daneau on the value and errors of natural philosophy, their relation to the patristic hexaemeral literature, and their understanding of Mosaic accommodation. The evidence produced challenges prevailing scholarship which views Daneau’s Physica Christiana as a radical departure from Calvin’s thought or associates Calvin’s accommodation doctrine with Copernicanism alone. Sources used include multiple editions of Calvin’s Institutio, Calvin’s commentaries, Daneau’s Physica Christiana (1576) and Physices christianae pars altera (1580), Johann Heinrich Alsted’s Physica Harmonica, Jacob van Lansbergen’s Apologia (1633), and post-Reformation commentaries on Genesis by Franciscus Junius, David Pareus, and Johann Piscator.
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de Asúa, Miguel. "Los phisicos modernos quasi todos son copernicanos: Copernicanism and its Discontents in Colonial Río De La Plata." Journal for the History of Astronomy 48, no. 2 (May 2017): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828617701210.

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This paper distinguishes four perspectives in the process of reception of Copernicanism in colonial Rio de la Plata: (1) the discussion of the systems of the world in the University of Córdoba by the Jesuits until 1767, (2) the treatment of this topic by the Franciscans in Córdoba and in their convent school in Buenos Aires, (3) the teaching by the secular clergy in the Colegio de San Carlos in the same city, and (4) the celebration of Copernicus by the enlightened naval engineer Pedro Cerviño in the Nautical School of the Consulado de Buenos Aires. The examination of these cases on the basis of manuscript sources and colonial printings shows that the reception of Copernican theory was an erratic process rich in incidences.
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Sołtysiak, Marek. "Próba przezwyciężenia doktryny podwójnej prawdy przez Galileusza." Humaniora. Czasopismo Internetowe 28, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/h.2019.4.2.

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The article is an attempt to answer the question of whether Galileo has overcome the doctrine of double truth in Copernican letters. The answer to this question is not unequivocal, just as the ‘Galileo case’ is unequivocal. As it is well known, the attempt to defend Copernicanism ended tragically for him. He had to revoke his view that the Earth revolves around the Sun. Also, as for the „evidence” presented by him on this matter, it proved to be either insufficient or false. However, the principle of the autonomy of science and faith, his emphasis on the authority of scientific knowledge and the authority of the Bible survived the period of condemnation of his thoughts and made itself felt in the nineteenth century, and today they determine the fides et ratio relation.
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Schliesser, Eric. "Wonder in the face of scientific revolutions: Adam Smith on Newton's ‘Proof’ of Copernicanism." British Journal for the History of Philosophy 13, no. 4 (November 2005): 697–732. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608780500293042.

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McMullin, Ernan. "Essay Review: Coming to Terms with Copernicanism, il suo Diario e la Questione Galileiana." Journal for the History of Astronomy 20, no. 1 (February 1989): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868902000107.

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Kochhar, Rajesh. "Promoting astronomy in developing countries: an historical perspective." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 2, SPS5 (August 2006): 21–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174392130700662x.

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AbstractAny international effort to promote astronomy world wide today must necessarily take into account its cultural and historical component. The past few decades have ushered in an age, which we may call the Age of Cultural Copernicanism. In analogy with the cosmological principle that the universe has no preferred location or direction, Cultural Copernicanism would imply that no cultural or geographical area, or ethnic or social group, can be deemed to constitute a superior entity or a benchmark for judging or evaluating others.In this framework, astronomy (as well as science in general) is perceived as a multi-stage civilizational cumulus where each stage builds on the knowledge gained in the previous stages and in turn leads to the next. This framework however is a recent development. The 19th century historiography consciously projected modern science as a characteristic product of the Western civilization decoupled from and superior to its antecedents, with the implication that all material and ideological benefits arising from modern science were reserved for the West.As a reaction to this, the orientalized East has often tended to view modern science as “their” science, distance itself from its intellectual aspects, and seek to defend, protect and reinvent “our” science and the alleged (anti-science) Eastern mode of thought. This defensive mind-set works against the propagation of modern astronomy in most of the non-Western countries. There is thus a need to construct a history of world astronomy that is truly universal and unselfconscious.Similarly, the planetarium programs, for use the world over, should be culturally sensitive. The IAU can help produce cultural-specific modules. Equipped with this paradigmatic background, we can now address the question of actual means to be adopted for the task at hand. Astronomical activity requires a certain minimum level of industrial activity support. Long-term maintenance of astronomical equipment is not a trivial task. There are any number of examples of an expensive facility falling victim to AIDS: Astronomical Instrument Deficiency Syndrome. The facilities planned in different parts of the world should be commensurate with the absorbing power of the acceptor rather than the level of the gifter.
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Pantin, Isabelle. "New philosophy and old prejudices: Aspects of the reception of Copernicanism in a divided Europe." Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 30, no. 2 (June 1999): 237–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0039-3681(98)00049-1.

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Finocchiaro, Maurice A. "Book Review: The Spread of Copernicanism in Italy: La Diffusione del Copernicanesimo in Italia 1543–1610." Journal for the History of Astronomy 30, no. 2 (May 1999): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869903000211.

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Hoskin, Michael. "Book Review: More on Galileo and the Church: Galileo: For Copernicanism and for the Church, Studi Galileiani." Journal for the History of Astronomy 35, no. 3 (August 2004): 365–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860403500311.

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Finocchiaro, Maurice A. "Galileo: For Copernicanism and for the Church. Annibale Fantoli , George V. CoyneGalileo: A Life. James Reston, Jr." Isis 86, no. 3 (September 1995): 486–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/357267.

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42

Westfall, Richard S. "A Defense of Galileo, the Mathematician from Florence, and: Galileo: For Copernicanism and for the Church (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 33, no. 3 (1995): 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.1995.0050.

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43

Kelter, Irving A. "A Catholic Theologian Responds to Copernicanism: The Theological Judicium of Paolo Foscarini’s Lettera." Renaissance and Reformation 33, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v33i2.11344.

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This paper is an in-depth analysis of the Carmelite Paolo Foscarini's role in the debate on Copernican cosmology in the early seventeenth century. Using as a point of departure the 1616 Judicium issued by the Catholic Church against Foscarini's pro-Copernican treatise, this analysis will lead to a clearer understanding of the discussions on the fluidity or hardness of celestial bodies, and more generally on the conflicting Biblical and Copernican models.
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Kusukawa, Sachiko. "Book Review: Copernicanism in Germany: Nouveau Ciel, Nouvelle Terre: La Révolution Copernicienne dans l'Allemagne de la Réforme (1530–1630)." Journal for the History of Astronomy 41, no. 4 (November 2010): 519–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182861004100415.

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45

Brooke, John Hedley. "Essay Review: Matters of Fact and Faith: Galileo: For Copernicanism and for the Church, Galileo: A Life, Galileo: Decisive Innovator." Journal for the History of Astronomy 27, no. 1 (February 1996): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869602700106.

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46

Feingold, Mordechai. "Book Review: Reactions to Copernicus: In Defense of the Earth's Centrality and Immobility: Scholastic Reaction to Copernicanism in the Seventeenth Century." Journal for the History of Astronomy 17, no. 3 (August 1986): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868601700310.

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47

Ćirković, Milan M., and Branislav Vukotić. "Astrobiological landscape: a platform for the neo-Copernican synthesis?" International Journal of Astrobiology 12, no. 1 (October 17, 2012): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1473550412000456.

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Abstract:
AbstractWe live in the epoch of explosive development of astrobiology, a novel interdisciplinary field dealing with the origin, evolution and the future of life. The relationship between cosmology and astrobiology is much deeper than it is usually assumed – besides a similarity in the historical model of development of these two disciplines, there is an increasing number of crossover problems and thematic areas which stem from considerations of Copernicanism and observation selection effects. Such a crossover area is both visualized and heuristically strengthened by introduction of the astrobiological landscape, describing complexity of life in the most general context. We argue that this abstract landscape-like structure in the space of astrobiological parameters is a concept capable of unifying different strands of thought and research, a working concept and not only a metaphor. By analogy with phase spaces of complex physical systems, we can understand the astrobiological landscape as a set of viable evolutionary histories of life in a particular region of space. It is a notion complementary to the classical concept of biological morphological space, underscoring the fact that modern astrobiology offers a prospect of both foundational support and vast extension of the domain of applicability of the Darwinian biological evolution. Such a perspective would strengthen foundations upon which various numerical models can be built; the lack of such quantitative models has often been cited as the chief weakness of the entire astrobiological enterprise.
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Aiton, E. J. "Edward Grant. In Defense of the Earth's Centrality and Immobility: Scholastic Reaction to Copernicanism in the Seventeenth Century. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society1984. Pp. 69. ISBN 0-87169-744-0. Price $10.00 (paper). - Edward Rosen. Copernicus and the Scientific Revolution. Malabar, Florida: Robert E. Krieger Publishing Company, 1984. Pp. 220. ISBN 0-89874-573-X. Price $6.50 (paper)." British Journal for the History of Science 19, no. 1 (March 1986): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400022895.

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49

Shank, Michael H. "Annibale Fantoli, Galileo: For Copernicanism and for the Church, translated by George V. Coyne, SJ. Studi Galileiani, 3. Rome: Vatican Observatory Publications, 1994 (distributed outside Italy by University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame, IN). First edition: pp. xix+540. ISBN 0-268-01029-3. Second edition, revised and corrected, 1996, pp. xx+567. ISBN 0-268-01032-3. $21.95. Rivka Feldhay, Galileo and the Church: Political Inquisition or Critical Dialogue? Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. viii+303. ISBN 0-521-34468-8. £35.00, $54.95." British Journal for the History of Science 30, no. 1 (March 1997): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087496232960.

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50

"So it wasn't Copernicanism!" Expository Times 100, no. 7 (April 1989): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468910000736.

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